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Rethinking “governance through goals”: The implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals in Colombia 重新思考“通过目标治理”:可持续发展目标在哥伦比亚的实施
IF 1.4 3区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-07 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.70044
Gonzalo A. Vargas, Daniela Borda Morales, Juan Manuel Arias Ortiz

Motivation

As discussions on the post-2030 development agenda gain momentum, it is urgent to assess the effectiveness of ‘governance through goals,’ and the influence of the Sustainable Development Goals on domestic norms and policies.

Purpose

The 2030 Agenda was conceived as a “plan of action” to steer national policies through an internationally agreed three-layered framework of 17 Goals, underpinned by a battery of targets and indicators. However, international relations scholars have claimed that its adoption merely conveys the shared aspirations of national governments rather than their commitment to domestic implementation.

Approach and methods

Colombia's pioneering role in the inception of the SDG offered an auspicious setting for its domestic implementation. We first examine the salience of the Goals, its targets, and indicators in national norms and policies from September 2015 to 2023; then we focus specifically on those related to food security and agriculture. The case study is further informed by interviews with officials from the national government and international organizations.

Findings

We provide further evidence of the gap between the discursive endorsement of the 2030 Agenda and its effective integration into domestic norms and policies. Instead of roadmaps towards sustainable development, the Goals were used to classify national targets, policies, projects, and budget items according to their broad themes. The 2030 Agenda's targets and indicators were rarely cited in domestic norms and policies.

Policy implications

The governance of the post-2030 development agenda must be refashioned to be effective. We envision two scenarios: the first involves reinforcing “governance through goals” with stricter, independent accountability mechanisms and participatory follow-up processes. The second involves embracing aspirations and focusing on diversity, innovation, and mutual learning rather than on targets, indicators, and deadlines. While undertaking these processes, countries should abide by their pledges to integrate the 2030 Agenda into their national policies.

随着关于2030年后发展议程的讨论日益深入,评估“通过目标进行治理”的有效性以及可持续发展目标对国内规范和政策的影响迫在眉睫。《2030年议程》被视为一项“行动计划”,旨在通过国际商定的17项目标的三层框架指导国家政策,并以一系列具体目标和指标为基础。然而,国际关系学者声称,它的采用只是传达了各国政府的共同愿望,而不是它们对国内实施的承诺。哥伦比亚在启动可持续发展目标方面的先锋作用为其在国内的实施提供了有利的环境。我们首先考察了2015年9月至2023年期间,千年发展目标及其具体目标和指标在国家规范和政策中的突出地位;然后,我们特别关注与粮食安全和农业有关的问题。通过对国家政府和国际组织官员的采访,进一步了解了案例研究。我们提供了进一步的证据,证明2030年议程的口头认可与将其有效纳入国内规范和政策之间存在差距。这些目标不是实现可持续发展的路线图,而是根据其广泛的主题对国家目标、政策、项目和预算项目进行分类。《2030年议程》的目标和指标很少在国内规范和政策中被引用。2030年后发展议程的治理必须改革,才能有效。我们设想了两种情况:第一种情况涉及通过更严格、独立的问责机制和参与性后续进程加强“目标治理”。第二种是拥抱抱负,关注多样性、创新和相互学习,而不是目标、指标和最后期限。在开展这些进程的同时,各国应遵守将2030年可持续发展议程纳入本国政策的承诺。
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引用次数: 0
Publish where you fund! On geospatial transparency of aid 发布你资助的地方!关于援助的地理空间透明度
IF 1.4 3区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-10-15 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.70043
Zdeněk Opršal

Motivation

Geospatial aid transparency, entailing the availability and accessibility of data on aid project locations, is a critical yet underexplored dimension of aid effectiveness and accountability. Geospatial aid transparency can improve donor coordination, public oversight, and the targeting of aid.

Purpose

I review how subnational geospatial data are accounted for in existing aid transparency indexes; examine the current state of online interactive mapping platforms providing project-level aid information; and discuss challenges in sharing and visualizing spatial data.

Methods

Platforms providing geospatial information are compared, focusing on experiences from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Malawi, and Moldova.

Findings

A diverse range of actors operate geospatial data platforms, including donors, implementing agencies, recipient governments, and independent third parties. Comparative analysis of selected platforms exposes inconsistencies in the number and location of aid activities. While geospatial tools have significant potential, they currently offer only a fragmented and sometimes misleading picture of aid delivery.

Policy Implications

For geospatial transparency to meaningfully enhance aid effectiveness, accurate reporting to robust data standards is necessary. The multi-stakeholder International Aid Transparency Initiative (IATI) should take the lead in advancing geospatial transparency.

地理空间援助透明度涉及援助项目地点数据的可用性和可获得性,这是援助有效性和问责制的一个关键但尚未得到充分探索的方面。地理空间援助的透明度可以改善捐助者的协调、公众监督和援助的目标。目的一:审查在现有援助透明度指数中如何计算次国家地理空间数据;审查提供项目级援助信息的在线交互式地图平台的现状;并讨论共享和可视化空间数据的挑战。方法对提供地理空间信息的平台进行比较,重点分析波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那、马拉维和摩尔多瓦的经验。运营地理空间数据平台的行为体多种多样,包括捐助方、执行机构、受援国政府和独立第三方。对选定平台的比较分析揭示了援助活动数量和地点的不一致。虽然地理空间工具具有巨大潜力,但它们目前只能提供一个支离破碎的、有时具有误导性的援助交付情况。要使地理空间透明度有意义地提高援助有效性,就必须根据可靠的数据标准进行准确报告。多方利益攸关方的国际援助透明度倡议(IATI)应带头推进地理空间透明度。
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引用次数: 0
Lost in Aggregation: Navigating noise and signals in measuring state fragility 迷失在聚合中:在测量状态脆弱性时导航噪声和信号
IF 1.4 3区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-09-29 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.70041
Gulzhan Asylbek kyzy, Gary Milante, Zina Nimeh, Kaj Thomsson

Motivation

The measurement of the fragility of countries continues to be a growing field, although there is less and less consensus on the definition of fragility. Moreover, quantifying highly complex concepts such as state fragility involves assumptions that differ substantially across indices. Yet, interest in advancing the ways of capturing fragility remains high. Therefore, it raises the question of why the fragility community remains invested in the concept despite the notable challenges and how we can make sense of the different fragility measures available today.

Purpose

This article considers why there are so many fragility indices and how they can be most useful to scholars and the international community. We contribute to a growing debate on this issue by explaining why multilateral organizations and donors are still invested in expanding the concept and by carrying out a stocktake of the current indices as well as offering suggestions about how to make sense of them.

Approach and methods

We identify the most widely used measures of state fragility and evaluate them according to the basic criteria for developing such indices as set out in the literature. We unpack the underlying source indicators to understand what the fragility indices ultimately tell us. We then briefly compare some of the current classifications as an example of how different definitions can result in inconsistent rankings.

Findings

A review of the available indices reveals that they can be sources of useful signals. However, there is also extraneous noise due to sourcing problems, problems of double-counting, or data time-lags.

Policy implications

Beyond reliance on composite indices, policy-makers can leverage publicly available indicators to define their own vision of an optimal state and identify targeted areas for improvement, fostering more context-specific and actionable strategies. Such an approach enables better use of underlying data for strategic planning and sustainable development, while ensuring that policies are reflective of the actual needs of fragile states.

衡量国家脆弱性继续成为一个不断发展的领域,尽管对脆弱性的定义的共识越来越少。此外,对状态脆弱性等高度复杂的概念进行量化,涉及的假设在不同指数之间存在很大差异。然而,人们对推进捕捉脆弱性的方法的兴趣仍然很高。因此,它提出了一个问题:尽管面临着显著的挑战,为什么脆弱性社区仍然对这一概念进行投资,以及我们如何理解目前可用的不同脆弱性衡量标准。本文探讨了为什么会有这么多脆弱性指数,以及它们如何对学者和国际社会最有用。我们通过解释为什么多边组织和捐助者仍在努力扩大这一概念,对目前的指数进行盘点,并就如何理解这些指数提出建议,从而促进了关于这一问题的日益激烈的辩论。方法和方法我们确定了最广泛使用的国家脆弱性措施,并根据文献中列出的制定此类指数的基本标准对其进行评估。我们分析了潜在的来源指标,以理解脆弱性指数最终告诉我们什么。然后,我们简要地比较了一些当前的分类,作为一个例子,不同的定义如何导致不一致的排名。对现有指数的回顾表明,它们可以是有用信号的来源。然而,由于来源问题、重复计算问题或数据滞后,也存在外来噪声。除了依赖综合指数外,政策制定者还可以利用公开可用的指标来确定自己对最佳状态的看法,并确定需要改进的目标领域,从而制定更具针对性和可操作性的战略。这种方法可以更好地利用基础数据进行战略规划和可持续发展,同时确保政策反映脆弱国家的实际需求。
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引用次数: 0
Digital access and women's work in Pakistan: Constraints, use patterns, and policy directions 巴基斯坦的数字访问和妇女工作:限制、使用模式和政策方向
IF 1.4 3区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-09-25 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.70042
Hadia Majid, Maryam Mustafa, Maria Nazar

Motivation

Mobile and internet usage has seen accelerated upward trends following the COVID-19 shock. There is growing evidence of the significant potential inherent in digital spaces in terms of upskilling, networking, and expanding earning opportunities. However, despite its potential, there remains a substantial divide in access to digital spaces, particularly from a gender perspective. This is especially so in patriarchal societies with strictly defined gender roles such as in Pakistan.

Purpose

In this article, we focus on women's patterns of digital technology and social media use in Pakistan and examine how these broadly connect with the labour market. We also explore the immense potential of the digital ecosystem, as well as the challenges women face in utilizing digital technologies to enhance their earning opportunities.

Approach and methods

Our study uses extensive qualitative research in the form of in-depth interviews, field observations, and focus group discussions with approximately 250 women of varying socioeconomic status, professions, and educational backgrounds. We also engaged with women's rights organizations, capacity building experts, and digital trainers in Pakistan.

Findings

Our findings suggest that although the digital ecosystem in Pakistan has significant potential to improve women's economic opportunities and outcomes, there are also substantial barriers that prevent them from fully engaging in the digital environment. We identify these constraints as: financial and time constraints, limited trust and privacy concerns, gendered power dynamics, and inadequate structures and infrastructural support.

Policy implications

It is imperative to implement processes and laws that utilize digital technology as a tool for the financial and social empowerment of women in Pakistan. Our article recommends increased government involvement and collaboration with private entities to provide affordable access to mobile phones and digital accessories, fund training and awareness programmes that promote the sustainable use of digital technology, and raise awareness about data privacy and online security.

在2019冠状病毒病冲击之后,移动和互联网的使用出现了加速上升趋势。越来越多的证据表明,数字空间在提高技能、建立网络和扩大收入机会方面具有巨大的内在潜力。然而,尽管数字空间具有潜力,但在获取数字空间方面仍然存在巨大差距,特别是从性别角度来看。在巴基斯坦这样有着严格性别角色界定的父权社会,情况尤其如此。在本文中,我们关注巴基斯坦女性使用数字技术和社交媒体的模式,并研究这些模式与劳动力市场的广泛联系。我们还探讨了数字生态系统的巨大潜力,以及妇女在利用数字技术增加收入机会方面面临的挑战。方法和方法我们的研究采用了广泛的定性研究,包括深度访谈、实地观察和焦点小组讨论,涉及约250名不同社会经济地位、职业和教育背景的女性。我们还与巴基斯坦的妇女权利组织、能力建设专家和数字培训师进行了接触。我们的研究结果表明,尽管巴基斯坦的数字生态系统在改善妇女的经济机会和成果方面具有巨大潜力,但也存在阻碍她们充分参与数字环境的重大障碍。我们将这些制约因素确定为:资金和时间限制、有限的信任和隐私问题、性别权力动态、结构和基础设施支持不足。在巴基斯坦,必须实施程序和法律,利用数字技术作为赋予妇女经济和社会权力的工具。我们的文章建议政府加强参与,并与私营实体合作,提供负担得起的移动电话和数字配件,资助培训和意识项目,促进数字技术的可持续使用,提高对数据隐私和在线安全的认识。
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引用次数: 0
Shared governance as a pathway to regional cooperation and development through the ItaipuCorpus 共建共治,通过共建意大利共同体实现区域合作与发展
IF 1.4 3区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-09-24 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.70040
Júlia Souza Luiz, Marina Rodrigues Mesquita

Motivation

Cross-border cooperation remains a critical challenge for sustainable development in regions marked by historical rivalries, geopolitical asymmetries, and socioenvironmental vulnerabilities. The Itaipu Binacional Hydroelectric Plant, jointly governed by Brazil and Paraguay, offers a unique case for examining how shared governance can transform potential conflict into coordinated development in South America.

Purpose

This study investigates how the institutional design and historical evolution of Itaipu Binacional enabled regional cooperation and development between Brazil, Paraguay and Argentina. The research addresses the following question: how did shared governance in the context of Itaipu Binacional contribute to facilitating regional cooperation and promoting development between Brazil, Paraguay and Argentina?

Approach and Methods

The analysis combines a historical descriptive approach with a critical institutional and legal review. The study draws on international treaties, national legislation, internal statutes, and empirical data published by Itaipu Binacional. The literature on hydrodiplomacy, regional integration, and consensual hydro-hegemony frames the theoretical discussion.

Findings

The findings suggest that Itaipu Binacional has served as a functional model of shared governance, facilitating energy integration, political rapprochement, and the creation of institutional mechanisms for cross-country cooperation. However, the project also exposed issues associated with unequal distribution of economic benefits, legal asymmetries, and the displacement of local communities—especially affecting the Guarani people. Although Brazil exercised hegemonic influence, it did so through a framework of negotiated parity, reinforcing the relevance of consensual hydro-hegemony as an analytical lens.

Policy Implications

The Itaipu experience underscores the potential of shared governance to promote development and prevent conflict in the Global South. Future infrastructure projects should incorporate inclusive governance models, equitable benefit-sharing mechanisms, and robust environmental safeguards. Institutional innovation, transparency, and participatory frameworks are essential to ensure that regional cooperation is effective and just.

跨境合作仍然是历史对抗、地缘政治不对称和社会环境脆弱性地区可持续发展的关键挑战。由巴西和巴拉圭联合管理的伊泰普国家水电站为研究共同治理如何将南美的潜在冲突转化为协调发展提供了一个独特的案例。本研究旨在探讨伊泰普国际的制度设计与历史演变如何推动巴西、巴拉圭与阿根廷三国的区域合作与发展。该研究解决了以下问题:伊泰普双国家背景下的共享治理如何促进巴西、巴拉圭和阿根廷之间的区域合作和发展?方法和方法分析结合了历史描述的方法与关键的制度和法律审查。该研究借鉴了国际条约、国家立法、国内法规和Itaipu Binacional出版的实证数据。关于水外交、区域一体化和共识水霸权的文献构成了理论讨论的框架。研究结果表明,Itaipu Binacional已成为共享治理的功能模式,促进了能源整合、政治和解和跨国合作的体制机制的建立。然而,该项目也暴露了与经济利益分配不均、法律不对称以及当地社区流离失所相关的问题,特别是对瓜拉尼人的影响。虽然巴西行使霸权影响,但它是通过谈判平等的框架这样做的,加强了协商一致的水霸权作为分析视角的相关性。伊泰普的经验强调了共同治理在促进发展和防止全球南方冲突方面的潜力。未来的基础设施项目应纳入包容性治理模式、公平利益分享机制和强有力的环境保障措施。制度创新、透明度和参与性框架对于确保有效和公正的区域合作至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
Different Worlds, Different Cooperation Models 不同的世界,不同的合作模式
IF 1.4 3区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-09-11 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.70033
Andrea Ordóñez Llanos

Three key trends will shape the future development cooperation system: increasing fragmentation in both geopolitics and the aid architecture; growing pressure on public sectors across countries at different income levels; and the high degree of interconnectedness among societies worldwide.

In both the Global North and Global South, governments are testing new modalities to enhance service coverage, including low-cost services and subsidising private providers for health, education and other functions that have historically been considered part of the public realm.

As these adaptive models emerge, a deeper and more troubling question remains: can a world without a strong public sector or shared commitment to public goods truly sustain development cooperation and solve global challenges?

Reimagining the nature and role of the public sector, balancing the influence of powerful private actors and revitalising a national and global commitment to universal public services (education, health and civic space) will be essential.

三大趋势将塑造未来的发展合作体系:地缘政治和援助架构日益碎片化;不同收入水平国家的公共部门面临越来越大的压力;以及世界各国社会之间高度的相互联系。在全球北方和全球南方,各国政府都在试验新的模式,以扩大服务覆盖面,包括低成本服务和补贴私营提供者提供保健、教育和其他历来被视为公共领域一部分的职能。随着这些适应性模式的出现,一个更深刻、更令人不安的问题仍然存在:一个没有强大的公共部门或对公共产品没有共同承诺的世界,能否真正维持发展合作并解决全球挑战?必须重新设想公共部门的性质和作用,平衡强大的私营行为者的影响,并重振国家和全球对普及公共服务(教育、卫生和公民空间)的承诺。
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引用次数: 0
Aid in the Age of Amazon: Imperial Logics, Pacific Resistance and an Alternate Paradigm 亚马逊时代的援助:帝国逻辑、太平洋抵抗和另一种范式
IF 1.4 3区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-09-09 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.70030
Dame Meg Taylor, Solstice Middleby, Suli Vunibola

Recent disruptions in international aid, including geopolitics, technological innovation, and budget cuts, have prompted debate about paradigm shift. Drawing on critical Pacific scholarship and regional experience, we argue these changes represent consolidation rather than transformation, intensifying imperial logics that have long defined aid relationships. Donor dominance persists, private actors proliferate, and Pacific agency remains constrained with the aid sector. Yet an alternative paradigm already exists. Through resistance, recalibration, and pragmatic diplomacy, Pacific states and societies have long asserted development as relational, sovereign, and self-determined. We argue real transformation will not come from within the system, but from joining those pushing beyond it.

最近国际援助的中断,包括地缘政治、技术创新和预算削减,引发了关于范式转变的辩论。根据重要的太平洋学术研究和地区经验,我们认为这些变化代表了巩固而不是转型,强化了长期以来定义援助关系的帝国逻辑。捐助机构的主导地位仍然存在,私人行为体激增,太平洋机构仍然受到援助部门的限制。然而,另一种范式已经存在。通过抵制、重新调整和务实外交,太平洋国家和社会长期以来一直主张发展是关系性的、主权的和自决的。我们认为,真正的变革不会来自系统内部,而是来自加入那些推动系统之外的人。
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引用次数: 0
Why the Polycrisis can also be a Polytunity 为什么多元危机也可以是多元机遇
IF 1.4 3区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-09-07 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.70032
Yuen Yuen Ang

Motivation

The term “polycrisis” has become a buzzword of the 2020s. Elite responses are trapped in doom because they fail or decline to diagnose the root causes of crisis in the first place. Yuen Yuen Ang argues that the polycrisis is only paralyzing for those attached to the old, Western-centric order. For others, especially in the Global South, it presents what she coins as a polytunity—a generative and truly global moment to rethink the intellectual foundations of development.

Purpose

Ang coins the term polytunity to invert the gloomy, Western-centric framing of the polycrisis. She identifies its intellectual root as the industrial-colonial paradigm, inherited from past centuries of modernization, and highlights its distorting effects. Ang introduces an alternative paradigm: Adaptive, Inclusive, and Moral (AIM) political economy.

Approach and Methods

Drawing from her years of research on adaptive, coevolutionary development (Ang 2016, 2024), Ang critiques the industrial-colonial paradigm that underpins mainstream development. She contrasts “thinking in machine mode” with the realities of adaptive social systems, and the imposition of “one-size-fits-all” templates with the everyday practice of “using what you have” across the developing world. She illustrates with cases from China, Africa, and Indigenous communities.

Findings

AIM shifts development thinking and practices in three key directions: Adaptive: From machine-thinking to adaptive political economy. Inclusive and moral: From a colonial logic of assimilation to indigenous innovation. Ang also reframes the role of the state not as top-down planning, but as directed improvisation.

Policy Implications

The polycrisis appears doomed only when viewed through the lens of Western decline. By contrast, polytunity calls attention to openings for institutional and intellectual transformation. Ang's AIM political economy offers both new research and policy agendas—particularly for actors who are not beholden to the legacy of domination but aspire to build a more just future.

“多元危机”一词已成为本世纪20年代的流行词。精英们的反应陷入了厄运,因为他们未能或拒绝从一开始就诊断出危机的根本原因。昂元元认为,多重危机只会让那些依附于旧的、以西方为中心的秩序的人瘫痪。对其他人来说,特别是在全球南方,它呈现了她所创造的多元机会——一个重新思考发展的智力基础的生成性和真正的全球性时刻。目的安创造了“多元机遇”一词来扭转以西方为中心的悲观的多元危机框架。她认为其思想根源是工业殖民模式,继承了过去几个世纪的现代化,并强调了其扭曲的影响。Ang介绍了另一种范式:适应性、包容性和道德(AIM)政治经济学。根据她多年来对适应性、共同进化发展的研究(Ang 2016, 2024), Ang批评了支撑主流发展的工业殖民范式。她将“机器思维模式”与适应性社会系统的现实进行了对比,将“一刀切”的模板与发展中国家“所有物”的日常实践进行了对比。她用来自中国、非洲和土著社区的案例来说明。AIM在三个关键方向上转变了发展思维和实践:适应性:从机器思维到适应性政治经济学。包容与道德:从同化的殖民逻辑到本土创新。Ang还重新定义了国家的角色,不是自上而下的计划,而是直接的即兴发挥。只有从西方衰落的角度来看,多元危机似乎注定要失败。相比之下,多元主义要求人们关注制度和知识变革的机会。Ang的AIM政治经济学提供了新的研究和政策议程,特别是对于那些不受统治遗产影响但渴望建立更公正未来的参与者。
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引用次数: 0
Safeguarding women in digital spaces: Legal responses to cyber harassment and objectification on social media 保护数字空间中的女性:对社交媒体上的网络骚扰和物化的法律回应
IF 1.4 3区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-08-29 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.70039
K. C. Mythili, K. Nagamani

Motivation

Digital objectification and cyber bullying are a growing menace in the virtual world, with women bearing the brunt of the harassment and compromising their autonomy, dignity and safety. These harms are exacerbated by patriarchal norms and intersectional disparities (by race, class, and geography) and there is a lack of adequate legal and platform responses.

Purpose

This research seeks to assess the state of international law that deals with cyber harassment and objectification of digital objects, gaps in enforcement, and gender-sensitive changes. It discusses the ways feminist and intersectional approaches can be used to guide better laws, platform responsibility, and victim safety.

Approach and Methods

Based on a qualitative, comparative legal analysis, the study compares the national and international legislation, such as the EU GDPR, Violence Against Women Act in the U.S., and Information Technology Act in India, as well as the treaties, such as the Budapest Convention. Feminist and intersectional approaches to case studies of high-profile incidents are used to evaluate the systemic failures and good practices.

Findings

The research shows that there are disjointed and unevenly applied legal safeguards. The most frequent problems are jurisdictional difficulties, insufficient gender-related provisions, poor regulation of the platform, and victim-blaming culture. New forms of online harassment such as deepfakes and non-consensual sharing of images are out-pacing the law. The vulnerability is further exacerbated by intersectional factors, especially women of colour, those identifying as LGBTQ+, and those living in rural or low-income settings.

Policy Implications

The results support the necessity of harmonised, gender-sensitive cyber laws that consider online harms that are specific to women. The recommendations are to create digital consent laws, enhance international collaboration, require platforms to be responsible, enhance law enforcement training, and incorporate survivor-centred practices. The involvement of the global community and cultural transition is critical to the rights and security of women in cyberspace.

数字物化和网络欺凌是虚拟世界中日益严重的威胁,女性首当其冲受到骚扰,自主权、尊严和安全受到损害。父权规范和交叉差异(种族、阶级和地理)加剧了这些危害,而且缺乏适当的法律和平台回应。本研究旨在评估处理网络骚扰和数字对象物化的国际法现状、执法差距和性别敏感变化。它讨论了如何使用女权主义和交叉方法来指导更好的法律、平台责任和受害者安全。方法和方法基于定性的比较法律分析,本研究比较了国家和国际立法,如欧盟的GDPR、美国的《反妇女暴力法》和印度的《信息技术法》,以及条约,如《布达佩斯公约》。对高调事件的案例研究采用女权主义和交叉方法来评估系统性失败和良好做法。研究表明,法律保障存在脱节和不均衡。最常见的问题是司法困难、与性别相关的规定不足、平台监管不力以及指责受害者的文化。新形式的网络骚扰,如深度伪造和未经同意的图片分享,正在超越法律的步伐。交叉因素进一步加剧了这种脆弱性,尤其是有色人种女性、LGBTQ+群体以及生活在农村或低收入环境中的女性。研究结果支持制定统一的、对性别敏感的网络法律的必要性,这些法律应考虑到针对女性的网络危害。这些建议包括制定数字同意法,加强国际合作,要求平台负责,加强执法培训,并纳入以幸存者为中心的实践。国际社会的参与和文化转型对女性在网络空间的权利和安全至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
Taking (anti-)‘woke’ seriously: the future of development cooperation and humanitarian aid 认真对待(反)“觉醒”:发展合作和人道主义援助的未来
IF 1.4 3区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-08-21 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.70031
Emma Mawdsley, Glenn Banks, Chloe Sanyu, Regina Scheyvens, John Overton

Purpose

This article examines the Trump administration’s ‘war on woke’ as a key narrative in dismantling USAID in early 2025, arguing that its cultural framing is politically significant alongside material and geopolitical impacts.

Approach

Drawing on Project 2025 and a Lonsdale and Black blog as examples, we explore how ‘woke’ is cast as a threat to US values and interests.

Findings

Cuts disproportionately harm women, children, and marginalised groups, while emboldening conservative actors globally. Anti-‘woke’ narratives gain traction from inequalities produced by neoliberal globalisation; liberal aid arguments have lost voter appeal. Reclaiming ‘woke’ in its original sense offers opportunities for justice-based development approaches.

Value

Foregrounding the cultural politics of aid, we call for structurally oriented, globally connected solidarity that engages alienated domestic constituencies and addresses racialised inequalities in North and South.

本文将特朗普政府的“对觉醒的战争”作为2025年初解散美国国际开发署的关键叙事进行了研究,认为其文化框架与物质和地缘政治影响一样具有政治意义。以2025计划和朗斯代尔和布莱克的博客为例,我们探讨了“觉醒”是如何被塑造成对美国价值观和利益的威胁的。预算削减对妇女、儿童和边缘群体的伤害过大,同时在全球范围内助长了保守派行为体的气焰。反“觉醒”的叙述从新自由主义全球化产生的不平等中获得了动力;自由主义援助的论点已经失去了选民的吸引力。恢复“觉醒”的原始意义为基于正义的发展方法提供了机会。在强调援助的文化政治的同时,我们呼吁以结构为导向、与全球联系紧密的团结,让疏离的国内选民参与进来,解决南北双方种族化的不平等问题。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Development Policy Review
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