Abstract By drawing on the perspective of the third-person effect (TPE), this study explains Chinese men’s general acquiescence to the nation’s recent media regulation on effeminate masculinity. Data were collected among Chinese male netizens through an online cross-sectional survey (N = 735) and processed using a paired samples t-test, regression analysis, and mediation test. The statistical results demonstrate that public silence is not based on their perception of a masculinity crisis but rather a generation gap in self-other perceptual biases that conceive the younger generation as more susceptible to the influence of effeminate male media figures. Furthermore, the study found that media exposure, perceived desirability, critical media literacy, and gender ideology significantly predicted respondents’ related perceptions through the mediation of social distance. While frequent media exposure and positive media portrayals have demonstrated a potential for reducing prejudice against nonconventional gender performances, the recent official restriction on effeminate masculinity may perpetuate this prejudice. Overall, this study enriches the literature on the TPE by comparing intergenerational differences in perceptual biases regarding the social implications of media portrayals of effeminate masculinity.
{"title":"Masculinity Crisis or Intergenerational Perceptual Biases? Explicating Public Acquiescence to the Media Regulation on Effeminate Masculinity","authors":"Xinying Yang, Hongfeng Qiu","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edad028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edad028","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract By drawing on the perspective of the third-person effect (TPE), this study explains Chinese men’s general acquiescence to the nation’s recent media regulation on effeminate masculinity. Data were collected among Chinese male netizens through an online cross-sectional survey (N = 735) and processed using a paired samples t-test, regression analysis, and mediation test. The statistical results demonstrate that public silence is not based on their perception of a masculinity crisis but rather a generation gap in self-other perceptual biases that conceive the younger generation as more susceptible to the influence of effeminate male media figures. Furthermore, the study found that media exposure, perceived desirability, critical media literacy, and gender ideology significantly predicted respondents’ related perceptions through the mediation of social distance. While frequent media exposure and positive media portrayals have demonstrated a potential for reducing prejudice against nonconventional gender performances, the recent official restriction on effeminate masculinity may perpetuate this prejudice. Overall, this study enriches the literature on the TPE by comparing intergenerational differences in perceptual biases regarding the social implications of media portrayals of effeminate masculinity.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":"238 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135394460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Educated individuals are believed to be more tolerant towards ethnic minorities—a finding widely inferred from standard survey items. We propose a new approach that helps mitigate the risk of socially desirability bias (SDB), using a multifactorial survey experiment with name-based vignette dimensions. The experiment is strategically inserted into a question about a social dilemma not related to ethnicity. By embedding our experiment into an established survey—the Swedish part of the European Values Survey—we show that individuals with a high level of education are more tolerant towards ethnic minorities, even under a lower risk of SDB. The study strengthens findings in prior research and supports the hypothesis that education can further ethnic tolerance.
{"title":"Is the Positive Effect of Education on Ethnic Tolerance a Method Artifact? A Multifactorial Survey Experiment on Social Desirability Bias in Sweden","authors":"Per Adman, Lutz Gschwind","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edad029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edad029","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Educated individuals are believed to be more tolerant towards ethnic minorities—a finding widely inferred from standard survey items. We propose a new approach that helps mitigate the risk of socially desirability bias (SDB), using a multifactorial survey experiment with name-based vignette dimensions. The experiment is strategically inserted into a question about a social dilemma not related to ethnicity. By embedding our experiment into an established survey—the Swedish part of the European Values Survey—we show that individuals with a high level of education are more tolerant towards ethnic minorities, even under a lower risk of SDB. The study strengthens findings in prior research and supports the hypothesis that education can further ethnic tolerance.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135394342","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sei-Hill Kim, Sang-Hwa Oh, Ali Zain, Yujin Heo, Jungmi Jun
Abstract Using data from a national survey in South Korea, this study offers micro-level evidence for the two-culture model of public understanding of science, which posits that a shift from an industrializing to a post-industrial society is accompanied by a transition from a culture of idealized science to a culture of skepticism. We investigate whether older South Koreans, who spent much of their lives during the intense industrialization of the country, hold more positive perceptions about science than younger generations, who grew up mostly in a post-industrial era. As predicted, older individuals perceived greater contributions of science, suggesting that they held more idealized perceptions of science than younger individuals. Perceived importance of economic development, scientific knowledge, ideology, uncertainty of scientific risks, and formal education mediated the link between age and perceived contributions of science, suggesting that these mediators may function as causal mechanisms that could explain why citizens in post-industrial societies tend to have more skeptical perceptions about science than those in industrializing countries.
{"title":"Transition from Idealized Science to Culture of Skepticism in South Korea: Micro-Level Evidence for the Two-Culture Model of Public Understanding of Science","authors":"Sei-Hill Kim, Sang-Hwa Oh, Ali Zain, Yujin Heo, Jungmi Jun","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edad026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edad026","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Using data from a national survey in South Korea, this study offers micro-level evidence for the two-culture model of public understanding of science, which posits that a shift from an industrializing to a post-industrial society is accompanied by a transition from a culture of idealized science to a culture of skepticism. We investigate whether older South Koreans, who spent much of their lives during the intense industrialization of the country, hold more positive perceptions about science than younger generations, who grew up mostly in a post-industrial era. As predicted, older individuals perceived greater contributions of science, suggesting that they held more idealized perceptions of science than younger individuals. Perceived importance of economic development, scientific knowledge, ideology, uncertainty of scientific risks, and formal education mediated the link between age and perceived contributions of science, suggesting that these mediators may function as causal mechanisms that could explain why citizens in post-industrial societies tend to have more skeptical perceptions about science than those in industrializing countries.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135098632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nonresponses to vote intention questions notoriously impact the quality of electoral predictions. This issue has gained visibility in the US due to the aftermath of the 2020 presidential election. Indeed, the failure of many major pollsters in predicting election results in several key states stimulated a renewed attention for the so-called shy Trump supporter hypothesis, according to which Trump supporters would be more likely to hide their vote preference in electoral surveys due to social desirability bias. Interestingly, extant studies generally overlook the role that the socio-political environments could play in respondent decisions to disclose one’s own political preferences. In this research note, we test the effect of local political climate on survey respondents’ willingness to express their vote intentions, conditional on their ideological orientations. We test our hypotheses by means of logistic regressions on data from the 2020 Cooperative Election Study, matched with prior presidential election results at the county level using data from the MIT Election Data and Science Lab. Our findings suggest the political–electoral context of respondents is likely to trigger a social desirability mechanism leading to reticence about one’s own preferred political options within the 2020 presidential election. This pattern applies especially to conservative-leaning respondents.
{"title":"Always Silent? Exploring Contextual Conditions for Nonresponses to Vote Intention Questions at the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election","authors":"S. Camatarri, Lewis Luartz, M. Gallina","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edad025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edad025","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Nonresponses to vote intention questions notoriously impact the quality of electoral predictions. This issue has gained visibility in the US due to the aftermath of the 2020 presidential election. Indeed, the failure of many major pollsters in predicting election results in several key states stimulated a renewed attention for the so-called shy Trump supporter hypothesis, according to which Trump supporters would be more likely to hide their vote preference in electoral surveys due to social desirability bias. Interestingly, extant studies generally overlook the role that the socio-political environments could play in respondent decisions to disclose one’s own political preferences. In this research note, we test the effect of local political climate on survey respondents’ willingness to express their vote intentions, conditional on their ideological orientations. We test our hypotheses by means of logistic regressions on data from the 2020 Cooperative Election Study, matched with prior presidential election results at the county level using data from the MIT Election Data and Science Lab. Our findings suggest the political–electoral context of respondents is likely to trigger a social desirability mechanism leading to reticence about one’s own preferred political options within the 2020 presidential election. This pattern applies especially to conservative-leaning respondents.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41856043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Two separate lines of literature have analyzed the role social trust and human values, such as universalism and conservatism, have on anti-immigrant sentiment. While both show strong effects, the question of whether social trust weakens or strengthens already embodied values has not been addressed. The possibility that trust works against or with conservatism, for example, predicts two opposing forces on anti-immigrant sentiment. This study analyzes the potential moderating effect of trust on human values, and how this varies cross-nationally. It develops a conceptual framework that hypothesizes different models of trust and tests these using eight rounds of the European Social Survey (2002–2016). Findings point to trust consistently working with values, which suggests a magnification of conservative values’ anti-immigrant effects. While there is little evidence for national cultures of trust and values, country-specific results show variation in how trust moderates values, with greater evidence for trust’s moderation of conservatism and some unpredicted patterns in countries like Cyprus. Findings are discussed within the context of anti-immigrant politics and entrenched values, scholarly debates surrounding bridging and bonding, and the resulting extent of social trust’s radius.
{"title":"Social Trust, Human Values, and Anti-immigrant Sentiment: Does Trust Work With or Against Values?","authors":"Aaron Ponce","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edad023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edad023","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Two separate lines of literature have analyzed the role social trust and human values, such as universalism and conservatism, have on anti-immigrant sentiment. While both show strong effects, the question of whether social trust weakens or strengthens already embodied values has not been addressed. The possibility that trust works against or with conservatism, for example, predicts two opposing forces on anti-immigrant sentiment. This study analyzes the potential moderating effect of trust on human values, and how this varies cross-nationally. It develops a conceptual framework that hypothesizes different models of trust and tests these using eight rounds of the European Social Survey (2002–2016). Findings point to trust consistently working with values, which suggests a magnification of conservative values’ anti-immigrant effects. While there is little evidence for national cultures of trust and values, country-specific results show variation in how trust moderates values, with greater evidence for trust’s moderation of conservatism and some unpredicted patterns in countries like Cyprus. Findings are discussed within the context of anti-immigrant politics and entrenched values, scholarly debates surrounding bridging and bonding, and the resulting extent of social trust’s radius.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44970589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
What happens when a crisis such as COVID-19 fully occupies the political and media agenda? Do previous political concerns, such as those on migration, remain salient? Here, I propose and validate a model of issue survival during times of crisis. I argue that issues remain salient when individuals are able to cognitively link “displaced” issues with the ongoing crisis. Such connections between displaced issues and the crisis can be influenced by the media, who, through a process of networked agenda setting, help establish connections between issues. I test this model on the salience of migration during the COVID-19 pandemic in Switzerland and Germany. Leveraging panel surveys administered before and during lockdowns, I show that the issue of migration was displaced during the crisis. Nevertheless, as proposed by the model, this decline in issue salience did not occur for individuals connecting migration to the pandemic. Combining panels with individual-level media consumption data obtained through webtracking, I provide evidence that issue survival was significantly related to the consumption of news stories linking migration to the COVID-19 crisis. The study raises questions about the flow of public opinion during moments of mass uncertainty and highlights the key role media consumption can play in understanding previous issues in new a light.
{"title":"On Issue Survival: News Media and How Political Issues Remain Salient in the Face of Crisis","authors":"Ernesto de León","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edad024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edad024","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 What happens when a crisis such as COVID-19 fully occupies the political and media agenda? Do previous political concerns, such as those on migration, remain salient? Here, I propose and validate a model of issue survival during times of crisis. I argue that issues remain salient when individuals are able to cognitively link “displaced” issues with the ongoing crisis. Such connections between displaced issues and the crisis can be influenced by the media, who, through a process of networked agenda setting, help establish connections between issues. I test this model on the salience of migration during the COVID-19 pandemic in Switzerland and Germany. Leveraging panel surveys administered before and during lockdowns, I show that the issue of migration was displaced during the crisis. Nevertheless, as proposed by the model, this decline in issue salience did not occur for individuals connecting migration to the pandemic. Combining panels with individual-level media consumption data obtained through webtracking, I provide evidence that issue survival was significantly related to the consumption of news stories linking migration to the COVID-19 crisis. The study raises questions about the flow of public opinion during moments of mass uncertainty and highlights the key role media consumption can play in understanding previous issues in new a light.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42635187","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The number of legislations around the world restricting the use and publication of pre-election polls during election campaigns is on the rise. However, we do not have a good sense of the extent to which citizens are against the publication of pre-election polls and what factors drive support or opposition for their regulation. In this research note, we tackle these issues using data from the 2019 Canadian Election Study. Our findings show that citizens are quite divided on whether polls should be banned during the last week of the campaign. Moreover, contrary to our expectations, we find almost no evidence of partisan effects in citizens’ opinions about the regulation of polls. We interpret these findings as good news for democracy as citizens, at least in some contexts, do not seem to rely on partisan considerations when it comes to the regulation of political information.
{"title":"The Regulation of Pre-election Polls: A Citizen’s Perspective","authors":"Jean-François Daoust, Philippe Mongrain","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edad022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edad022","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The number of legislations around the world restricting the use and publication of pre-election polls during election campaigns is on the rise. However, we do not have a good sense of the extent to which citizens are against the publication of pre-election polls and what factors drive support or opposition for their regulation. In this research note, we tackle these issues using data from the 2019 Canadian Election Study. Our findings show that citizens are quite divided on whether polls should be banned during the last week of the campaign. Moreover, contrary to our expectations, we find almost no evidence of partisan effects in citizens’ opinions about the regulation of polls. We interpret these findings as good news for democracy as citizens, at least in some contexts, do not seem to rely on partisan considerations when it comes to the regulation of political information.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41761724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Neoliberal educational reforms that emphasize market-based competition and individual responsibility have exacerbated socioeconomic segregation in the Australian school system, thereby putting underprivileged students at a greater disadvantage. This necessitates a renewed focus on educational equity. As the public’s policy preferences are important in policymaking, it is essential to understand the factors that contribute to the public’s attitudes toward equity-oriented educational policies. In this study, we investigated beliefs about collective responsibility as a contributing factor. An online survey of adults (N = 1,999) conducted in the most populous state in Australia revealed that people’s beliefs about collective responsibility for socioeconomic achievement gaps positively predicted their support for public assistance to students and schools in need. Furthermore, people’s appraisals of educational equity positively predicted their support for public assistance, partly due to its positive effects on those beliefs about collective responsibility. These results provide insight into ways to shape the public’s attitudes toward equity-oriented educational policies.
{"title":"Beliefs About Collective Responsibility for Educational Equity and Attitudes Toward Public Assistance to Students Experiencing Socioeconomic Disadvantage","authors":"Jung‐Sook Lee, Jihyun Lee","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edad021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edad021","url":null,"abstract":"Neoliberal educational reforms that emphasize market-based competition and individual responsibility have exacerbated socioeconomic segregation in the Australian school system, thereby putting underprivileged students at a greater disadvantage. This necessitates a renewed focus on educational equity. As the public’s policy preferences are important in policymaking, it is essential to understand the factors that contribute to the public’s attitudes toward equity-oriented educational policies. In this study, we investigated beliefs about collective responsibility as a contributing factor. An online survey of adults (N = 1,999) conducted in the most populous state in Australia revealed that people’s beliefs about collective responsibility for socioeconomic achievement gaps positively predicted their support for public assistance to students and schools in need. Furthermore, people’s appraisals of educational equity positively predicted their support for public assistance, partly due to its positive effects on those beliefs about collective responsibility. These results provide insight into ways to shape the public’s attitudes toward equity-oriented educational policies.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45503662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The present study applies the communication mediation model (CMM) to the increasingly prevalent patterns of partisan communication in contemporary polarized politics and fragmented partisan media environments. Specifically, we test the CMM considering (a) two types of news consumption (like-minded and cross-cutting) in the place of overall news use and (b) both affective and cognitive responses. We propose a partisan CMM that consists of a two-step mediation linking partisan news consumption to participation through talk and affective polarization. Results from national survey data covering three U.S. presidential election cycles (the 2012, 2016, and 2020 American National Election Studies) generally supported the model, with like-minded and cross-cutting news use having differential mediation processes on participation.
{"title":"Communication Mediation in an Era of Partisan Selectivity: Modeling Effects of Information and Discussion on Participation","authors":"Seungsu Lee, Jaeho Cho","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edad020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edad020","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The present study applies the communication mediation model (CMM) to the increasingly prevalent patterns of partisan communication in contemporary polarized politics and fragmented partisan media environments. Specifically, we test the CMM considering (a) two types of news consumption (like-minded and cross-cutting) in the place of overall news use and (b) both affective and cognitive responses. We propose a partisan CMM that consists of a two-step mediation linking partisan news consumption to participation through talk and affective polarization. Results from national survey data covering three U.S. presidential election cycles (the 2012, 2016, and 2020 American National Election Studies) generally supported the model, with like-minded and cross-cutting news use having differential mediation processes on participation.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135454409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Julia Trautendorfer, Lisa Schmidthuber, D. Hilgers
Analyses of comparative survey data can contribute to a more thorough understanding of citizens’ perceptions of and attitudes toward government. Thus, especially in public administration research, survey data can be a valuable research resource. This research note aims at providing an inventory of comprehensive, open-access survey data to advance quantitative public administration research about citizens’ attitudes. Applying a systematic dataset research, we found a total of 23 surveys useful for advancing public administration research, especially research on citizen–state interaction. As major contributions, first, the note sheds light on current survey status quo by capturing both data origin and usage in research. Second, it outlines an agenda for future research to draw scholarly attention to research opportunities in public administration research that could be addressed by the data.
{"title":"Surveys Under the Lens: How Public Administration Research Can Benefit from Citizen Survey Data","authors":"Julia Trautendorfer, Lisa Schmidthuber, D. Hilgers","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edad019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edad019","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Analyses of comparative survey data can contribute to a more thorough understanding of citizens’ perceptions of and attitudes toward government. Thus, especially in public administration research, survey data can be a valuable research resource. This research note aims at providing an inventory of comprehensive, open-access survey data to advance quantitative public administration research about citizens’ attitudes. Applying a systematic dataset research, we found a total of 23 surveys useful for advancing public administration research, especially research on citizen–state interaction. As major contributions, first, the note sheds light on current survey status quo by capturing both data origin and usage in research. Second, it outlines an agenda for future research to draw scholarly attention to research opportunities in public administration research that could be addressed by the data.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42662782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：