Natasha Doré, Nicole Satherley, K. Yogeeswaran, Andrew J. Vonasch, M. Verkuyten, C. Sibley
{"title":"Boundaries of Free Speech: Profiling Support for Acceptance of Free Speech and Restrictions on Offensive Speech","authors":"Natasha Doré, Nicole Satherley, K. Yogeeswaran, Andrew J. Vonasch, M. Verkuyten, C. Sibley","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edac039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edac039","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45552766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Concerns over political sensitivity bias in survey research in stable autocracies have been raised by previous studies. However, as democracy recedes worldwide, it remains unclear how pervasive such bias is in autocratizing contexts. This research note aims to demonstrate the extent of sensitivity bias in an autocratizing context using the case of Hong Kong, where political freedoms are rapidly shrinking. In doing so, we aim to detect sensitivity bias by analyzing panel survey data without relying on list experiments. Our analyses of online panel survey data collected before and after the enactment of the Hong Kong National Security Law and its related political crackdown found that pro-democracy respondents subject to political repression (1) are more likely to drop out of the panel of a political poll, (2) even when they do not drop out, they falsify some potentially sensitive past behavior, and (3) pro-democracy moderates are more likely to engage in preference falsification. Theoretical implications for understanding public opinion in autocratizing contexts are discussed.
{"title":"Political sensitivity bias in autocratizing Hong Kong","authors":"Tetsurou Kobayashi, Po-ying. Chan","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edac028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edac028","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Concerns over political sensitivity bias in survey research in stable autocracies have been raised by previous studies. However, as democracy recedes worldwide, it remains unclear how pervasive such bias is in autocratizing contexts. This research note aims to demonstrate the extent of sensitivity bias in an autocratizing context using the case of Hong Kong, where political freedoms are rapidly shrinking. In doing so, we aim to detect sensitivity bias by analyzing panel survey data without relying on list experiments. Our analyses of online panel survey data collected before and after the enactment of the Hong Kong National Security Law and its related political crackdown found that pro-democracy respondents subject to political repression (1) are more likely to drop out of the panel of a political poll, (2) even when they do not drop out, they falsify some potentially sensitive past behavior, and (3) pro-democracy moderates are more likely to engage in preference falsification. Theoretical implications for understanding public opinion in autocratizing contexts are discussed.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45891050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Discussion surrounding refugee policy often includes characterizations of refugees themselves. I use an experiment to identify how the characterizations used to describe refugees influence attitudes toward restrictive refugee policies among Christian and Muslim Americans. Overall, I find broad support among Christians and ambivalence among Muslims sampled for a policy that would dramatically reduce refugee entry in the USA. However, I also find that Muslim American respondents are significantly less supportive of restrictive policies when refugees are explicitly identified as Muslim but there is no such impact among Christian Americans. My findings contribute to our understanding of how characterizations about refugees and explicit religious cues impact policy attitudes and how political communication influences small minority groups in the USA.
{"title":"How Characterizations of Refugees Shape Attitudes Toward Refugee Restrictions: A Study of Christian and Muslim Americans","authors":"I. Skinner","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edac022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edac022","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Discussion surrounding refugee policy often includes characterizations of refugees themselves. I use an experiment to identify how the characterizations used to describe refugees influence attitudes toward restrictive refugee policies among Christian and Muslim Americans. Overall, I find broad support among Christians and ambivalence among Muslims sampled for a policy that would dramatically reduce refugee entry in the USA. However, I also find that Muslim American respondents are significantly less supportive of restrictive policies when refugees are explicitly identified as Muslim but there is no such impact among Christian Americans. My findings contribute to our understanding of how characterizations about refugees and explicit religious cues impact policy attitudes and how political communication influences small minority groups in the USA.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44713943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Previous research has shown that corruption diminishes citizens’ level of political support and engagement. We extend this line of reasoning and evaluate whether previous levels of perceived corruption can influence subsequent levels of political knowledge. We test this proposition with data from a two-wave panel probability survey applied in Chile between 2016 and 2017, just after a 2-year period in which an avalanche of corruption scandals shook the country. Our estimates confirm that perceived corruption reduces subsequent political knowledge, while controlling for prior knowledge. This pattern is particularly strong among non-ideologues and people ideologically distant from the incumbent government. Given the status of political knowledge as a democratically valuable trait, our results uncover some normatively disturbing consequences of corruption.
{"title":"Corruption and Political Knowledge Erosion. A Cautionary Tale from Latin America","authors":"Matías Bargsted, I. Bachmann, S. Valenzuela","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edac015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edac015","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Previous research has shown that corruption diminishes citizens’ level of political support and engagement. We extend this line of reasoning and evaluate whether previous levels of perceived corruption can influence subsequent levels of political knowledge. We test this proposition with data from a two-wave panel probability survey applied in Chile between 2016 and 2017, just after a 2-year period in which an avalanche of corruption scandals shook the country. Our estimates confirm that perceived corruption reduces subsequent political knowledge, while controlling for prior knowledge. This pattern is particularly strong among non-ideologues and people ideologically distant from the incumbent government. Given the status of political knowledge as a democratically valuable trait, our results uncover some normatively disturbing consequences of corruption.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42090100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Calamitous Connection: Declining Political Trust Amplifies the Negative Effect of Growing Concerns About Democracy on the Acceptance of Anti-pandemic Policies","authors":"Eva‐Maria Trüdinger, Achim Hildebrandt, Matthias Sand, Anja Rieker","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edac018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edac018","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42327339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While previous research has thoroughly investigated the structure of Americans’ foreign policy beliefs, existing literature tells us far less about the determinants of public support for U.S. military alliances. In the following paper, we examine whether former President Donald Trump’s framing altered public support for the U.S.-North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military alliance. First, using survey data from the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, we show that support for NATO became polarized after 2016. Second, employing a survey experiment, we test two causal mechanisms that might explain these shifts: (1) a framing model positing that reframing the alliance to emphasize financial costs decreased public support and (2) a cue-taking model positing that opinion on NATO realigned to conform to (or reject) former President Trump’s stated positions. Our experimental results reveal that reframing the alliance decreased support for NATO while the presence of a partisan cue had little or no effect.
{"title":"U.S. Public Support for the U.S.-NATO Alliance","authors":"K. Lee, Kirby Goidel","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edac011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edac011","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 While previous research has thoroughly investigated the structure of Americans’ foreign policy beliefs, existing literature tells us far less about the determinants of public support for U.S. military alliances. In the following paper, we examine whether former President Donald Trump’s framing altered public support for the U.S.-North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military alliance. First, using survey data from the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, we show that support for NATO became polarized after 2016. Second, employing a survey experiment, we test two causal mechanisms that might explain these shifts: (1) a framing model positing that reframing the alliance to emphasize financial costs decreased public support and (2) a cue-taking model positing that opinion on NATO realigned to conform to (or reject) former President Trump’s stated positions. Our experimental results reveal that reframing the alliance decreased support for NATO while the presence of a partisan cue had little or no effect.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42455279","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Recent work on voting behavior and political attitudes has established the relevance of anti-intellectual (Merkley, E. (2020). Anti-intellectualism, populism, and motivated resistance to expert consensus. Public Opinion Quarterly, 84(1), 24–48. doi: 10.1093/poq/nfz053; Motta, M. (2018a). The dynamics and political implications of anti-intellectualism in the United States. American Politics Research, 46(3), 465–498. doi: 10.1177/1532673X17719507; Motta, M. (2018b). The polarizing effect of the March for Science on attitudes toward scientists. PS, Political Science & Politics, 51(4), 782. doi: 10.1017/S1049096518000938), anti-science (Mede, N. G., & Schäfer, M. S. (2020). Science-related populism: Conceptualizing populist demands toward science. Public Understanding of Science, 29(5), 473–491. doi: 10.1177/0963662520924259; Rekker, R. (2021). The nature and origins of political polarization over science. Public Understanding of Science, 30(4), 352–368. doi: 10.1177%2F0963662521989193) and anti-expertise (Brewer, M. D. (2016). Populism in American politics. The Forum, 14, 249–264. doi: 10.1515/for-2016-0021; Oliver, J. E., & Rahn, W. M. (2016). Rise of the Trumpenvolk: Populism in the 2016 Election. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 667(1), 189–206. doi: 10.1177/0002716216662639) attitudes in politics. However, the increasing relevance of anti-expertise attitudes raises a paradox, as one of the most well-established claims of the persuasion literature concerns the influence of expert sources on attitudes (O’Keefe, D. J. (2016). Persuasion: Theory and research. (3rd ed.) SAGE Publications, Inc.; Pornpitakpan, C. (2004). The persuasiveness of source credibility: A critical review of five decades’ evidence. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 34, 243–281. doi: 10.1111/j.1559-1816.2004.tb02547.x). The current paper explores the influence of messages based on public and expert consensus, as well as the interaction of these messages with expressed mistrust of experts relative to the public. The issue we explore concerns environmental regulations relating to water, an issue on which partisan elites are divided, but one that has not played a highly salient role in recent political discourse. We find that mistrust of experts is negatively related to support for these regulations, as expected, but that, contrary to prior research, increases in mistrust of experts in fact enhanced the impact of the expert message. We discuss potential explanations for why this pattern of results differs from prior work.
{"title":"Do Populists Really Reject Expert Judgment?: Expert Consensus and Support for Clean Water Act Protections","authors":"D. Bergan, M. Lapinski, Shawn Turner","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edac016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edac016","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Recent work on voting behavior and political attitudes has established the relevance of anti-intellectual (Merkley, E. (2020). Anti-intellectualism, populism, and motivated resistance to expert consensus. Public Opinion Quarterly, 84(1), 24–48. doi: 10.1093/poq/nfz053; Motta, M. (2018a). The dynamics and political implications of anti-intellectualism in the United States. American Politics Research, 46(3), 465–498. doi: 10.1177/1532673X17719507; Motta, M. (2018b). The polarizing effect of the March for Science on attitudes toward scientists. PS, Political Science & Politics, 51(4), 782. doi: 10.1017/S1049096518000938), anti-science (Mede, N. G., & Schäfer, M. S. (2020). Science-related populism: Conceptualizing populist demands toward science. Public Understanding of Science, 29(5), 473–491. doi: 10.1177/0963662520924259; Rekker, R. (2021). The nature and origins of political polarization over science. Public Understanding of Science, 30(4), 352–368. doi: 10.1177%2F0963662521989193) and anti-expertise (Brewer, M. D. (2016). Populism in American politics. The Forum, 14, 249–264. doi: 10.1515/for-2016-0021; Oliver, J. E., & Rahn, W. M. (2016). Rise of the Trumpenvolk: Populism in the 2016 Election. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 667(1), 189–206. doi: 10.1177/0002716216662639) attitudes in politics. However, the increasing relevance of anti-expertise attitudes raises a paradox, as one of the most well-established claims of the persuasion literature concerns the influence of expert sources on attitudes (O’Keefe, D. J. (2016). Persuasion: Theory and research. (3rd ed.) SAGE Publications, Inc.; Pornpitakpan, C. (2004). The persuasiveness of source credibility: A critical review of five decades’ evidence. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 34, 243–281. doi: 10.1111/j.1559-1816.2004.tb02547.x). The current paper explores the influence of messages based on public and expert consensus, as well as the interaction of these messages with expressed mistrust of experts relative to the public. The issue we explore concerns environmental regulations relating to water, an issue on which partisan elites are divided, but one that has not played a highly salient role in recent political discourse. We find that mistrust of experts is negatively related to support for these regulations, as expected, but that, contrary to prior research, increases in mistrust of experts in fact enhanced the impact of the expert message. We discuss potential explanations for why this pattern of results differs from prior work.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47269340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Y. Tsfati, J. Strömbäck, Eveliina Lindgren, A. Damstra, H. Boomgaarden, R. Vliegenthart
A key problem with research on news media trust is that it has mostly focused on general media trust and that there is limited research on how media trust might vary across levels of analysis. In this paper, we seek to remedy this by investigating whether news media trust differs depending on the topic of news coverage and whether topical trust can be distinguished from general media trust. We also investigate the antecedents of trust in news coverage of different topics and the effects of topical trust on issue (mis)perceptions. Among other things, findings show that topical media trust can be distinguished from general media trust and is a better predictor of correct perceptions on political matters.
{"title":"Going Beyond General Media Trust: An Analysis of Topical Media Trust, its Antecedents and Effects on Issue (Mis)perceptions","authors":"Y. Tsfati, J. Strömbäck, Eveliina Lindgren, A. Damstra, H. Boomgaarden, R. Vliegenthart","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edac010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edac010","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 A key problem with research on news media trust is that it has mostly focused on general media trust and that there is limited research on how media trust might vary across levels of analysis. In this paper, we seek to remedy this by investigating whether news media trust differs depending on the topic of news coverage and whether topical trust can be distinguished from general media trust. We also investigate the antecedents of trust in news coverage of different topics and the effects of topical trust on issue (mis)perceptions. Among other things, findings show that topical media trust can be distinguished from general media trust and is a better predictor of correct perceptions on political matters.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44998464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Can presidential messages influence public opinion? The scholarship shows that common features in developed democracies such as fragmented audiences and partisan reasoning tend to limit the persuasive effects of the bully pulpit. In this article, we argue that the effectiveness of the presidential rhetoric is context dependent. Presidents will be the most likely to persuade public opinion when they seek to break consensus by using messages that activate defection among their supporters. To examine this framework, we focus on the setting of the COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil, where the outbreak was initially a valence issue, but quickly it became a divisive matter among the public. We use a survey experiment conducted days before the President Bolsonaro’s national televised address to show that cueing subjects with one of his earlier denialist remarks about the outbreak polarized opinions. We then use Bayesian change-point models to demonstrate how his major televised speeches affected daily trends in online searches related to the pandemic during the first and the most crucial weeks of the outbreak. The findings shed light on the circumstances in which presidential influence can not only be most powerful, but also most harmful.
{"title":"Presidential Influence and Public Opinion During Crises: The Case of COVID-19 in Brazil","authors":"Frederico Batista Pereira, Felipe Nunes","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edac014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edac014","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Can presidential messages influence public opinion? The scholarship shows that common features in developed democracies such as fragmented audiences and partisan reasoning tend to limit the persuasive effects of the bully pulpit. In this article, we argue that the effectiveness of the presidential rhetoric is context dependent. Presidents will be the most likely to persuade public opinion when they seek to break consensus by using messages that activate defection among their supporters. To examine this framework, we focus on the setting of the COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil, where the outbreak was initially a valence issue, but quickly it became a divisive matter among the public. We use a survey experiment conducted days before the President Bolsonaro’s national televised address to show that cueing subjects with one of his earlier denialist remarks about the outbreak polarized opinions. We then use Bayesian change-point models to demonstrate how his major televised speeches affected daily trends in online searches related to the pandemic during the first and the most crucial weeks of the outbreak. The findings shed light on the circumstances in which presidential influence can not only be most powerful, but also most harmful.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42695616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Existing research shows that anti-immigrant attitudes are driven by a wide variety of individual- and contextual-level factors. The present study introduces “societal violence”—the degree to which human rights are violated and physical survival is threatened in society—as a significant, yet neglected, explanatory concept in analyzing negative attitudes toward immigrants. Data are drawn from the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) 2013. Two-level mixed effects models are estimated with random intercepts and slopes. Results show that societal violence significantly moderates the magnitude of the relationships between measures of national identification and negative sentiment toward immigrant among 27 280 respondents across 29 low- and high-income countries. More specifically, the associations are found to be greater in less violent societies.
{"title":"Societal Violence, National Identification, and Anti-Immigrant Sentiment: A Cross-national Study","authors":"H. Kim","doi":"10.1093/ijpor/edac013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edac013","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Existing research shows that anti-immigrant attitudes are driven by a wide variety of individual- and contextual-level factors. The present study introduces “societal violence”—the degree to which human rights are violated and physical survival is threatened in society—as a significant, yet neglected, explanatory concept in analyzing negative attitudes toward immigrants. Data are drawn from the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) 2013. Two-level mixed effects models are estimated with random intercepts and slopes. Results show that societal violence significantly moderates the magnitude of the relationships between measures of national identification and negative sentiment toward immigrant among 27 280 respondents across 29 low- and high-income countries. More specifically, the associations are found to be greater in less violent societies.","PeriodicalId":51480,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Public Opinion Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47364877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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