In the ancient world, plague spoke in the language of the gods: it was the natural—which is to say divine—world's way of manifesting a rupture in the social order. The ancients' understanding of the connection between these worlds has been severed over time, but perhaps the contemporary moment can return us to that sacred insight. Since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, the world has witnessed a proliferation of devastating climate disasters in the form of record-setting temperatures, especially heat waves, and accompanying droughts, fires, hurricanes, cyclones, tornados, monsoons, and landslides. In the analysis that surfaced at the 1989 conference, the new viruses emerged as evidence of the unforeseen and disastrous consequences of that progress: the technological and other advances that contributed to increasing globalization and development practices, including improved transportation that moved people and goods more rapidly around the globe and the settlement of a growing population in previously sparsely inhabited or uninhabited areas around the world. [...]just as the social and global inequities are etched in the health outcomes of the COVID-19 pandemic, they are expressed, as the environmental justice movement has shown, in the inequitable distribution of environmental risks: manifestations of the practices of human exploitations intrinsic to colonialism and empire. Writing in Science in 2000, the Nobel Prize–winning molecular biologist Joshua Lederberg, who had given a keynote address at the 1989 conference, noted how the very human innovations that had spelled evolutionary success (increased longevity, for example) had "fostered new vulnerabilities: crowding of humans, with slums cheek by jowl with jet setters' villas;the destruction of forests for agriculture and suburbanization, which has led to closer human contact with disease-carrying rodents and ticks;and routine long-distance travel.
{"title":"Microbes of Empire","authors":"P. Wald","doi":"10.1353/aq.2022.0049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aq.2022.0049","url":null,"abstract":"In the ancient world, plague spoke in the language of the gods: it was the natural—which is to say divine—world's way of manifesting a rupture in the social order. The ancients' understanding of the connection between these worlds has been severed over time, but perhaps the contemporary moment can return us to that sacred insight. Since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, the world has witnessed a proliferation of devastating climate disasters in the form of record-setting temperatures, especially heat waves, and accompanying droughts, fires, hurricanes, cyclones, tornados, monsoons, and landslides. In the analysis that surfaced at the 1989 conference, the new viruses emerged as evidence of the unforeseen and disastrous consequences of that progress: the technological and other advances that contributed to increasing globalization and development practices, including improved transportation that moved people and goods more rapidly around the globe and the settlement of a growing population in previously sparsely inhabited or uninhabited areas around the world. [...]just as the social and global inequities are etched in the health outcomes of the COVID-19 pandemic, they are expressed, as the environmental justice movement has shown, in the inequitable distribution of environmental risks: manifestations of the practices of human exploitations intrinsic to colonialism and empire. Writing in Science in 2000, the Nobel Prize–winning molecular biologist Joshua Lederberg, who had given a keynote address at the 1989 conference, noted how the very human innovations that had spelled evolutionary success (increased longevity, for example) had \"fostered new vulnerabilities: crowding of humans, with slums cheek by jowl with jet setters' villas;the destruction of forests for agriculture and suburbanization, which has led to closer human contact with disease-carrying rodents and ticks;and routine long-distance travel.","PeriodicalId":51543,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN QUARTERLY","volume":"74 1","pages":"706 - 712"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45341357","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
pecial issues of American Quarterly are usually dedicated to understudied or neglected topics, but even a cursory glance at scholarship in recent decades quickly shows that empire is one of the most often-deployed keywords in American studies. The much-vaunted “turn to empire” that started in earnest in the 1990s has largely established the imperial nature of the United States as a foundational claim in the field. Donald Pease and Amy Kaplan’s coedited volume Cultures of United States Imperialism (1993) serves as a convenient marker of this turn. Drawing on Edward Said’s Culture and Imperialism and (less overtly) William Appleman Williams’ Empire as a Way of Life , Kaplan and Pease aimed to deconstruct the remnants of American exceptionalism that had long shaped the field. 1 Published soon after the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the First Gulf War, this text highlighted the urgency of theorizing US empire at a moment when American hegemony seemed triumphant. Both then and now, to claim that the United States is an empire is not only to reject exceptionalism but also to situate the US in the world vis-à-vis histories of colonialism and imperialism. To be clear, these arguments did not originate in the 1990s, but the turn to empire certainly intensified these debates by renewing interest in anticolonial and anti-imperialist thought and practice around the world in order to create multiple linkages to present-day struggles against US empire both within and beyond its borders. So issue We planning issue crises within Board Editors local pandemic obvious: the anti-Chinese anti-Asian racialized
{"title":"Introduction: Generations of Empire in American Studies","authors":"Christopher Lee, M. McAlister","doi":"10.1353/aq.2022.0031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aq.2022.0031","url":null,"abstract":"pecial issues of American Quarterly are usually dedicated to understudied or neglected topics, but even a cursory glance at scholarship in recent decades quickly shows that empire is one of the most often-deployed keywords in American studies. The much-vaunted “turn to empire” that started in earnest in the 1990s has largely established the imperial nature of the United States as a foundational claim in the field. Donald Pease and Amy Kaplan’s coedited volume Cultures of United States Imperialism (1993) serves as a convenient marker of this turn. Drawing on Edward Said’s Culture and Imperialism and (less overtly) William Appleman Williams’ Empire as a Way of Life , Kaplan and Pease aimed to deconstruct the remnants of American exceptionalism that had long shaped the field. 1 Published soon after the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the First Gulf War, this text highlighted the urgency of theorizing US empire at a moment when American hegemony seemed triumphant. Both then and now, to claim that the United States is an empire is not only to reject exceptionalism but also to situate the US in the world vis-à-vis histories of colonialism and imperialism. To be clear, these arguments did not originate in the 1990s, but the turn to empire certainly intensified these debates by renewing interest in anticolonial and anti-imperialist thought and practice around the world in order to create multiple linkages to present-day struggles against US empire both within and beyond its borders. So issue We planning issue crises within Board Editors local pandemic obvious: the anti-Chinese anti-Asian racialized","PeriodicalId":51543,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN QUARTERLY","volume":"74 1","pages":"477 - 497"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44839717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:While the Black home is frequently imagined as either a target of state violence or a space from which to flee, a broader Black queer feminist intellectual and cultural archive of Black dwelling spaces reveals the Black home as a paradigmatic site of resistance to state-sanctioned infringements on Black erotic life. This is to say, the Black home is a crucial site of both violence and resistance for Black women living within the heart of US empire. This essay maps a Black feminist intellectual and erotic history of one specific site within the Black home—the "Black living room"—engaging the erotic function of vernacular street art that adorns the living room walls of contemporary, working-class Black women. In the process, the essay contends that the "Black living room" constitutes a discursive and material space within which Black women use material culture and interior design to mount visual campaigns against anti-Black violence and to assert the value of Black erotic being and becoming. The Black home, though mired in anti-Black violence, remains rife with liberatory, insurgent, and erotic potential.
{"title":"The Black Living Room","authors":"Shoniqua Roach","doi":"10.1353/aq.2022.0056","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aq.2022.0056","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:While the Black home is frequently imagined as either a target of state violence or a space from which to flee, a broader Black queer feminist intellectual and cultural archive of Black dwelling spaces reveals the Black home as a paradigmatic site of resistance to state-sanctioned infringements on Black erotic life. This is to say, the Black home is a crucial site of both violence and resistance for Black women living within the heart of US empire. This essay maps a Black feminist intellectual and erotic history of one specific site within the Black home—the \"Black living room\"—engaging the erotic function of vernacular street art that adorns the living room walls of contemporary, working-class Black women. In the process, the essay contends that the \"Black living room\" constitutes a discursive and material space within which Black women use material culture and interior design to mount visual campaigns against anti-Black violence and to assert the value of Black erotic being and becoming. The Black home, though mired in anti-Black violence, remains rife with liberatory, insurgent, and erotic potential.","PeriodicalId":51543,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN QUARTERLY","volume":"74 1","pages":"791 - 811"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45110723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This essay focuses on two recent books of poetry by Don Mee Choi, Hardly War (2016) and DMZ Colony (2020), for both the historiographical work they do and how poetry and emotion are crucial to that work. These books bring into focus the neocolonial role that the United States has played in Korea, dating from the peninsula's liberation from Japanese colonial rule in 1945 through the military dictatorships that governed South Korea through the 1990s as well as the subimperial role that country has adopted in relation to the United States. They do so, however, in ways that steep their readers in a version of what Cathy Park Hong has termed minor feelings and deploying a poetics of translation akin to what she has dubbed Bad English. By extending the historiographical reach of American studies to better address this "forgotten war" and its lingering violence, this essay strives to be responsive to the American Studies Association's recent resolution calling for an end to the Korean War. It also asserts that engaging more fully with issues of aesthetics and poetics might help us better acknowledge how subjects of color negotiate and even resist formations of race and empire.
摘要：这篇文章聚焦于Don Mee Choi最近的两本诗集《几乎没有战争》（2016）和《DMZ殖民地》（2020），探讨他们所做的史学工作，以及诗歌和情感对这项工作的重要性。这些书聚焦了美国在朝鲜扮演的新殖民主义角色，从1945年朝鲜半岛从日本殖民统治中解放出来，到20世纪90年代统治韩国的军事独裁统治，以及该国对美国所扮演的亚帝国角色。然而，他们这样做的方式让读者陷入了凯西·朴红（Cathy Park Hong）所说的轻微情感的版本，并运用了一种类似于她所说的糟糕英语的翻译诗学。通过扩大美国研究的历史范围，更好地解决这场“被遗忘的战争”及其挥之不去的暴力，本文努力回应美国研究协会最近呼吁结束朝鲜战争的决议。它还断言，更充分地参与美学和诗学问题可能有助于我们更好地认识到有色人种是如何谈判甚至抵制种族和帝国形成的。
{"title":"Hardly Emotion: The Minor Feelings of US Empire and the Translational Poetics of Don Mee Choi","authors":"Daniel Y. Kim","doi":"10.1353/aq.2022.0045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aq.2022.0045","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This essay focuses on two recent books of poetry by Don Mee Choi, Hardly War (2016) and DMZ Colony (2020), for both the historiographical work they do and how poetry and emotion are crucial to that work. These books bring into focus the neocolonial role that the United States has played in Korea, dating from the peninsula's liberation from Japanese colonial rule in 1945 through the military dictatorships that governed South Korea through the 1990s as well as the subimperial role that country has adopted in relation to the United States. They do so, however, in ways that steep their readers in a version of what Cathy Park Hong has termed minor feelings and deploying a poetics of translation akin to what she has dubbed Bad English. By extending the historiographical reach of American studies to better address this \"forgotten war\" and its lingering violence, this essay strives to be responsive to the American Studies Association's recent resolution calling for an end to the Korean War. It also asserts that engaging more fully with issues of aesthetics and poetics might help us better acknowledge how subjects of color negotiate and even resist formations of race and empire.","PeriodicalId":51543,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN QUARTERLY","volume":"74 1","pages":"665 - 688"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46049180","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:While it is commonly assumed that Iranians became associated with terrorism in the American imagination in 1979, during the Iranian Revolution and hostage crisis, this essay explores the "political racialization" of Iranian Marxist students in the US from the late 1960s to 1979. As members of the Iranian Students Association (ISA), these young activists challenged American support for the Shah and were labeled terrorists as a result. Engaging with critiques of orientalism as the singular framework for understanding racism toward SWANA (South-West Asia and North Africa) populations, I show how the political actions and attitudes of a celebrated "imperial model minority" group, rather than rigid notions of religious/cultural difference, precipitated the shift from fighting communism to fighting Islamic terrorism as the global rationale for US imperialism. ISA opposition to the alliance between empire and dictatorship holds important lessons for new generations of anti-imperialist thinkers, who must confront a situation in which the US and Iran position themselves as geopolitical enemies. Third World, transnational, and diasporic feminists have theorized resistance to different yet overlapping sources of oppression, thus making it possible to oppose US aggression against global South nations and state repression carried out in the name of anti-imperialism at the same time.
{"title":"\"Down with the Shah!\": Political Racialization and the Iranian Foreign Student Revolt","authors":"M. Moradian","doi":"10.1353/aq.2022.0050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aq.2022.0050","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:While it is commonly assumed that Iranians became associated with terrorism in the American imagination in 1979, during the Iranian Revolution and hostage crisis, this essay explores the \"political racialization\" of Iranian Marxist students in the US from the late 1960s to 1979. As members of the Iranian Students Association (ISA), these young activists challenged American support for the Shah and were labeled terrorists as a result. Engaging with critiques of orientalism as the singular framework for understanding racism toward SWANA (South-West Asia and North Africa) populations, I show how the political actions and attitudes of a celebrated \"imperial model minority\" group, rather than rigid notions of religious/cultural difference, precipitated the shift from fighting communism to fighting Islamic terrorism as the global rationale for US imperialism. ISA opposition to the alliance between empire and dictatorship holds important lessons for new generations of anti-imperialist thinkers, who must confront a situation in which the US and Iran position themselves as geopolitical enemies. Third World, transnational, and diasporic feminists have theorized resistance to different yet overlapping sources of oppression, thus making it possible to oppose US aggression against global South nations and state repression carried out in the name of anti-imperialism at the same time.","PeriodicalId":51543,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN QUARTERLY","volume":"74 1","pages":"713 - 736"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48025598","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
At the same time, they each point to the ways that COVID-19 has been unequal not only in its direct costs for people of color in the United States but also in the immunological burdens it places on them to move the infection dynamics from pandemic to endemic. 11 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, "Risk for COVID-19 Infection, Hospitalization, and Death by Race/Ethnicity", March 10, 2022, https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/covid-data/investigations-discovery/hospitalization-death-by-race-ethnicity.html. The COVID-19 pandemic has been the context for public health institutions, epidemiologists, and a range of social scientists to make a public case for an idea concisely stated by the American Medical Association in November 2020: "Racism is a threat to public health."[1] While activists and medical historians have long noted inequalities of access and outcomes for patients as well as exploitative conditions for research subjects based on race, class, gender, sexuality, nationality, and disability, such a statement by the AMA reflects a shift in public discourse at an organization that has historically worked to entrench such inequalities through its advocacy against universal health care and an elitist approach to medical training.[2] At the moment of this public statement on racism, the intersection of the global pandemic with public activism against police violence created conditions for a reckoning with medical and health institutions' complicity in racially unequal life outcomes, which Ruth Wilson Gilmore centers as racism's production of "group-differentiated vulnerability to premature death.". [Extracted from the article] Copyright of American Quarterly is the property of Johns Hopkins University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)
与此同时，他们每个人都指出，新冠肺炎不仅在美国有色人种的直接成本上不平等，而且在将感染动态从大流行转变为地方病方面给他们带来的免疫负担上也不平等。11疾病控制和预防中心，“新冠肺炎感染、住院和死亡的种族/民族风险”，2022年3月10日，https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/covid-data/investigations-discovery/hospitalization-death-by-race-ethnicity.html.新冠肺炎大流行一直是公共卫生机构、流行病学家和一系列社会科学家为美国医学会2020年11月简要陈述的一个想法提出公开理由的背景：“种族主义是对公共健康的威胁。“[1]尽管活动家和医学历史学家长期以来一直注意到患者在获取和治疗结果方面的不平等，以及基于种族、阶级、性别、性取向、国籍和残疾的研究对象的剥削条件，美国医学协会的这一声明反映了该组织公共话语的转变，该组织历来致力于通过倡导全民医疗和精英医疗培训来巩固这种不平等。[2] 在这篇关于种族主义的公开声明发表之际，全球疫情与反对警察暴力的公众行动主义的交叉为清算医疗和卫生机构在种族不平等的生活结果中的共谋创造了条件，Ruth Wilson Gilmore将其视为种族主义产生的“群体差异化的早逝脆弱性”。“.[摘自文章]《美国季刊》的版权归约翰斯·霍普金斯大学出版社所有，未经版权持有人明确书面许可，不得将其内容复制或通过电子邮件发送到多个网站或发布到列表服务。但是，用户可以打印、下载或通过电子邮件发送文章供个人使用。这可能会被删节。对复印件的准确性不作任何保证。用户应参考材料的原始发布版本以获取完整信息。（版权适用于所有人。）
{"title":"Herd Racialization and the Inequalities of Immunity","authors":"Neel Ahuja","doi":"10.1353/aq.2022.0046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aq.2022.0046","url":null,"abstract":"At the same time, they each point to the ways that COVID-19 has been unequal not only in its direct costs for people of color in the United States but also in the immunological burdens it places on them to move the infection dynamics from pandemic to endemic. 11 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, \"Risk for COVID-19 Infection, Hospitalization, and Death by Race/Ethnicity\", March 10, 2022, https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/covid-data/investigations-discovery/hospitalization-death-by-race-ethnicity.html. The COVID-19 pandemic has been the context for public health institutions, epidemiologists, and a range of social scientists to make a public case for an idea concisely stated by the American Medical Association in November 2020: \"Racism is a threat to public health.\"[1] While activists and medical historians have long noted inequalities of access and outcomes for patients as well as exploitative conditions for research subjects based on race, class, gender, sexuality, nationality, and disability, such a statement by the AMA reflects a shift in public discourse at an organization that has historically worked to entrench such inequalities through its advocacy against universal health care and an elitist approach to medical training.[2] At the moment of this public statement on racism, the intersection of the global pandemic with public activism against police violence created conditions for a reckoning with medical and health institutions' complicity in racially unequal life outcomes, which Ruth Wilson Gilmore centers as racism's production of \"group-differentiated vulnerability to premature death.\". [Extracted from the article] Copyright of American Quarterly is the property of Johns Hopkins University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)","PeriodicalId":51543,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN QUARTERLY","volume":"74 1","pages":"689 - 695"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41897952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Insurgency has taken many forms over time. Past insurgencies include struggles for indepen-dence against colonial powers, the rising up of ethnic or religious groups against their rivals, and resistance to foreign invaders. Students and practitioners of counterinsurgency must begin by understanding the specific circumstances of their particular situation. 2
{"title":"Weaponized Study in a Moment of (Counter)Insurgency: The Gathering Anti-“American” of American Studies","authors":"Dylan Rodríguez","doi":"10.1353/aq.2022.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aq.2022.0012","url":null,"abstract":"Insurgency has taken many forms over time. Past insurgencies include struggles for indepen-dence against colonial powers, the rising up of ethnic or religious groups against their rivals, and resistance to foreign invaders. Students and practitioners of counterinsurgency must begin by understanding the specific circumstances of their particular situation. 2","PeriodicalId":51543,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN QUARTERLY","volume":"74 1","pages":"199 - 212"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66308473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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