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“Outstanding”: early Schwarze and the seeds of melodrama "杰出":早期施瓦泽和情节剧的种子
IF 1.1 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2293313
Marilyn DeLaure (she/her)
In this essay, I reflect on how ideas and commitments that defined Steve Schwarze’s early engagements with rhetorical studies shaped his later work on environmental melodrama. Steve and I met as te...
在这篇文章中,我将反思史蒂夫-施瓦泽早期从事修辞学研究的理念和承诺如何影响了他后来关于环境情节剧的研究。史蒂夫和我相识于...
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引用次数: 0
Melodrama and empathic indignation 情节剧和感同身受的愤慨
IF 1.1 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2293508
Terence Paul Check (he/him)
This essay aligns Steve Schwarze’s notion of melodrama with Richard B. Miller’s call for “empathic indignation” and Louise Knops and Guillaume Petit’s notion of indignation as “affective transforma...
这篇文章将史蒂夫-施瓦泽的 "情节剧 "概念与理查德-米勒(Richard B. Miller)呼吁的 "移情义愤 "以及路易斯-克诺斯(Louise Knops)和纪尧姆-佩蒂特(Guillaume Petit)的 "义愤 "概念统一为 "情感转换"(affective transforma...
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引用次数: 0
Framing the activists: gender, race, and rhetorical disability in contested illnesses 塑造积极分子:有争议疾病中的性别、种族和残疾修辞
IF 1.1 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-12-26 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2291895
V. Jo Hsu
For the past five decades, patients with myalgic encephalomyelitis (ME) have struggled against the stereotype that their symptoms are “all in their heads.” With ME now appearing in roughly half the...
过去五十年来,肌痛性脑脊髓炎(ME)患者一直在与 "症状都是自己想出来的 "这一刻板印象作斗争。现在,大约一半的ME患者都有...
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引用次数: 0
Engaging with melodrama: a tribute to Steve Schwarze 参与情节剧:向史蒂夫-施瓦泽致敬
IF 1.1 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-12-21 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2293314
Carlos A. Tarin
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引用次数: 0
Suffering and the edges of melodrama 苦难和情节剧的边缘
IF 1.1 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-12-19 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2292326
Shiv Ganesh
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引用次数: 0
Public futurity: the rhetorics of sustainability and survival at the former Philadelphia Energy Solutions refinery 公共未来:前费城能源解决方案炼油厂的可持续性和生存修辞
2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2275721
Haley Schneider
ABSTRACTI propose the concept of public futurity as a framework for studying how communities renegotiate collective identity in times of crisis. Public futurity, which I define as the process by which groups imagine and deliberate about their shared future, demonstrates how collective identity is maintained, negotiated, and transformed over time. I theorize how futurity is experienced collectively, drawing from scholarship on Black, queer, and disability futurity to show that appeals to futurity recognize not only the possibility of change, but the impossibility of sustaining an untenable present. I apply the concept of public futurity to an analysis of public deliberation about the fate of the former Philadelphia Energy Solutions (PES) oil refinery. A series of meetings organized by Philadelphia's Refinery Advisory Committee became highly contested, with mostly Black residents arguing that the site should benefit the local public and mostly white former workers fighting to keep the refinery open. Tracking how residents and former workers leveraged futurity differently in their arguments, I demonstrate how residents revealed the impossibility of the refinery's continued survival. I argue that a key process of public futurity is contending with the liminality of collective identity, and that undoing is necessary for transformation.KEYWORDS: Publicsenvironmental justicefuturitytemporalitytransformation Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Scholarship on rhetoric and futurity includes: Kelly Happe, “Utopia and Crisis,” Philosophy & Rhetoric 53, no. 3 (2020): 272–8; Matthew Houdek and Kendall Phillips, “Rhetoric and the Temporal Turn: Race, Gender, Temporalities,” Women’s Studies in Communication 43, no. 4 (2020): 369–83; Lore/etta LeMaster and Amber Johnson, “Speculative Fiction, Criticality, and Futurity: An Introduction,” Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 18, no. 3 (2021): 280–2; Ersula Ore and Matthew Houdek, “Lynching in Times of Suffocation: Toward a Spatiotemporal Politics of Breathing,” Women’s Studies in Communication 43, no. 4 (2020): 443–58; Candice Rai, Democracy’s Lot: Rhetoric, Publics, and the Places of Invention (Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 2016); and Haley Schneider, “Deliberative Topoi and the Pull of the Future: Bridging Disparate Visions of Dresden Elbe Valley,” Rhetoric Society Quarterly 49, no. 5 (2019): 495–516.2 Max Marin, “South Philly Refinery’s Long History of Fires, Explosions, Deaths and Injuries,” Billy Penn, June 21, 2019, https://billypenn.com/2019/06/21/south-philly-refinerys-long-history-of-fires-explosions-deaths-and-injuries/ (accessed September 4, 2023).3 Catalina Jaramillo, “With South Philadelphia Refinery in Bankruptcy Proceedings, Neighbors See an Opportunity for Cleaner Air,” WHYY, January 31, 2018, https://whyy.org/articles/south-philadelphia-refinery-bankruptcy-proceedings-neighbors-see-opportunity-cleaner-air/ (accessed Septem
60 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/19.61 Jake Blumgart,“东海岸最大的炼油厂正在关闭;许多人说一个更绿色的未来是可能的,”WHYY, 2019年6月26日,https://whyy.org/articles/the-east-coasts-largest-is-closing-and-many-say-a-greener-future-is-possible-for-the-site/(访问日期:2023年9月4日)布鲁姆加特,《更绿色的未来》63 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/19.64 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/19.65 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/19.66 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/19.67 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/19.68 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/19.69 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/19.70 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/19.71 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/19.72 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/19.73 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议罗纳德·沃尔特·格林,《修辞资本:交际劳动、金钱/言语和新自由主义治理》,《传播与批判/文化研究》第4期,第1 - 8月19.74期。3 (2007):329.75 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/1976 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/19.77 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/19.78 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/19.79 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/19.80 PES炼油厂火灾公开会议# 1-8/6/19.81 Catalina Jaramillo,“关于PES炼油厂未来的社区会议挤满了人,声音很大,分歧很大,”WHYY, 2019年8月21日,https://whyy.org/articles/community-meeting-on-the-future-of-pes-refinery-was-packed-loud-and-divided/(2023年9月4日访问)83 . Catalina Jaramillo,“火灾六个月后,前炼油厂工人和PES都在努力寻找新生活,”WHYY, 2019年12月26日,https://whyy.org/articles/six-months-after-the-fire-both-ex-refinery-workers-and-pes-struggle-to-find-new-lives/(访问日期为2023年9月4日)Jaramillo,社区会议。84 Catalina Jaramillo,“情绪原始,PES炼油厂工人争取保持工厂开放,”WHYY, 2019年8月22日,https://whyy.org/articles/emotions-raw-pes-refinery-workers-fight-to-keep-plant-open/(访问于2023年9月4日)Jaramillo,《原始情感》。“86”炼油厂火灾公开会议#2,故事站,“PHL GovTV, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U55YwM4LVeM.87”炼油厂火灾公开会议#2。1988年炼油厂火灾第二次公开会议。89年炼油厂火灾第2次公开会议。1990年炼油厂火灾第二次公开会议。91年炼油厂火灾第2次公开会议。92年炼油厂火灾第2次公开会议。93年炼油厂火灾第二次公开会议。94“炼油厂火灾公众会议#2”(访问日期:2023年9月4日)Catalina Jaramillo,“可再生能源生产商S.G. Preston有意收购PES炼油厂”,WHYY, 2019年8月23日,https://whyy.org/articles/renewable-energy-producer-s-g-preston-interested-in-buying-pes-refinery/(访问于2023年11月3日)Catalina Jaramillo,“前PES炼油厂首席执行官Rinaldi表示,他希望在该综合设施生产可再生燃料,”WHYY, 2019年8月28日,https://whyy.org/articles/former-pes-refinery-ceo-rinaldi-says-he-wants-to-make-renewable-fuels-at-the-complex/(访问于2023年11月3日)Catalina Jaramillo,“新用途,甚至不使用,将使正在进行的PES炼油厂清理复杂化,”WHYY, 2019年8月29日,https://whyy.org/articles/new-uses-even-non-use-will-complicate-ongoing-pes-refinery-cleanup-dep-says/(访问于2023年9月4日)Catalina Jaramillo,“城市为关注PES炼油厂的开发商发布建议”,WHYY, 2019年9月6日,https://whyy.org/articles/city-to-issue-recommendations-for-developers-eyeing-pes-refinery/(访问日期为2023年9月4日)Jaramillo,“发布建议的城市”。100 Abernathy and Thiel,不确定的未来,34.101 Catalina Jaramillo,“总部位于芝加哥的Hilco Redevelopment Partners以2.4亿美元收购PES炼油厂,”WHYY, 2020年1月22日,https://whyy.org/articles/chicago-based-hilco-redevelopment-partners-expected-to-be-new-pes-refinery-owner/(访问日期为2023年9月4日)Catalina Jaramillo,“PES炼油厂的新所有者没有继续炼油厂运营的计划,城市说,”WHYY, 2020年1月22日,https://whyy.org/articles/new-owner-of-pes-site-has-no-plans-to-continue-refinery-operations-city-says/(访问于2023年9月4日)。104哈拉米略,“新主人”。哈拉米略105号,新主人。106 Andrew Maykuth,“现在特朗普希望看到破产的费城炼油厂继续营业”,《费城问询报》,2020年1月28日,https://www.inquirer.com/business/energy/pes-philadelphia-refinery-auction-white-house-intervention-20200128.html(访问日期为2023年9月4日)“特朗普政府。“108 Maykuth”,特朗普政府。109 Catalina Jaram
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引用次数: 0
Beyond participation, toward disparticipation 超越参与,走向不参与
2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2275023
Matthew Salzano
ABSTRACTSocial movements require participatory dissent. Facing tensions between ideological purity and mass popularity, movements that desire to be politically effective and act in the interest of their participants need dissent that leads to revision instead of conflict that devolves to dissolution. Using three examples from the 2017 and 2019 Women’s Marches, this essay theorizes “disparticipation.” Building from José Esteban Muñoz’s Disidentifications, I define disparticipation as participatory, disidentifying dissent. While disparticipants may be seen as not participating, or even counter-protesting, I reframe their participation as a “diss” of a protest for a lack of nuanced politics. Disparticipants dissent from binary oppositions of popular/pure and reformist/radical and disidentify to promote coalition-building. Women’s March disparticipants dissed white feminist racism, cissexism, and antisemitism. Disparticipation generates discourse that can expand the topoi of protest rhetoric by revealing and responding to broader structural injustices.KEYWORDS: Social movementsWomen’s March; disidentification; dissent; digital participation AcknowledgmentsEarlier versions of this article were presented at: the Northwest Honors Symposium, Pacific Lutheran University, November 2017; Camp Rhetoric, Pennsylvania State University, March 2019; the Alta Conference on Argumentation, Alta, UT, August 2019, and a small portion was published in its proceedings, Local Theories of Argument; the National Communication Association Conference, Baltimore, MD, November 2019; and, finally, in my dissertation Living a Participatory Life: Reformatting Rhetoric for Demanding, Digital Times, supervised by Damien S. Pfister at the University of Maryland, April 2023. I would like to thank the many people who—whether by assignment in reviewer portals or by attendance at panels and talks—have participated in the development of this article, especially the anonymous QJS reviewers and editor Stacey Sowards.Notes1 Jenna Wortham, “Who Didn’t Go to the Women’s March Matters More Than Who Did,” New York Times, December 22, 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/24/magazine/who-didnt-go-to-the-womens-march-matters-more-than-who-did.html.2 Angela Peoples, “Don’t Just Thank Black Women. Follow Us,” New York Times, December 16, 2017, sec. Opinion, para. 2, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/16/opinion/sunday/black-women-leadership.html.3 Charles Conrad, “The Transformation of the ‘Old Feminist’ Movement,” Quarterly Journal of Speech 67, no. 3 (1981): 285.4 Barbara Ryan, “Ideological Purity and Feminism: The U.S. Women’s Movement from 1966 to 1975,” Gender and Society 3, no. 2 (1989): 239–57; Wendy Brown, States of Injury: Power and Freedom in Late Modernity (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995); Jennifer C. Nash, “Practicing Love: Black Feminism, Love-Politics, and Post-Intersectionality,” Meridians 11, no. 2 (2013): 1–24; Alyssa A. Samek, “Violence and Identity Politics: 1970s
Vats写道:“体现性的去认同提供了一个理论框架,用于理解在其他限制性背景下给予面孔和声音如何能够作为打断种族主义刻板印象、压迫性历史以及对记忆和财产的断言的手段。”Elliot Tetreault,“‘白人女性投票给特朗普’:女性在华盛顿的游行和交叉女权主义的未来”,计算机与作文在线,2019年3月,http://cconlinejournal.org/techfem_si/01_Tetreault/, n.p 66沃萨姆,《谁没有参加妇女大游行》,第6段。7.67凯特琳·伯恩斯,“为什么我在妇女游行中感到被排斥,然后又受到欢迎”,建制派(博客),2017年1月23日,https://medium.com/the-establishment/how-pussy-hats-made-me-feel-excluded-and-then-welcomed-at-the-women-s-march-ef11dae19c54.68“‘猫咪’编织者加入了狡猾的行动主义的悠久传统”,BBC新闻,2017年1月19日,美国和加拿大,https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-38666373.69香农·布莱克,“编织+抵抗:将Pussyhat项目置于工艺行动主义的背景下,“性别,地点与文化”,第24期。Burns,“为什么我感到被排斥,然后又被欢迎,”第5(2017):696-710.70段。13.71拉斯·斯托尔茨福斯-布朗,“跨排他的话语,白人女权主义者的失败,以及华盛顿特区的妇女游行”,载于《越界的女权主义理论与话语:跨领域的推进对话》,詹妮弗·c·邓恩和吉米·曼宁主编(纽约:劳特利奇出版社,2018);90.72伯恩斯,“为什么我感到被排斥,然后又受到欢迎”,第22-3.73段;巴特勒,《对集会表演理论的说明》;6.74塞拉·本哈比布,《他人的权利:外国人、居民和公民》(纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2004),191,193.75伯恩斯,“为什么我感到被排斥,然后受到欢迎,”第30,37 - 8.76斯托尔茨福斯-布朗,“跨排他的话语”,97.77安娜·诺斯,“妇女游行改变了美国左派。”现在反犹太主义指控威胁着该组织的未来,”Vox, 2018年12月21日,https://www.vox.com/identities/2018/12/21/18145176/feminism-womens-march-2018-2019-farrakhan-intersectionality.78 North,“妇女游行改变了美国左派”,第2段。5.79珍妮·伯恩的一篇经典文章是《思想的家园:犹太女权主义和身份政治》,《种族与阶级》第29期。Brooke Lober,“狭窄的桥梁:犹太女同性恋女权主义、身份政治和联盟的“硬地””,《女同性恋研究杂志》第23期,第24 - 24页。1(2019): 83.81罗伯·格洛斯特:《湾区妇女游行中犹太人身份的回响》,《北加州犹太新闻》2019年1月21日https://www.jweekly.com/2019/01/21/jewish-identity-rings-out-at-bay-area-womens-marches/.82丹·派恩:《湾区妇女游行中许多犹太人不顾争议准备上街游行》,J. 2019年1月16日,https://www.jweekly.com/2019/01/16/many-jews-ready-to-hit-streets-at-bay-area-womens-marches-despite-controversy/,第83.81段。23.83瑞秋·斯克拉:“我是白人,犹太人,要去参加妇女大游行。”原因如下,”CNN.Com, 2019年1月19日,https://www.cnn.com/2019/01/19/opinions/womens-march-antisemitism-why-im-marching-sklar/index.html,第2段。11.84 North,“妇女大游行改变了美国的左派”,第18段。8. 强调added.85埃斯特·王:《妇女大游行现状》,2019年1月18日《耶洗别》https://jezebel.com/the-state-of-the-womens-march-1831867289.86埃里卡·切诺维斯和杰里米·普雷斯曼:《2019年妇女大游行比你想象的要大》,2019年2月1日《华盛顿邮报》,https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2019/02/01/the-2019-womens-march-was-bigger-than-you-think/.87亨利·詹金斯:面对参与文化的挑战:21世纪的媒体教育(剑桥,马萨诸塞州)麻省理工学院出版社,2009),8;88 .参见Damien Smith Pfister,《网络媒体,网络修辞学》(University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2014),对类似现象的修辞处理Shoshana Zuboff,《监视资本主义时代:在权力的新前沿为人类未来而战》(纽约:PublicAffairs, 2019);Nick Srnicek,《平台资本主义》(Cambridge: Polity, 2017)在技术自由主义的标题下,这种权力动态在修辞研究中得到了探讨。参见Damien Smith Pfister和Misti Yang,“关于技术自由主义和网络公共领域的五篇论文”,《传播与公众》第3期。3 (2018): 247-62;技术自由主义修辞、公民关注和谢尔盖·布林的“为什么要买谷歌眼镜?”《言语季刊》第105期。2 (2019): 182-203;蔡斯·奥斯帕奇,“离散和寻求(利润):Grindr上的同质性”,《媒体传播批判研究》第37期。1 (2019): 43-57;Matthew Salzano和Misti Yang,“脱离剧本:情绪劳动和技术自由主义管理主义”,《媒体传播批判研究》第39期。2(2022): 78-91。 博伊尔、布朗和塞拉索宣称:“数字不再以特定的设备为条件,而是成为一种多感官、具体化的状态,我们的大多数基本过程都是通过它来运作的。”参与被这个数字政权加强了——虽然“参与的承诺”是围绕着现代性和民主而形成的,“今天,数字媒体的普及重新实现了现代性在政治、艺术、媒体以及其他领域的参与性推动力”,促使一些媒体学者宣称我们正处于参与性条件的时代。凯西·博伊尔、詹姆斯·j·布朗和斯蒂芬·塞拉索,《数字化:屏幕背后和屏幕之外的修辞学》,《修辞学会季刊》第48期,第2期。3 (2018): 252;达林·巴尼等人编。,数字时代的参与性条件(明尼阿波利斯:明尼苏达大学出版社,2016),第22期Issie Lapowsky,“女性游行定义了Facebook时代的抗议”,《连线》,2017年1月21日,https://www.wired.com/2017/01/womens-march-defin
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引用次数: 0
X, analyst X,分析师
2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2268709
Nathan H. Bedsole
ABSTRACTThis essay situates X González’s oratory and activism for gun legislation within Jacques Lacan’s Discourse of the Analyst to argue for the affirmative role of analytic silence in a body politic riddled with gun death, gridlock, thoughts, and prayers. Psychoanalytic treatment aims at intervention into a patient’s recurring patterns of behavior and speech that uphold their status quo of suffering. My essay argues for the practical and conceptual utility of Lacan’s discourse theory for rhetorical studies by advancing X as analyst against the cultural logic of the Firearm, a logic of domination I model via the Discourse of the Master.KEYWORDS: Discourse of the AnalystDiscourse of the MasterX Gonzálezsilencegun violence Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 John Woodrow Cox and others, “There Have Been 380 School Shootings since Columbine,” Washington Post, May 1, 2023, https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/interactive/school-shootings-database/.2 Melissa Chan, “Mass Shootings: ‘This Is What Normal Has Come to Be Like in America,’” Time, March 24, 2021, https://time.com/5949772/mass-shootings-normal-america/.3 Ben Mathis-Lilley, “The ‘Politicize My Death’ Pledge Is What Happens When Gun Violence Activists Stop Being Polite,” Slate, February 16, 2018, https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2018/02/politicize-my-death-pledge-takes-gun-control-activism-to-a-new-level.html.4 One can evidence this in reverse. Gun violence that is not narrativized as mental illness or networked into a plot is managed and resigned into the metaphor of the lone wolves.5 Gordon Witkin, “Opinion: Here’s What We Can Do Now about Gun Violence,” New York Times, May 21, 2023, Opinion section, https://www.nytimes.com/2023/05/21/opinion/guns-fbi-backgound-nics.html.6 Calum Lister Matheson, “Liberal Tears and the Rogue’s Yarn of Sadistic Conservativism,” Rhetoric Society Quarterly 52, no. 4 (2022): 353.7 Iyengar, Shanto, Yphtach Lelkes, Matthew Levendusky, Neil Malhotra, and Sean J. Westwood. “The Origins and Consequences of Affective Polarization in the United States.” Annual Review of Political Science 22, no. 1 (May 11, 2019): 129–46. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051117-073034.8 Mladen Dolar,A Voice and Nothing More (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2006), 172.9 Justin Eckstein, “Sensing School Shootings,” Critical Studies in Media Communication 37, no. 2 (2020): 161–73.10 Brian L. Ott, Eric Aoki, and Greg Dickinson, “Ways of (Not) Seeing Guns: Presence and Absence at the Cody Firearms Museum,” Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 8, no. 3 (2011): 215–39.11 Rishi Chebrolu, “The Racial Lens of Dylann Roof: Racial Anxiety and White Nationalist Rhetoric on New Media,” Review of Communication 20, no. 1 (2020): 47–68.12 Douglas Kellner,Guys and Guns Amok: Domestic Terrorism and School Shootings from the Oklahoma City Bombing to the Virginia Tech Massacre (New York: Routledge, 2015).13 Casey Ryan Kelly,Apocalypse
摘要本文将X González在枪支立法方面的演讲和行动主义置于雅克·拉康的《分析者的话语》中,以论证在一个充斥着枪支死亡、僵局、思想和祈祷的政体中,分析沉默的积极作用。精神分析治疗的目的是干预患者反复出现的行为和语言模式,这些模式维持了他们的痛苦现状。我的文章论证了拉康话语理论在修辞学研究中的实践和概念上的效用,通过将X作为分析者来反对枪支的文化逻辑,这是我通过大师的话语来模拟的统治逻辑。关键词:《分析者的话语》《大师的话语》Gonzálezsilencegun暴力披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1约翰·伍德罗·考克斯等人,《哥伦拜事件以来共发生380起校园枪击案》,《华盛顿邮报》,2023年5月1日,https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/interactive/school-shootings-database/.2“这就是美国的常态,”《时代》周刊,2021年3月24日,https://time.com/5949772/mass-shootings-normal-america/.3本·马蒂斯-利利,“当枪支暴力活动人士不再彬彬有礼时,‘将我的死亡政治化’的承诺会发生什么,”《Slate》杂志,2018年2月16日,https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2018/02/politicize-my-death-pledge-takes-gun-control-activism-to-a-new-level.html.4我们可以反过来证明这一点。枪支暴力没有被描述为精神疾病,也没有与阴谋联系在一起,而是被管理和接受为孤狼的隐喻Gordon Witkin,“观点:这是我们现在可以做的关于枪支暴力的事情”,纽约时报,2023年5月21日,观点部分,https://www.nytimes.com/2023/05/21/opinion/guns-fbi-backgound-nics.html.6, Calum Lister Matheson,“自由的眼泪和流氓的虐待保守主义的故事”,修辞学季刊,第52期。4(2022): 353.7艾扬格、尚托、伊夫塔奇·勒克斯、马修·莱文达斯基、尼尔·马尔霍特拉和肖恩·j·韦斯特伍德。“美国情感两极分化的起源和后果”。政治科学年度评论22,第2期。1(2019年5月11日):129-46。https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051117-073034.8姆拉丹·多尔,一种声音,仅此而已(剑桥,马萨诸塞州:麻省理工学院出版社,2006年),172.9贾斯汀·埃克斯坦,“感知校园枪击事件”,《媒体传播批判研究》37,第37期。杨建军,杨建军,杨建军,“枪支的存在与不存在:在科迪枪械博物馆的存在与不存在”,《传播与批判/文化研究》第8期。Rishi Chebrolu,“迪伦·鲁夫的种族镜头:新媒体上的种族焦虑与白人民族主义修辞”,《传播评论》第20期,2011。13 .道格拉斯·凯尔纳:《人与枪的疯狂:从俄克拉荷马爆炸案到弗吉尼亚理工大学大屠杀的国内恐怖主义与校园枪击案》(纽约:劳特利奇出版社,2015)凯西·瑞安·凯利《天启人:死亡驱动与白人男性受害者的修辞》(哥伦布:萨拉·杜瓦尔,“了解跨性别者枪支暴力的威胁”,吉福兹(博客),2021年3月31日,https://giffords.org/blog/2021/03/understanding-the-threat-of-gun-violence-for-transgender-people/.15杰克·希利等人,“在一个武装到牙齿的国家,这些微小的失误导致了悲剧,”《纽约时报》,2023年4月20日,美国版,https://www.nytimes.com/2023/04/20/us/wrong-house-shootings-guns.html.16 Brian L. Ott, Hamilton Bean和Kellie Marin,“论大气的美学生产:生物动力在细胞中的修辞作用”,《传播与批判/文化研究》第13期。4 (2016): 346-62.17 Matthew Boedy,“枪支与自由:美国转折点的第二修正案修辞”,见《修辞与枪支》,Ryan Skinnell, Nate Kreuter和Lydia Wilkes主编(Logan:犹他州立大学出版社,2022),185-98.18 Statista,“全国步枪协会:游说支出2022,”https://www.statista.com/statistics/249398/lobbying-expenditures-of-the-national-rifle-associaction-in-the-united-states/.19埃里克·金·沃茨,“后种族幻想、黑人和僵尸”,《传播与批判/文化研究》,第14期。《在一个武装到牙齿的国家》(2017):317-33.20。“先开枪,再问问题”这句话展示了枪支的双重能力——作为象征和致命的指涉——以它的(象征)力量改变了社会世界诺埃尔·兰德威奇,“帕克兰枪击案两个月后,枪支制造商的股票正在反弹”,路透社,2018年4月20日,美国市场部分,https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-guns-stocks-idUSKBN1HR26Y.23索菲亚·特斯法耶,“帕克兰枪击案后,一切都不同了:全国步枪协会在下降,枪支管制是可能的”,沙龙,2019年2月13日,https://www.salon.com/2019/02/13/after-parkland-everything-is-different-nras-in-decline-and-gun-control-is-possible/。 82艾琳·舒梅克,“国会同意为枪支暴力研究提供2500万美元的历史性协议”,ABC新闻,2019年12月16日,https://abcnews.go.com/Health/congress-approves-unprecedented-25-million-gun-violence-research/story?id=67762555.83达兰吉特·辛格,“拉康:过去与现在——对话”,南亚合集7,第7期。3&4(2015): 142.84雅克·拉康,“精神分析不可能有危机”,Panorama, 1974,博客文章,乔丹·斯金纳,2014年7月22日,https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/news/1668-there-can-be-no-crisis-of-psychoanalysis-jacques-lacan-interviewed-in-1974.85美元,一种声音,没有更多,124.86 NRA-ILA和全国步枪协会,“为什么枪支管制不起作用,”NRA-ILA, https://www.nraila.org/why-gun-control-doesn-t-work/(访问日期:2023年8月8日)布拉彻,《拉康的四种话语理论》,《
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引用次数: 0
The Borders of AIDS: Race, Quarantine, and Resistance The Borders of AIDS: Race, Quarantine, and Resistance , by Karma R. Chávez, Seattle, WA, University of Washington Press, 2021, 264 p., $30.00 (paperback), ISBN: ISBN: 9780295748979 《艾滋病的边界:种族、隔离和抵抗》,作者:Karma R. Chávez,华盛顿州西雅图,华盛顿大学出版社,2021年,264页,30.00美元(平装本),ISBN: 9780295748979
2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2261210
Godfried Asante (him/he/his), Rico Self (him/he/his)
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引用次数: 0
Expanding the framework of rhetorical circulation: an approach to online symbolic accretion through the rhizomorph 扩展修辞循环的框架:一种通过根状体的网络符号增长方法
2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-10-23 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2266003
Luis Miguel López-Londoño
ABSTRACTOn October 18, 2019, members of the Colombian Army covered a highly visible mural with white paint. The mural depicted the Army’s active and retired generals who are allegedly responsible for extrajudicial executions committed by their subordinates in the 2000s. The Army’s efforts failed; in attempting to make the mural invisible, the Army ensured the mural’s visibility through online circulation. In this article, I describe the rhizomatic emergence of the image in the digital space through different forms and articulations as a challenge to the Army’s intention to screen out a narrative in the physical landscape. I argue that the circulation of the image and its transformations into remixes and other visual representations constitutes an instance of online symbolic accretion. I propose the theoretical concept of rhizomorph, understood as a digital image event that transforms as it moves through a digitally mediated environment to provide an alternative conception of a particular event.KEYWORDS: Rhizomorphonline symbolic accretioncirculationimage eventextrajudicial executions AcknowledgementI would like to express my deepest appreciation and gratitude to Dr. Roger Aden for his insightful suggestions and invaluable contributions to this study.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Amanda C. Waterhouse, “Colombia’s National Protests Show that Infrastructure, Too, Is Politics,” Nacla, December 3, 2019, https://nacla.org/news/2019/12/03/colombia-national-protests-infrastructure-politics-dilan-cruz.2 Christina Noriega, “Colombians Decry Censorship After Government Officials Paint Over Mural about Extrajudicial Killings,” Hyperallergic, October 24, 2019, https://hyperallergic.com/524685/colombians-decry-censorship-after-government-officials-paint-over-mural-about-extrajudicial-killings/.3 Michael Taussig, I swear I Saw This: Drawings in Fieldwork Notebooks, Namely My Own (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2011), 3.4 #MilitaryCensorsMural, #CampaignForTheTruth, #SOSAgainstCensorship and #TheMuralTheyDoNotWantYouToSee. Spanish to English translations in this manuscript were made by the author.5 The Mothers of the False Positives of Bogotá and Soacha (MAFAPO) and the National Movement of Victims of State Crimes (Movice).6 Owen J. Dwyer, “Symbolic Accretion and Commemoration,” Social & Cultural Geography 5, no. 3 (2004): 420.7 Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987), 3–25.8 Stephen H. Browne, “Reading Public Memory in Daniel Webster’s Plymouth Rock Oration,” Western Journal of Communication 57, no. 4 (1993): 466.9 Yvonne Whelan, “The Construction and Destruction of a Colonial Landscape: Monuments to British Monarchs in Dublin Before and After Independence,” Journal of Historical Geography 28, no. 4 (2002): 509.10 Whelan, “The Construction and Destruction of a Colonial Landscape,” 508.11 Derek H. Al
2019年10月18日,哥伦比亚军队成员用白色油漆覆盖了一幅非常显眼的壁画。这幅壁画描绘了军队的现役和退役将军,据称他们对2000年代下属的法外处决负有责任。军队的努力失败了;为了使壁画隐形,陆军通过在线流通确保了壁画的可见性。在本文中,我通过不同的形式和表达方式描述了数字空间中图像的根茎状出现,这是对陆军在物理景观中筛选叙事的意图的挑战。我认为,图像的循环及其转换为混音和其他视觉表现构成了在线符号增长的一个实例。我提出了根状形态的理论概念,将其理解为一种数字图像事件,当它在数字媒介环境中移动时,它会发生变化,从而为特定事件提供另一种概念。关键词:根状植物在线符号增生循环图像事件法外处决感谢Roger Aden博士对本研究提出的深刻建议和宝贵贡献。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 Amanda C. Waterhouse:《哥伦比亚全国抗议活动表明,基础设施也是政治》,《Nacla》2019年12月3日https://nacla.org/news/2019/12/03/colombia-national-protests-infrastructure-politics-dilan-cruz.2, Christina Noriega:“政府官员在有关法外处决的壁画上作画后,哥伦比亚人谴责审查制度。”超过敏,2019年10月24日,https://hyperallergic.com/524685/colombians-decry-censorship-after-government-officials-paint-over-mural-about-extrajudicial-killings/.3 Michael Taussig,我发誓我看到了这个:田野工作笔记本中的绘画,即我自己的(芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,2011),3.4 #军事审查,#运动真相,#SOSAgainstCensorship和# themural他们不希望你看到。这份手稿中的西班牙语到英语的翻译是由作者完成的5 .波哥大<e:1>和索阿察假阳性母亲组织(MAFAPO)和国家犯罪受害者全国运动(Movice)欧文·j·德怀尔:《象征性的增长与纪念》,《社会与文化地理》第5期,第5期。3 (2004): 420.7 Gilles Deleuze和Felix Guattari,一千个高原:资本主义和精神分裂症(明尼阿波利斯:明尼苏达大学出版社,1987),3 - 25.8 Stephen H. Browne,“解读丹尼尔韦伯斯特的普利茅斯摇滚演讲中的公众记忆”,《西方传播杂志》第57期。韦兰,“殖民景观的建设与破坏:独立前后英国君主在都柏林的纪念碑”,《历史地理学报》第28期,第46 - 46页。4(2002): 509.10惠兰,“殖民景观的建设和破坏”,508.11德里克·h·奥尔德曼,“街道名称和记忆的尺度:纪念马丁·路德·金在非裔美国人社区中的政治,”区域35,第509.10期。2 (2003): 145.12 Caitlin F. Bruce, Painting Publics:跨国法律涂鸦场景作为相遇的空间(费城:天普大学出版社,2019),3-7.13 Bruce, Painting Publics, 3.14哥伦比亚革命武装力量是一个成立于1964年的游击队组织,是哥伦比亚共产党的军事分支。在1980年代,它已成为该国最强大的军事和贩毒非法集团,对广泛的暴力和有计划的侵犯人权负有责任。经过四年的谈判,哥伦比亚革命武装力量于2016年与哥伦比亚政府签署了和平协议。15本杰明·福里斯特、朱丽叶·约翰逊和凯伦·蒂尔,《后极权主义国家认同:德国和俄罗斯的公共记忆》,《社会与文化地理》第5期,第5期。Stephen Legg,“反记忆遗址:拒绝遗忘和殖民德里的民族主义斗争”,历史地理33 (2005):180-201.17 Hamzah Muzaini,“马来西亚Perak怡保纪念碑的后世和记忆政治”,地理论坛54 (2014):144.18 Dwyer,“象征性的增加和纪念”,431.19 Derek H. Alderman,“代理和纪念萨凡纳奴隶制的政治”,历史地理学报36(2004):358.16。1 (2010): 94.20 Dwyer,“象征性的增加和纪念”,425.21 Rosalind Hampton,“通过所有表象:对殖民主义、视觉性和种族新自由主义的思考”,《文化研究》第33期,第94.20页。3 (2019): 384.22 Bruce, Painting Publics, 4.23 Cara A. Finnegan和Jiyeon Kang,“‘Sighting’Public: Iconoclasm and Public Sphere Theory”,《语言学报》第90期。[24]李国强,“美国的公共认同与集体记忆”,《社会科学》第4期 55 Jerónimo Ríos Sierra和Jaime Zapata García,“哥伦比亚的民主安全政策:以敌人为中心的平叛模式”,《人道主义评论》36 (2019):141.56 Forest, Johnson和Till,“后极权主义的国家认同”,358.57 Legg,“反记忆的场所”,181-2.58“Tutela de generales, nuevo capítulo de壁画sobre“falsos positivos”,《时代周刊》,2019年10月30日,https://www.eltiempo.com/justicia/investigacion/tutelas-por-mural-de-falsos-positivos-y-respuesta-del-movice-429000.59 Paul Connerton,“七种类型的遗忘”,记忆研究1,no. 1。李、李普玛:《文化的循环》,《文化的循环》,1961,《文化的循环》,第1期,第6期。《观察家》,2020年2月25日,https://www.elespectador.com/colombia/mas-regiones/juez-ordena-retirar-imagen-de-quien-dio-la-orden-sobre-los-falsos-positivos-article-906397/.62德拉兹和瓜塔里,《千高原》,21.63德怀尔,《象征性的积累和纪念》,425.64康纳顿,《七种遗忘》,60-2.65埃德鲍尔,《解构模型》,20.66奥尔森,《图画的再现》,3.67 Olson, Constitutive Visions, 10-12.68“Montoya habría dicho que soldados cometieron ' falsos positivos ' porque eran de eststratos 1 y 2”,《观察家》,2020年2月13日,https://www.elespectador.com/colombia-20/jep-y-desaparecidos/montoya-habria-dicho-que-sol
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