Pub Date : 2023-10-16DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2260565
Kesha James
ABSTRACTChildish Gambino's music video “This is America” garnered national attention for its graphic portrayals of commodified Black pain. The music video critically exposes how white America visually consumes Black pain for entertainment and profit via the sadistic fetishism of the white gaze. Through the rhetorical strategy of imitation, the video destabilizes and challenges the white gaze's fetishization of Black im/mobility and sadistic erasure of Black death, both of which are painful and violent depictions that have benefitted white America historically and culturally. My analysis offers what I theorize as repurposing the white gaze to understand how texts can visually subvert their own consumption, altering how viewers engage with mediated texts to challenge the consumer logics of the white gaze present in Black cultural productions. By repurposing the white gaze through imitation, “This is America” invites viewers to unsettle their own white gaze and engage the video's depictions anew, shifting viewers' orientation to see the invisible and hegemonic practices of the white gaze. The article concludes that scholars might find additional strategies that can repurpose the white gaze to advance creative ways to disrupt the suffocating white gaze.KEYWORDS: Whitenessimitationwhite gazeconsumptionBlack pain AcknowledgmentsThe author would like to thank Roger Stahl for his generous guidance and under whose direction this essay was theoretically developed through many stages as a dissertation chapter, as well as Belinda Stillion Southard, whose careful readings and suggestions were instrumental in the development of this essay. Thanks are also given to Savannah Greer Downing, Blake Cravey, and Alex Morales for their invaluable feedback for countless iterations of this essay and constant encouragement. Last, the author would like to thank Stacey K. Sowards and two anonymous reviewers for their generous feedback and constructive readings of this essay.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 When I write “white America,” I refer to the specific context of the US. This usage is not to reify the erasure of non-US nations in the Americas but to reflect the text’s name, “This is America,” which invokes US-specific events.2 This essay draws from Richard Dyer's understanding of “strange” in “The Matter of Whiteness.” Dyer charges that whiteness must be identified as abnormal or rather “strange” to challenge whiteness as a universal norm. Scholars can then expose the particularity of whiteness making it accountable for its violence. See Richard Dyer, “The Matter of Whiteness,” in White Privilege: Essential Readings on the Other Side of Racism, ed. Paula S. Rothenberg (New York: Worth Publishers, 2005), 9–14.3 Lia McGarrigle, “How Twitter is Reacting to Childish Gambino’s ‘This is America’ Video,” HighSnobiety, May 7, 2018.4 McGarrigle, “How Twitter is Reacting.”5 Judy Berman, “‘This is America’: 8 Things to
51威尔逊,《种族政治》,104-5页;赫斯顿:《黑人表达的特点》;Bhabha,“模仿与人类”;Shome,《白色的郊游》。52威尔逊,《种族政治》。53 Wilson,“The Racial Politics,”89.54 Karma Chávez将文本凝视定义为“凝视我想象中作为听众的人:生活在经过验证的无形身体中的修辞家和修辞学家”(第246页)。我以类似的方式使用文本凝视来展示视频是如何在白人参与视频本身时对美国白人进行这种凝视的。参见Karma R. Chávez,“身体:一个抽象而实际的修辞概念”,《修辞学会季刊》,第48期。李丽娟,“流动中的停顿与种族化修辞”,《西方传播杂志》,2018年第4期。3 (2020): 247-63;(重新)定义黑人的身体在黑人的生命也重要的时代:黑人的政治,旧的和新的,”政治,团体,和身份6,第2期。1 (2018): 138-52;罗纳德·杰克逊二世,《黑人男性身体的脚本:大众媒体中的身份、话语和种族政治》(奥尔巴尼:纽约州立大学出版社,2006年),第56页卡特里娜·戴恩·汤普森,《环呼,轮转:北美奴隶制中音乐和舞蹈的种族政治》(厄巴纳:伊利诺伊大学出版社,2014年);小W.T.拉蒙,《跳吉姆·克劳:第一大西洋失落的戏剧、歌词和街头散文》(剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,2003年),3.58汤普森,《环呼,轮转》。林恩·福利·埃默里,《黑人舞蹈:从1619年到今天》(普林斯顿:普林斯顿图书公司,1988年)Thompson, Ring Shout, Wheel约。61 LeMesurier,“对过度眨眼”,140;我看到死亡就在拐角处。《62岁的勒米苏里耶》,对过度眨眼。“63汤普森,环喊,轮转;拉蒙,《跳出吉姆·克劳法》;罗纳德·l·f·戴维斯,《创造吉姆·克劳:深度文章》,2003.64拉蒙,《跳出吉姆·克劳》,2.65埃里克·斯凯尔顿,《儿童甘比诺象征性的“这是美国”舞蹈编舞背后的故事》,《Complex》,2018.66戴维斯,《创造吉姆·克劳》;Thompson, Ring Shout, Wheel About, 169.67, Flores,“停止”。68尤瓦尔·泰勒和杰克·奥斯汀,《最黑暗的美国:从奴隶制到嘻哈的黑人吟唱》(纽约:W.W.诺顿公司,2012),8.69 Nunnally,“(Re)定义黑人身体”,141.70 Nunnally,“(Re)定义黑人身体”,141.71 McCann,犯罪的标志。72杰克逊二世,描述黑人男性身体,11.73杰克逊二世,描述黑人男性身体,80.74 Rudrow,“我看到死亡就在角落”;麦肯:《犯罪的标志》;巴拉吉,“拥有黑人男子气概。我把黑死病的字面意思用斜体字标出,以强调我读的是描写真正的黑死病的场景。著名的黑人学者,如弗兰克·b·怀尔德森三世,提出了非洲悲观主义者的观点,认为被标记为黑人是一种本体论上的死亡,意味着一种社会上的死亡。我在某种程度上同意这种观点,特别是考虑到白人凝视的逻辑,但我在这篇文章中不涉及这个观点,因此我对黑死病的区别。参见Frank B. Wilderson III,《非洲悲观主义》(纽约:Liveright出版社,2020).77Jason Horowitz、Nick Corasaniti和Ashley Southhall,“查尔斯顿黑人教堂枪击案致9人死亡”,《纽约时报》2015年6月17日;马特·福特和亚当·钱德勒,《‘仇恨犯罪’:发生在历史悠久的教堂的大规模杀戮》,《大西洋月刊》,2015年6月19日;81 .麦卡恩:《犯罪的印记:私刑与奇观:见证美国1890-1940年的种族暴力》(教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2009)木材,私刑与奇观,76.82木材,私刑与奇观,83木材,私刑与奇观,105;103.84木材,私刑和奇观,86.85厄苏拉·奥尔,论私刑:暴力,修辞和美国身份(密西西比大学出版社,2019);Ersula Ore和Matthew Houdek,“窒息时代的私刑:走向呼吸的时空政治”,《传播中的女性研究》第43期。伯纳德·d·黑德利:《黑人对黑人犯罪:神话与现实》,《犯罪与社会正义》,1983年第20期,第50-62页;卡米尔·卡尔德拉:《事实核查:白人对白人和黑人对黑人的犯罪率相似》,《今日美国》,2017.9.29。“黑德利88号,‘黑对黑’犯罪”;雪莉·卡斯韦尔:“关于种族和枪支死亡的‘黑人犯罪’谬论错过了什么”,《华盛顿邮报》,2020年7月8日90米歇尔·亚历山大,《新吉姆·克劳:色盲时代的大规模监禁》(新出版社,2010年);厄尔·史密斯和安吉拉·j·哈特里,“非裔美国人与监狱工业综合体”,《西部黑人研究杂志》,第34期。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2261209
Karma R. Chávez
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Annie Hill, “SlutWalk as Perifeminist Response to Rape Logic: The politics of Reclaiming a Name,” Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 13, no. 1 (2016): 23–39.2 Karma R. Chávez and Annie Hill, “The Visual and Sonic Registers of Neighbourhood Estrangement,” Journal of Intercultural Studies 42, no. 1 (2021): 68–83.3 Karma R. Chávez, “Beyond Inclusion: Rethinking Rhetoric’s Historical Narrative,” Quarterly Journal of Speech 101, no. 1 (2015): 162–72.4 Michael Calvin McGee, “Text, Context, and the Fragmentation of Contemporary Culture,” Western Journal of Speech Communication 54, no. 3 (1990): 274–90.5 Edwin Black, Rhetorical Criticism: A Study in Method, 2nd ed. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1978), xi.6 Aimee Carrillo Rowe, Power Lines: On the Subject of Feminist Alliances (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008).7 Lisa M. Corrigan and Mary E. Stuckey, “Rebooting Rhetoric and Public Address,” Rhetoric and Public Affairs 24, no. 1–2 (2021): 1–14.
点击放大图片点击缩小图片披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。注1:安妮·希尔:《荡妇游行:女性对强奸逻辑的回应:重新命名的政治》,《传播与批判/文化研究》第13期。卡玛·R. Chávez和安妮·希尔,“邻里隔阂的视觉和听觉记录”,《文化研究》第42期,2016。卡玛·R. Chávez,“超越包容:对修辞学历史叙事的再思考”,《语言学报》第101期。Michael Calvin McGee,“文本、语境与当代文化的碎片化”,《西方言语交际杂志》,2015年第54期。埃德温·布莱克:《修辞批评:方法研究》,第2版(麦迪逊:威斯康辛大学出版社,1978),第6页艾梅·卡里略·罗,《电力线:关于女权主义联盟的主题》(达勒姆,北卡罗来纳州:杜克大学出版社,2008)Lisa M. Corrigan和Mary E. Stuckey,“重新启动修辞学和公共演讲”,《修辞学与公共事务》24期,第2期。1-2(2021): 1-14。
{"title":"Alienizing logics and rhetoric at the end of the world","authors":"Karma R. Chávez","doi":"10.1080/00335630.2023.2261209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00335630.2023.2261209","url":null,"abstract":"Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Annie Hill, “SlutWalk as Perifeminist Response to Rape Logic: The politics of Reclaiming a Name,” Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 13, no. 1 (2016): 23–39.2 Karma R. Chávez and Annie Hill, “The Visual and Sonic Registers of Neighbourhood Estrangement,” Journal of Intercultural Studies 42, no. 1 (2021): 68–83.3 Karma R. Chávez, “Beyond Inclusion: Rethinking Rhetoric’s Historical Narrative,” Quarterly Journal of Speech 101, no. 1 (2015): 162–72.4 Michael Calvin McGee, “Text, Context, and the Fragmentation of Contemporary Culture,” Western Journal of Speech Communication 54, no. 3 (1990): 274–90.5 Edwin Black, Rhetorical Criticism: A Study in Method, 2nd ed. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1978), xi.6 Aimee Carrillo Rowe, Power Lines: On the Subject of Feminist Alliances (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008).7 Lisa M. Corrigan and Mary E. Stuckey, “Rebooting Rhetoric and Public Address,” Rhetoric and Public Affairs 24, no. 1–2 (2021): 1–14.","PeriodicalId":51545,"journal":{"name":"Quarterly Journal of Speech","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135902771","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2261211
A. Naomi Paik
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1 Mae M. Ngai, “Birthright Citizenship and the Alien Citizen,” Fordham Law Review 75:5 (2007): 2521–30.2 Erika Lee, “Americans are the dangerous, disease-carrying foreigners now,” Washington Post, July 8, 2020, https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2020/07/08/covid-travel-bans-americans/.
{"title":"The Borders of AIDS: Race, Quarantine, and Resistance <b>The Borders of AIDS: Race, Quarantine, and Resistance</b> , by Karma R. Chávez, Seattle, WA, University of Washington Press, 2021, 264 pp., $30(paperback)","authors":"A. Naomi Paik","doi":"10.1080/00335630.2023.2261211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00335630.2023.2261211","url":null,"abstract":"Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1 Mae M. Ngai, “Birthright Citizenship and the Alien Citizen,” Fordham Law Review 75:5 (2007): 2521–30.2 Erika Lee, “Americans are the dangerous, disease-carrying foreigners now,” Washington Post, July 8, 2020, https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2020/07/08/covid-travel-bans-americans/.","PeriodicalId":51545,"journal":{"name":"Quarterly Journal of Speech","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135900574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2261208
Jeff Bennett
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1 Jih-Fei Cheng, “AIDS, Women of Color Feminisms, Queer and Trans of Color Critiques, and the Crisis of Knowledge Production,” in AIDS and the Distribution of Crises, eds. Jih-Fei Cheng, Alexandra Juhasz, and Nishant Shahani (Durham: Duke University Press, 2020), 85.2 Editor’s note to Julia S. Jordan-Zachery’s “Safe, Soulful Sex: HIV/AIDS Talk,” in AIDS and the Distribution of Crises, 95.3 The irony that I am evoking this frame to make a point is not lost on me.4 Karma Chávez The Borders of AIDS: Race, Quarantine, and Resistance (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2021), 13.5 Ann Cvetkovich, Depression: A Public Feeling (Durham: Duke University Press, 2012), 25.6 See, for example, Theodore Kerr, “How to Live with a Virus,” POZ, March 23, 2020, https://www.poz.com/article/live-virus7 Chávez, Borders of AIDS, 5.8 Kevin Mumford, Not Straight, Not White: Black Gay Men from the March on Washington to the AIDS Crisis (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2016), 172.9 Andrew Pope, “Let Me Be Somebody: Fabian Bridges & Quarantine Proposals During the HIV & AIDS Crisis in America,” unpublished paper obtained through contact with the author, January 9, 2023.10 Chávez, Borders of AIDS, 7611 Riley C. Snorton, Nobody Is Supposed to Know: Black Sexuality on the Down Low (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2014), 124.12 Cathy Cohen, The Boundaries of Blackness: AIDS and the Breakdown of Black Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), 143.13 Steven W. Thrasher, The Viral Underclass: The Human Toll When Inequality and Disease Collide (New York: Celadon Books, 2022), 52.14 Cristina Mejia Visperas, Skin Theory: Visual Culture and the Postwar Prison Laboratory (New York: New York University Press, 2022), 9–10.15 Visperas, Skin Theory, 10.
{"title":"Narrative multiplicities and the politics of memory in <i>The Borders of AIDS</i>","authors":"Jeff Bennett","doi":"10.1080/00335630.2023.2261208","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00335630.2023.2261208","url":null,"abstract":"Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1 Jih-Fei Cheng, “AIDS, Women of Color Feminisms, Queer and Trans of Color Critiques, and the Crisis of Knowledge Production,” in AIDS and the Distribution of Crises, eds. Jih-Fei Cheng, Alexandra Juhasz, and Nishant Shahani (Durham: Duke University Press, 2020), 85.2 Editor’s note to Julia S. Jordan-Zachery’s “Safe, Soulful Sex: HIV/AIDS Talk,” in AIDS and the Distribution of Crises, 95.3 The irony that I am evoking this frame to make a point is not lost on me.4 Karma Chávez The Borders of AIDS: Race, Quarantine, and Resistance (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2021), 13.5 Ann Cvetkovich, Depression: A Public Feeling (Durham: Duke University Press, 2012), 25.6 See, for example, Theodore Kerr, “How to Live with a Virus,” POZ, March 23, 2020, https://www.poz.com/article/live-virus7 Chávez, Borders of AIDS, 5.8 Kevin Mumford, Not Straight, Not White: Black Gay Men from the March on Washington to the AIDS Crisis (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2016), 172.9 Andrew Pope, “Let Me Be Somebody: Fabian Bridges & Quarantine Proposals During the HIV & AIDS Crisis in America,” unpublished paper obtained through contact with the author, January 9, 2023.10 Chávez, Borders of AIDS, 7611 Riley C. Snorton, Nobody Is Supposed to Know: Black Sexuality on the Down Low (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2014), 124.12 Cathy Cohen, The Boundaries of Blackness: AIDS and the Breakdown of Black Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), 143.13 Steven W. Thrasher, The Viral Underclass: The Human Toll When Inequality and Disease Collide (New York: Celadon Books, 2022), 52.14 Cristina Mejia Visperas, Skin Theory: Visual Culture and the Postwar Prison Laboratory (New York: New York University Press, 2022), 9–10.15 Visperas, Skin Theory, 10.","PeriodicalId":51545,"journal":{"name":"Quarterly Journal of Speech","volume":"236 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135901087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-28DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2259963
Erin J. Rand
ABSTRACTGavin Grimm, a white transgender boy from Virginia, successfully sued his school board in Grimm v. Gloucester County School Board and helped secure the right for trans and gender nonconforming students to use public school bathrooms that correspond to their gender identities. His 2021 victory was the culmination of a long legal battle that began in 2014, when the Gloucester County School Board (GCSB) passed a resolution that segregated bathrooms on the basis of “biological gender.” This essay considers the two GCSB meetings at which this resolution was debated as instances of “ordinary democracy,” where local practices of deliberation not only set policy but also sustain community and produce shared opinion. Drawing on Black trans scholarship that proposes the transitivity of Blackness and demonstrates how Blackness is made present in the service of whiteness, I examine how the discussions at the GCSB meetings strategically mobilized civil rights rhetoric and histories of racial segregation to debate Gavin’s entitlement to public space. Blackness, I argue, is invoked and disavowed as a condition of possibility for modern white trans identities and a resource for vernacular articulations of the scope of trans rights.KEYWORDS: Bathroom billsordinary democracyschool boardsBlack trans studiesGavin Grimm Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 I follow the lead of scholars like GPat Patterson and Leland G. Spencer, who contend that “trans” is “an intentional move to hold space for a range of gender expansive people—who may identify as trans, transgender, and/or transsexual, and who move through the world as men, women, nonbinary people, agender people, and other non/gendered positionalities.” (GPat Patterson and Leland G. Spencer, “Toward Trans Rhetorical Agency: A Critical Analysis of Trans Topics in Rhetoric and Composition and Communication Scholarship,” Peitho 22, no. 4 (Summer 2020).) As I will describe later in this essay, Black trans scholarship posits “trans*” (with the asterisk) as not only an identity label, but also an analytic, a method, or an optic, with “ontological, ideological, and epistemological ramifications.” (Kai M. Green, “Troubling the Waters: Mobilizing a Trans* Analytic,” in No Tea, No Shade: New Writings in Black Queer Studies, ed. E. Patrick Johnson (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016), 66–67.)2 I refer to Gavin (and other young people) by first names throughout this essay for two reasons: first, using Gavin’s first name is a humanizing gesture, reminding us that although he is the subject of community controversy, policy debate, media attention, and legal decisions, he is still a private citizen and, most importantly, a minor. Second, as a trans young person, Gavin’s first name is a site of identity construction and agency; I seek to preserve his right to self-expression through naming by using that name here. Joshua Block, “‘All I Want to Do Is Be a Normal Child a
摘要:来自弗吉尼亚州的白人跨性别男孩加文·格林(gavin Grimm)在格林诉格洛斯特县学校董事会案中成功起诉了学校董事会,并帮助确保了跨性别和性别不符合要求的学生使用符合其性别身份的公立学校浴室的权利。他在2021年的胜利是一场始于2014年的长期法律斗争的高潮,当时格洛斯特县学校董事会(GCSB)通过了一项决议,根据“生理性别”隔离厕所。本文将讨论该决议的两次GCSB会议视为“普通民主”的实例,在这些会议上,当地的审议实践不仅制定政策,而且维持社区并产生共同意见。黑人跨性别学者提出了黑人的及物性,并展示了黑人是如何为白人服务的,我研究了GCSB会议上的讨论如何战略性地动员民权言论和种族隔离的历史来辩论加文对公共空间的权利。我认为,作为现代白人跨性别身份的可能性条件,以及对跨性别权利范围的白话表达的资源,黑人被援引和否定。关键词:浴室法案,普通民主,学校董事会,黑人跨性别研究,加文·格林披露声明,作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1我追随帕特·帕特森(pat Patterson)和利兰·斯宾塞(Leland G. Spencer)等学者的领导,他们认为“跨性别”是“一种有意的举动,为一系列性别扩张的人保留空间——这些人可能认为自己是跨性别者、跨性别者和/或变性者,他们以男人、女人、非二元性人、无性人和其他非/性别身份在世界上活动。”(帕特·帕特森、利兰·g·斯宾塞,《走向跨修辞能动性:修辞学、写作与交际学跨话题的批判性分析》,《交际学》第22期,第2期)。4(2020年夏季)。正如我将在本文后面描述的那样,黑人跨性别学者认为“跨*”(带有星号)不仅是一种身份标签,而且是一种分析、一种方法或一种视觉,具有“本体论、意识形态和认识论的分支”。(凯·m·格林,“麻烦的水域:动员跨*分析”,在没有茶,没有阴影:黑人同性恋研究的新作品,E.帕特里克·约翰逊编(达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2016),66-67)2我在这篇文章中提到加文(和其他年轻人)的名字有两个原因:首先,使用加文的名字是一种人性化的姿态,提醒我们,尽管他是社区争议、政策辩论、媒体关注和法律决定的主题,但他仍然是一名普通公民,最重要的是,他是未成年人。其次,作为一个跨性别年轻人,加文的名字是一个身份建构和代理的场所;我试图通过在这里使用这个名字来保护他自我表达的权利。约书亚阻止,“我要做的是一个正常的孩子,洗手间在和平,”美国公民自由联盟,2015年10月21日,https://www.aclu.org/blog/lgbtq-rights/transgender-rights/all-i-want-do-be-normal-child-and-use-restroom-peace.3詹姆斯•Hohmann”,请继续,”华盛顿邮报,2021年7月2日,https://www.washingtonpost.com/podcasts/please-go-on/gavin-grimm-on-a-watershed-moment-in-the-fight-for-transgender-rights/?utm_source=podcasts&utm_medium=referral&utm_campaign=please-go-on;CNN政治版,2021年6月28日,https://www.cnn.com/2021/06/28/politics/gavin-grimm-supreme-court/index.html?mc_cid=72e51f8eb9&mc_eid=1c68b5882b.4珍妮特·莫克,“加文·格林”,《时代周刊》,2017年4月20日,https://time.com/collection-post/4742687/gavin-grimm/.5吉尔·考夫曼,“拉文·考克斯在格莱美颁奖典礼上大声喊出加文·格林:他是谁?,《公告牌》,2017年2月13日,https://www.billboard.com/articles/news/grammys/7686420/laverne-cox-called-out-gavin-grimm-grammy-awards-who-is-he;拉弗恩·考克斯和杰西·海曼,《这不是关于厕所:拉弗恩·考克斯对跨性别权利的攻击》,InStyle, 2017年3月6日,https://www.instyle.com/celebrity/laverne-cox-gavin-grimm-anti-trans-bathroom;“2016年最具影响力的30位青少年”,时代周刊,2016年10月19日,https://time.com/4532104/most-influential-teens-2016/;Nancy Gibbs,“2017年世界上最具影响力的100人”,时代周刊,2017年4月20日,https://time.com/magazine/us/4748217/may-1st-2017-vol-189-no-16-u-s/.6 Sari Staver,“骄傲2018:格林回忆在跨性别浴室斗争中的“孤立”经历”,湾区记者报,2018年6月21日,https://www.ebar.com/news/news//261542;Davis Burroughs,“Gavin Grimm天才大学奖学金”,山茱萸,2019年6月25日,https://vadogwood.com/2019/06/25/gavin-grimm-gifted-college-scholarship/。 7参见:罗宾·伯恩斯坦,《种族纯真:从奴隶制到民权的美国童年表演》(纽约:纽约大学出版社,2011);威尔玛·金,《被偷走的童年:19世纪美国的奴隶青年》(布卢明顿:印第安纳大学出版社,2011);艾丽卡·迈纳斯《为了孩子们?》《保护无辜的州》(明尼阿波利斯:明尼苏达大学出版社,2016);玛丽·尼尔·米切尔,《抚养自由的孩子:黑人孩子和奴隶制后的未来》(纽约:纽约大学出版社,2008)Brian L. Ott和Eric Aoki,“协商公共悲剧的政治:马修·谢泼德谋杀案的媒体框架”,《修辞与公共事务》第5期。3(2002年秋季):488.9 Amber L. Johnson和Lore/tta LeMaster,性别未来,交叉性民族志:从边缘体现的理论(纽约:Routledge, 2020), 3 - 4.10 Lore/tta LeMaster和Michael Tristano Jr.,“在保罗的变装比赛中表演(亚裔美国跨性别)女性:种族化性别的迷失,或者,表演有色人种的跨性别女性,无论如何,”国际与跨文化交流杂志,第16期。1 (2023): 5-6;“Ex-G.I。《变成金发美人》,《纽约每日新闻》1952年12月1日。11 Evan Mitchell Schares,“Leelah Alcorn的自杀:垂死的酷儿文化觉醒中的白人”,《QED: GLBTQ Worldmaking杂志》第6期。1 (2019): 1 - 25;乔·爱德华·哈特菲尔德,《布莱克·布罗金顿的修辞来世:逃亡的黑人跨性别数据和
{"title":"“The Rosa Parks of the trans bathroom debate”: Gavin Grimm and the racialization of transgender civil rights","authors":"Erin J. Rand","doi":"10.1080/00335630.2023.2259963","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00335630.2023.2259963","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTGavin Grimm, a white transgender boy from Virginia, successfully sued his school board in Grimm v. Gloucester County School Board and helped secure the right for trans and gender nonconforming students to use public school bathrooms that correspond to their gender identities. His 2021 victory was the culmination of a long legal battle that began in 2014, when the Gloucester County School Board (GCSB) passed a resolution that segregated bathrooms on the basis of “biological gender.” This essay considers the two GCSB meetings at which this resolution was debated as instances of “ordinary democracy,” where local practices of deliberation not only set policy but also sustain community and produce shared opinion. Drawing on Black trans scholarship that proposes the transitivity of Blackness and demonstrates how Blackness is made present in the service of whiteness, I examine how the discussions at the GCSB meetings strategically mobilized civil rights rhetoric and histories of racial segregation to debate Gavin’s entitlement to public space. Blackness, I argue, is invoked and disavowed as a condition of possibility for modern white trans identities and a resource for vernacular articulations of the scope of trans rights.KEYWORDS: Bathroom billsordinary democracyschool boardsBlack trans studiesGavin Grimm Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 I follow the lead of scholars like GPat Patterson and Leland G. Spencer, who contend that “trans” is “an intentional move to hold space for a range of gender expansive people—who may identify as trans, transgender, and/or transsexual, and who move through the world as men, women, nonbinary people, agender people, and other non/gendered positionalities.” (GPat Patterson and Leland G. Spencer, “Toward Trans Rhetorical Agency: A Critical Analysis of Trans Topics in Rhetoric and Composition and Communication Scholarship,” Peitho 22, no. 4 (Summer 2020).) As I will describe later in this essay, Black trans scholarship posits “trans*” (with the asterisk) as not only an identity label, but also an analytic, a method, or an optic, with “ontological, ideological, and epistemological ramifications.” (Kai M. Green, “Troubling the Waters: Mobilizing a Trans* Analytic,” in No Tea, No Shade: New Writings in Black Queer Studies, ed. E. Patrick Johnson (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016), 66–67.)2 I refer to Gavin (and other young people) by first names throughout this essay for two reasons: first, using Gavin’s first name is a humanizing gesture, reminding us that although he is the subject of community controversy, policy debate, media attention, and legal decisions, he is still a private citizen and, most importantly, a minor. Second, as a trans young person, Gavin’s first name is a site of identity construction and agency; I seek to preserve his right to self-expression through naming by using that name here. Joshua Block, “‘All I Want to Do Is Be a Normal Child a","PeriodicalId":51545,"journal":{"name":"Quarterly Journal of Speech","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135344923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-14DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2255640
Savannah Greer Downing
ABSTRACTAs we emerge into a post-Roe landscape spurred by state-level “heartbeat bills,” the stakes are high for rhetorical scholars to identify rhetorical topoi that have the capacity to intervene in legislative acts of reproductive injustice. Already, feminist rhetorical scholars have determined the rhetorical limits of topoi derived from legal, medical, and <choice> frameworks. Thus, I build upon Kelly Pender’s “rhetoric of care” to theorize what I name reproductive justice rhetorics of care, rhetorical topoi that can advance reproductive justice (RJ). Importantly, I view RJ as a contingent telos – not an analytic – to which both radical (protest) and reform (institutional) rhetoric can contribute. I argue that Georgia state Senator Jen Jordan’s dissent of HB 481, Georgia’s heartbeat bill, offers three RJ rhetorics of care from within the constraints of institutional dissent: women as the fiduciaries of life, reproduction as an embodied process, and mother – reclaimed and reframed. This analysis underscores the importance of identifying the rhetorical strategies invoked by state legislators to challenge reproductive injustice, given that abortion access will now be controlled by states post-Dobbs. Further, my analytical approach to finding topoi that move toward a contingent telos has implications for additional justice-oriented movements.KEYWORDS: Reproductive justiceabortion rhetoricrhetorics of careheartbeat billsdissent AcknowledgmentsThank you to Stacey K. Sowards and two anonymous reviewers, as well as my advisor, Belinda A. Stillion Southard, and Celeste M. Condit for their thoughtful, supportive feedback and guidance in this essay’s development. Feedback from Kelly E. Happe and Roger Stahl, as well as Ray Bailey, Christina Deka, Carly Fabian, Brittany Knutson, and Nathan Rothenbaum, was incredibly helpful. Kesha James, Nick Lepp, and Alex Morales also read and provided invaluable feedback for countless iterations of this essay. The 2022 NCA DHS group led by Josh Gunn, Jade C. Huell, and Chuck Morris offered a supportive space to improve this piece in its more final stages. Finally, I thank my late father, Ken Downing, and my mother, Greer Downing, for encouraging and supporting my activist commitments.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Josh Gerstein and Alexander Ward, “Supreme Court Has Voted to Overturn Abortion Rights, Draft Opinion Shows,” Politico, May 2, 2022.2 Abigail Abrams, “These States Are Set to Ban Abortion If Roe v. Wade Is Overturned,” Time, May 3, 2022.3 Anne Ryman and Matt Wynn, “For Anti-Abortion Activists, Success of ‘Heartbeat’ Bills Was 10 Years in the Making,” The Center for Public Integrity, June 20, 2019.4 Bill Rankin, “Digging Deeper: Could Georgia Abortion Law Challenge Roe v. Wade?” Atlanta Journal-Constitution, April 26, 2019.5 Heartbeat bills were first drafted by Faith2Action’s founder, Janet Porter, who was instrumental in passing the first “Partial-Bir
134 Amber Johnson和Kesha Morant Williams,“对非裔美国人来说最危险的地方是在子宫里”:生殖健康差距和反堕胎言论,《当代修辞杂志》第5期,第2期。Jamie Worsley,“OBGYN沙漠在南乔治亚州生长”,WALB News, 2023.4.28。136 Roberts,“在四个运动中成为和成为母亲:通过生殖正义镜头的代际观点”,《激进生殖正义》,133.137引用于Ludlow,“有时”,44.138 Condit,“修言辞家”,22.139 Adrian Horton,“这比堕胎大得多”。5位州议员反对6周禁令”,英国《卫报》2019年7月8日。要了解更多明确质疑堕胎话语中对跨性别者和性别多样性个体的遗漏以及更广泛的联盟建设机会的丧失的学术研究,请参见艾米丽·温德曼和阿提拉·霍尔斯比的《多布斯漏洞和生殖正义》,《演讲季刊》108期,第108期。4 (2022): 421-5.142 Condit,“修辞学家”,22.143 Ivie,“使民主异议成为可能”,56.144 Condit,“修辞策略”,442-3.145布鲁诺·拉图尔,“为什么批评已经失去动力?”《从事实问题到关注问题》,《批判性探究》第30期,no。2 (2004) .146Condit,“修辞学家”,22.147 Pender,处于遗传风险中,114.148 Jen Jordan (@attorney_jen), 2021年10月2日。https://twitter.com/attorney_jen/status/1444447942912380934强调我康迪特,“修辞策略”,442.150威尔·邦奇,“亚特兰大的警察之城是美国的未来”,《费城问询报》,2023.6月22日;r.j.里科,“亚特兰大组织者公布计划,将“警察之城”之战带到投票箱”,PBS新闻时间,2023.7日。2023年6月5日,“YouTube, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3lhPeAPaAcQ.153 Pender,处于遗传风险中,114.154 Condit,“修辞策略”,442.155 Heather Ashby,“极右翼极端主义是一个全球性问题”,《外交政策》,2021年1月15日。
{"title":"Toward reproductive justice rhetorics of care: state senator Jen Jordan’s dissent of Georgia’s heartbeat bill","authors":"Savannah Greer Downing","doi":"10.1080/00335630.2023.2255640","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00335630.2023.2255640","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTAs we emerge into a post-Roe landscape spurred by state-level “heartbeat bills,” the stakes are high for rhetorical scholars to identify rhetorical topoi that have the capacity to intervene in legislative acts of reproductive injustice. Already, feminist rhetorical scholars have determined the rhetorical limits of topoi derived from legal, medical, and <choice> frameworks. Thus, I build upon Kelly Pender’s “rhetoric of care” to theorize what I name reproductive justice rhetorics of care, rhetorical topoi that can advance reproductive justice (RJ). Importantly, I view RJ as a contingent telos – not an analytic – to which both radical (protest) and reform (institutional) rhetoric can contribute. I argue that Georgia state Senator Jen Jordan’s dissent of HB 481, Georgia’s heartbeat bill, offers three RJ rhetorics of care from within the constraints of institutional dissent: women as the fiduciaries of life, reproduction as an embodied process, and mother – reclaimed and reframed. This analysis underscores the importance of identifying the rhetorical strategies invoked by state legislators to challenge reproductive injustice, given that abortion access will now be controlled by states post-Dobbs. Further, my analytical approach to finding topoi that move toward a contingent telos has implications for additional justice-oriented movements.KEYWORDS: Reproductive justiceabortion rhetoricrhetorics of careheartbeat billsdissent AcknowledgmentsThank you to Stacey K. Sowards and two anonymous reviewers, as well as my advisor, Belinda A. Stillion Southard, and Celeste M. Condit for their thoughtful, supportive feedback and guidance in this essay’s development. Feedback from Kelly E. Happe and Roger Stahl, as well as Ray Bailey, Christina Deka, Carly Fabian, Brittany Knutson, and Nathan Rothenbaum, was incredibly helpful. Kesha James, Nick Lepp, and Alex Morales also read and provided invaluable feedback for countless iterations of this essay. The 2022 NCA DHS group led by Josh Gunn, Jade C. Huell, and Chuck Morris offered a supportive space to improve this piece in its more final stages. Finally, I thank my late father, Ken Downing, and my mother, Greer Downing, for encouraging and supporting my activist commitments.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Josh Gerstein and Alexander Ward, “Supreme Court Has Voted to Overturn Abortion Rights, Draft Opinion Shows,” Politico, May 2, 2022.2 Abigail Abrams, “These States Are Set to Ban Abortion If Roe v. Wade Is Overturned,” Time, May 3, 2022.3 Anne Ryman and Matt Wynn, “For Anti-Abortion Activists, Success of ‘Heartbeat’ Bills Was 10 Years in the Making,” The Center for Public Integrity, June 20, 2019.4 Bill Rankin, “Digging Deeper: Could Georgia Abortion Law Challenge Roe v. Wade?” Atlanta Journal-Constitution, April 26, 2019.5 Heartbeat bills were first drafted by Faith2Action’s founder, Janet Porter, who was instrumental in passing the first “Partial-Bir","PeriodicalId":51545,"journal":{"name":"Quarterly Journal of Speech","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134970118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-11DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2255636
Lamiyah Bahrainwala, Kate Lockwood Harris
ABSTRACTThis article exposes four white-supremacist tactics embedded within extant consent discourse that became increasingly mobilized through the COVID-19 pandemic. These tactics include discourses of militarism as well as the dismissal of Black autonomy, reproductive access, and disability within existing consent rhetoric. We argue that these tactics create renewed exigence for de-whitening consent, and we build such a de-whitened consent framework by applying rhetorical scholarship on sexual violence to the 2020 Michigan anti-lockdown extremist protests, which were largely undertaken by white men. By exposing the white-supremacist tactics visible in these extremist protests, we highlight how pandemic-related rhetorics of bodily autonomy apply differently to Black, Muslim, disabled, trans, and migrant populations, and thus offer a de-whitened consent framework as a tool to chip away at white supremacist discourse.KEYWORDS: Consentbodily autonomysocial-distancingwhite supremacist violenceintersectionality Correction StatementThis article has been corrected with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Jeanie Stephens. “(Updated) Video: Wood River Officer Made Men Leave Walmart Because They Wore Masks,” The Telegraph, October 6, 2022, https://www.thetelegraph.com/news/article/Video-Wood-River-officer-has-men-leave-Walmart-15154393.php#photo-19209937.2 Ibid.3 James Auley, “France Mandates Masks to Control the Coronavirus. Burqas Remain Banned,” The Washington Post, October 6, 2022, https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/france-face-masks-coronavirus/2020/05/09/6fbd50fc-8ae6-11ea-80df-d24b35a568ae_story.html.4 Samantha Tatro, “CBP Officer Received Sexual Favors for Allowing Undocumented Immigrants Into US: FBI,” NBC San Diego, September 8, 2016, https://www.nbcsandiego.com/news/local/cbp-agent-received-sexual-favors-for-allowing-undocumented-immigrants-into-us-fbi-says/110589/.5 Simone Browne, Dark Matters: On the Surveillance of Blackness (Durham: Duke University Press, 2015).6 Usha Lee McFarling, “‘Which Death Do They Choose?:’ Many Black Men Fear Wearing a Mask More than the Coronavirus,” Stat News, June 3, 2020, https://www.statnews.com/2020/06/03/which-deamany-black-men-fear-wearing-mask-more-than-coronavirus/; Fernando Alfonso III, “Why Some People of Color Say They Won’t Wear Homemade Masks,” CNN, April 7, 2020, https://www.cnn.com/2020/04/07/us/face-masks-ethnicity-coronavirus-cdc-trnd/index.html; Tracy Jan, “Two Black Men Say They Were Kicked Out of Walmart for Wearing Protective Masks: Others Worry It Will Happen to Them,” The Washington Post, April 9, 2020, https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2020/04/09/masks-racial-profiling-walmart-coronavirus/.7 As an example, Black Chicagoans died at more than twice the rate of their white counterparts, and early in the pandemic U.S. physician groups began to call f
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Pub Date : 2023-09-07DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2250580
Noor Ghazal Aswad
ABSTRACT This article takes the assassination of Qasem Soleimani as a case study that manifests the schism between the realities of those in revolutionary struggle and those on the U.S. American left who might gather in solidarity with them. I explicate “reverse moral exceptionalism” as a nationalistic tendency to insist on oneself as central to every event of significance on the world stage and which positions the United States (U.S.) as a singular source of evil in the world. Based on an ethnocentrism that approaches the world from a position of dominance, reverse moral exceptionalism saturates the space available for others and induces the inability to listen to the testimony of others. Cartesian “either-or” logics situate all non-white state actors as inherently colonized and by extension, all colonial brown actors emerge as apolitical victims. I argue that when whiteness is only understood in racially provincial terms, it distorts understandings of inter-racial collusion in the transnational context. I attend to the unlikely ways in which whiteness and its concomitant forms of exceptionalism permeate U.S. American nationalist subjectivities, setting the groundwork for an anti-colonial discourse that paradoxically justifies oppressive regimes and brings about indifference to grassroots revolutionary discourse and the micropolitics of resistance.
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Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2227426
C. Colombini
Themes of the strange and surprising have long suffused G. Mitchell Reyes’ scholarly juxtapositions of mathematics and rhetoric. Take his 2005 study of Newton and Leibniz, which pierces the Infinitesimal as a constitutive concept that enabled an empirically impossible task—one cannot really sum an infinite of imaginary rectangles occupying the space under a curved line—with the uncanny force of its explosion into unpredictable intellectual circuits. Or the incisive review “Stranger Relations,” which muses that to enter into the peculiar interface of rhetoric, mathematics, and culture is to pass “outside our alphabetic comfort zones to the edges of the symbolic, where humans and nonhumans meet” (489). Or the recent Arguing with Numbers (with James Wynn) and the chapter that transports us from the classical estrangement of rhetoric and mathematics into rich veins of transdisciplinary work that discern how complex calculations, quantitative quasi-logics, and mathematical semiotics dually reflect and incline rhetorical activity. The stunning impetus of mathematization across disciplines, the formidable potency of numbers in political debate, and the enigmatic power of abstruse algorithms all yield a clear (if not uncontroversial) mandate: “rhetorical scholars can and should make a sustained and coordinated effort to study the rhetorical dimensions of mathematics” (2). Yet if Reyes has long held that the strange and surprising must draw rhetoric toward coherent inquiry, then The Evolution of Mathematics brings this refrain into a new fullness of dimension. The book begins with the same indisputable exigence as Arguing—the fact of our existence at a moment in which mathematical discourses suffuse all facets of social life. Yet here we are called to deeper reflection on how these phenomena “bespeak the strangeness of our world” (2), building on and breaking with the past to radically recompose conditions in ways Reyes describes so poignantly as to be worth citing at length:
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Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2230728
Scott R. Stroud
The interdisciplinary field of rhetorical studies has grown increasingly aware that the arts of speech, persuasion, and language use go far beyond the sources that used to represent the foundation as recently as a few decades ago. While exciting work continues to be done on the rhetorical traditions of Greece and Rome, more and more scholars are teaching and writing on rhetoric in its other forms outside of the western tradition. Global Rhetorical Traditions represents a pivotal moment in this evolving movement toward more global and international readings of what rhetoric is or what it could be. Serving as the first comprehensive textbook that features both commentary and primary sources, it is aptly positioned as a counterpart to Patricia Bizzell and Bruce Herzberg’s important text, The Rhetorical Tradition. While I cannot see many teachers using both of these texts—both are significant in size—this placing of international or global traditions of rhetoric on a parity with a popular book presenting the western tradition is significant. The textbook edited by Hui Wu and Tarez Samra Graban has a reasonable cost and an impressive scope. It can easily be used to teach courses that challenge and expand what and who we include in the rhetorical canon. It leverages a range of contemporary scholars from rhetorical studies to create a research-intensive textbook that will stimulate the scholars who teach with it and the students who use it. The design of Global Rhetorical Traditions is useful for teachers who want to design and implement courses in global, “non-western,” or international rhetoric. My attempt at putting labels on the sort of course this book fits reveals the tensions at the heart of this project in global rhetoric. “Rhetoric” has been long tethered to its Greek concepts, debates, and terms of art. Applying the term and its conceptual baggage to other traditions both offers the potential to build valuable bridges to other lines of thought that ethnocentrism and disciplinary habits might blind us to and risks missing the insights and unique aspects of those traditions. In the general introduction to the book, Graban clearly lays out the choices made by the editors to recover traditions and treatises as rhetorical that we have missed in the West, even if those traditions do not use “rhetoric” or a clear equivalent term. The volume aims to build bridges and create meaningful points of contact, so such a synthetic approach is justified. Graban’s introduction also shows the emphasis on cultural and linguistic sensitivity that the volume will prioritize when curating and commenting on its myriad primary sources. All are translated into English, but the editors and the individual commentators make a point of showing the presence of nuance and complexity in the original texts. Drawing on Jerry Won Lee’s notion of “semioscape,” the introduction honestly reckons with the challenges and choices of organizing such a volume. The book is largely divide
跨学科的修辞学研究领域已经越来越意识到,演讲、说服和语言使用的艺术远远超出了几十年前用来代表基础的来源。在对希腊和罗马的修辞传统进行令人兴奋的研究的同时,越来越多的学者开始教授和撰写西方传统之外的其他形式的修辞学。全球修辞传统代表了一个关键的时刻,在这个不断发展的运动中,对什么是修辞或它可能是什么有更多的全球和国际阅读。作为第一本全面的教科书,既包括评论,也包括原始资料,它被恰当地定位为帕特里夏·比泽尔和布鲁斯·赫茨伯格的重要文本《修辞传统》的对应物。虽然我没有看到很多老师同时使用这两本教科书——两者的篇幅都很重要——但将国际或全球修辞传统与一本展示西方传统的流行书籍相提并论是很有意义的。吴辉和Tarez Samra Graban编辑的教科书成本合理,范围令人印象深刻。它可以很容易地用于教学课程,挑战和扩展我们在修辞经典中包含的内容和人物。它利用一系列当代修辞学学者来创建一个研究密集型的教科书,将激励用它来教学的学者和使用它的学生。全球修辞传统的设计对那些想要设计和实施全球、“非西方”或国际修辞课程的教师很有用。我试图给这本书适合的课程贴上标签,这揭示了全球修辞中这个项目核心的紧张关系。“修辞学”长期以来一直与希腊的概念、辩论和艺术术语联系在一起。将这一术语及其概念包袱应用于其他传统,既提供了与其他思想路线建立有价值的桥梁的潜力,而种族中心主义和学科习惯可能会使我们忽视这些思想路线,并冒着失去这些传统的见解和独特方面的风险。在本书的总论中,格拉班清楚地列出了编辑们所做的选择,以恢复我们在西方错过的传统和论文的修辞,即使这些传统不使用“修辞”或一个明确的等效术语。体量旨在建立桥梁并创造有意义的接触点,因此这种综合方法是合理的。格拉班的介绍也显示了对文化和语言敏感性的强调,这是本书在整理和评论其众多原始资料时将优先考虑的。所有这些都被翻译成英文,但编辑和个别评论员都强调在原文中存在细微差别和复杂性。引言借鉴了Jerry Won Lee的“半景观”概念,诚实地考虑了组织这样一卷书的挑战和选择。这本书很大程度上是按地区划分的,这种组织方式有它的用处。尽管如此,格拉班指出,这不应该掩盖这些传统的混合和全球化本质(特别是在最近的过去)。人们很快就会意识到,研究和教学全球或比较修辞学会让人对必须做出的选择非常敏感。我在这个领域的研究和教学中也感受到了这一点。一个人如何组织一门课程或一篇文章,而不轻视或过度简化传统和长期(和不断发展的)文化?
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