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A tour de force of Mexican rhetoricity and racialization 墨西哥修辞和种族化的杰作
IF 1.1 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2165235
N. M. Lozano
Lisa Flores ’ book, Deportable and Disposable: Public Rhetoric and the Making of the “ Illegal ” Immigrant is a tour de force of Mexican/American history, rhetoricity, and racialization. Flores argues that racialization is rhetorical, which is to say performative, inter-sectional, and crafted in public discourse. Flores argues that racialization creates shared perceptions of Mexicans that take the form of body logics of race and mobility logics of borders (13). Body logics are the sightlines of race that tie racial categories to assumptions of inferiority and superiority. Mobility logics “ trace the varied racialized associations that prompt the sensing of race ” (13). The mobility logics connect the perceptions of bodies to the lived mobilities of everyday life
丽莎·弗洛雷斯的书《可驱逐和可丢弃:公共修辞和“非法”移民的形成》是墨西哥/美国历史、修辞和种族化的杰作。弗洛雷斯认为,种族化是修辞性的,也就是说,是表现性的,是跨部门的,是在公共话语中精心设计的。弗洛雷斯认为,种族化产生了对墨西哥人的共同认知,这种认知以种族的身体逻辑和边界的流动逻辑的形式出现(13)。身体逻辑是种族的视线,将种族类别与劣等和优越的假设联系在一起。流动逻辑“追踪促使种族意识产生的各种种族化的联系”(13)。移动性逻辑将身体的感知与日常生活的生活移动性联系起来
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引用次数: 11
“Look, an Illegal Alien!”: the rhetorics of migrant “Illegality” and the racialization of Mexicanness “看,一个非法移民!”:移民“非法”的修辞和墨西哥性的种族化
IF 1.1 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2165234
N. Genova
ABSTRACT There is a sociopolitical and juridical regime that I have designated in terms of “the legal production of Mexican/migrant ‘illegality’,” which is never separable from a larger discursive formation of migrant “illegality,” which has always also been constitutive to the (re-)racialization of “Mexican”-ness in the United States. As a scholar of rhetoric, Lisa Flores amplifies and illuminates these multiple dimensions of the rhetoricity of race, national identity, and citizenship. By examining this succession over the first half of the twentieth century of “moments of rhetorical crisis” surrounding the mass-mediated and highly politicized spectacles that produced “Mexicans” as “problem,” Flores critically demonstrates how U.S. public discourse has named “Mexicans” and called upon the public to see “Mexicans” — variously, as “illegal aliens,” “zootsuiters,” braceros, and “wetbacks” — such that the law and law enforcement, politics and policing, as well as mass-mediated public discourse have been indispensable for the ensnaring of “Mexicanness" within deportability and disposability and confining “Mexicans,” both migrants and U.S.-born ostensible citizens, within a regime of racial subordination.
我在“墨西哥/移民‘非法’的合法生产”这一术语中指出了一种社会政治和司法制度,它与移民‘非法’的更大的话语形成是不可分割的,它也一直构成了美国“墨西哥”性的(再)种族化。作为一名修辞学学者,丽莎·弗洛雷斯(Lisa Flores)放大并阐明了种族、国家身份和公民身份等修辞学的这些多重维度。弗洛雷斯考察了二十世纪上半叶的一系列“修辞危机时刻”,这些时刻围绕着大众媒介和高度政治化的景象,将“墨西哥人”视为“问题”,并批判性地展示了美国公共话语是如何将“墨西哥人”命名为“墨西哥人”,并呼吁公众看待“墨西哥人”——各种形式,如“非法外国人”、“动物外套者”、“墨西哥人”和“偷渡客”因此,法律和执法,政治和警务,以及大众媒介的公共话语,对于将“墨西哥性”困在可驱逐和可处置的范围内,并将“墨西哥人”,无论是移民还是出生在美国的表面公民,限制在种族从属的制度中,都是不可或缺的。
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引用次数: 0
Towards a transnational analysis of racialization, affect, and neoliberal capitalism 走向种族化、情感和新自由资本主义的跨国分析
IF 1.1 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2023.2165236
S. Yam
ABSTRACT This review of Lisa Flores' Deportable and Disposable connects racialization of Mexican migrants in the US with a similar process in Hong Kong towards mainland Chinese immigrants, and Southeast Asian domestic workers. The essay argues for increased rhetorical attunement towards the transnational interconnectedness of racial hierarchy and neoliberal capitalism.
摘要:本文回顾了丽莎·弗洛雷斯的《可驱逐和可丢弃》一书,将墨西哥移民在美国的种族化与香港对中国大陆移民和东南亚家庭佣工的类似过程联系起来。本文主张对种族等级制度和新自由主义资本主义的跨国相互联系进行更多的修辞调整。
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引用次数: 0
Editorial Statement 社论声明
IF 1.1 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2022.2160045
Stacey K. Sowards, Toniesha Taylor
Setting a vision for the Quarterly Journal of Speech’s content and direction means addressing the important problems in our discipline related to white supremacy, colorism, misogyny, class standing, ability, U.S.-centered thinking, anti-Islamic sentiment, anti-Semitism, antiBlackness, anthropocentrism, ongoing colonialisms, and many forms of ethnocentrism. Calls for greater representation of marginalized perspectives in our discipline have persisted for decades, but have reached critical junctures in recent years. The controversy over NCA’s Distinguished Scholars is but one instance among numerous others that have left many folks in our field feeling disenfranchised by organizations such as NCA and journals such as QJS. Case in point: recent forums and conversations inQJS, CC/CS, and other disciplinary journals indicate a deep, urgent need and hunger for rhetorical and critical scholarship that address our current contexts and cultural milieu. These discussions represent just a few of the ongoing conversations about experiences of exclusion, marginalization, and microaggressions in rhetorical studies. We envision then, thatQJS will be a scholarly forum where authors address a wide range of social and political issues and how they function within, through, and beyond rhetoric/ language. We face persistent ableism, environmental catastrophes, wars and attempted/successful exterminations of various peoples, globalization/capitalism, the slow violence of climate change/food insecurity/toxins, anti-Black, anti-Indigenous, anti-Latinx, and antiAsian racism, the rise of white supremacy and nationalism, deeply problematic immigration policies and xenophobia, oppression of queer and gender non-conforming folks, erasure of Indigenous peoples and cultures/languages, anti-Islamic and anti-Palestine sentiments and violence, as well as many other social justice issues. While topics that generally focus on rhetoric in method, theory, and/or inclusion continue to be appropriate for this journal, we especially seek submissions that engage matters and contexts that go beyond the traditional scope of this journal, particularly beyond U.S. American understandings of the world, and especially in the form of anti-oppression research frameworks. We hope that QJS as a journal will address the issues listed above, along with nationand identitymaking in the Global South, decoloniality, decolonization, settler colonialism, Indigeneity, critical race studies, #BlackLivesMatter, #MeToo, whiteness, gender troubles, ecocultural rhetoric, ability studies, environmental (in)justices, and related theories and themes are welcomed and encouraged. We also want to encourage forms that challenge hegemonies and oppressions, particularly in academic research and writing.
为《言语季刊》的内容和方向设定愿景意味着要解决我们学科中与白人至上、肤色歧视、厌女症、阶级地位、能力、以美国为中心的思想、反伊斯兰情绪、反犹太主义、反黑人、人类中心主义、持续的殖民主义和多种形式的种族中心主义有关的重要问题。呼吁在我们的学科中增加边缘化观点的代表性已经持续了几十年,但近年来已经达到了关键时刻。关于NCA杰出学者的争议只是众多其他例子中的一个,这些例子让我们领域的许多人感到被NCA等组织和QJS等期刊剥夺了权利。一个恰当的例子是:最近在qjs、CC/CS和其他学科期刊上的论坛和对话表明,对解决我们当前背景和文化环境的修辞和批判性学术的深刻、迫切的需求和渴望。这些讨论仅仅代表了修辞学研究中关于排斥、边缘化和微侵犯的经历的一些正在进行的对话。我们设想qjs将成为一个学术论坛,作者在这里讨论广泛的社会和政治问题,以及它们如何在修辞/语言中、通过或超越修辞/语言发挥作用。我们面临着持续的残疾歧视、环境灾难、战争和对不同民族的未遂/成功灭绝、全球化/资本主义、气候变化/粮食不安全/毒素的缓慢暴力、反黑人、反土著、反拉丁裔和反亚洲人的种族主义、白人至上主义和民族主义的兴起、问题严重的移民政策和仇外心理、对酷儿和性别不符合人群的压迫、土著民族和文化/语言的抹除、反伊斯兰和反巴勒斯坦的情绪和暴力,以及许多其他社会正义问题。虽然通常关注方法、理论和/或包容性的修辞学主题仍然适合本刊,但我们特别寻求涉及超出本刊传统范围的问题和背景的投稿,特别是超越美国对世界的理解,特别是以反压迫研究框架的形式。我们希望QJS作为一份期刊能够讨论上述问题,同时欢迎和鼓励全球南方的国家和身份认同、非殖民化、非殖民化、定居者殖民主义、土著、批判性种族研究、#黑人的生命也很重要、#我也是、白人、性别问题、生态文化修辞、能力研究、环境正义以及相关的理论和主题。我们还希望鼓励挑战霸权和压迫的形式,特别是在学术研究和写作方面。
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引用次数: 0
The whiteness of LBJ’s rhetoric: The appointment of Vicente T. Ximenes to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission 约翰逊言辞的白化:任命维森特·t·西梅内斯为平等就业机会委员会成员
IF 1.1 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2022.2149846
J. Izaguirre
ABSTRACT This article presents a racial rhetorical critique of Lyndon B. Johnson’s presidential rhetoric. Drawing from examinations of drafts, memos, and proclamations, I argue that LBJ in particular and the administration more generally utilized the appointment of Vicente T. Ximenes to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and his naming as the chair of the Inter-Agency Committee on Mexican American Affairs (IACMAA) on June 9, 1967 to reinforce the predominance of the white racial frame in U.S. political life. I highlight how LBJ’s administration relocated “Mexican Americans” politically within his Great Society according to the premises of the white racial frame as Chicana/o movement activism turned toward amplifying separatist, racially charged rhetoric(s). This racially tuned revision of prior rhetorical histories of LBJ’s rhetorics demonstrates how his administration participated in sustaining white supremacy, fashioned a whitened image of “Mexican American” communities capable of flourishing in his “Great Society,” and excluded alternative political forms that challenged the assimilationism typically expected of Latinx communities more generally. I conclude that fomenting the political status of the white racial frame was integral to LBJ’s Great Society rhetoric and to evolutions in Chicana/o activism in the late 1960s.
本文对林登·约翰逊的总统言论进行了种族主义修辞批判。根据对草案、备忘录和公告的审查,我认为约翰逊总统和政府更普遍地利用了1967年6月9日任命Vicente T. Ximenes为平等就业机会委员会(EEOC)成员,并任命他为墨西哥裔美国人事务机构间委员会(IACMAA)主席,以加强白人种族框架在美国政治生活中的主导地位。我强调约翰逊政府是如何根据白人种族框架的前提,在他的“伟大社会”中政治地重新安置“墨西哥裔美国人”的,因为墨西哥裔美国人运动的激进主义转向了放大分离主义,种族主义的言论。这一种族主义调整的修正表明了他的政府是如何参与维持白人至上主义的,塑造了一个能够在他的“伟大社会”中蓬勃发展的“墨西哥裔美国人”社区的白人形象,并排除了挑战拉丁裔社区通常期望的同化主义的其他政治形式。我的结论是,煽动白人种族框架的政治地位是约翰逊伟大社会言论和20世纪60年代末墨西哥裔/黑人激进主义演变的组成部分。
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引用次数: 0
So you choose to “Lie Flat?” “Sang-ness,” affective economies, and the “Lying Flat” movement 所以你选择“平躺?”“相态”,情感经济,以及“平躺”运动
IF 1.1 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-11 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2022.2143549
Zixuan Zhang, Keshu Li
ABSTRACT This study aims to analyze the affective economies that propel the viral circulations of the “Lying Flat” movement as a form of youth counternarrative in contemporary China with a special focus on the historic specificity and social imaginary revolving around the “Lying Flat” meme on Chinese social media. This study sees affect as social actions and historical constructs, exploring the sociohistorical conditions of the movement and an analysis of the bodily experience in the “Lying Flat” meme. The transduction of such experience further propels the development of the “Lying Flat” movement. We intend, through this study, to offer a detailed understanding of the uptake, circulation, and affect of the recent youth counternarratives in China. Transduction of affect across audio-visual resources in multimodality in this case suggests that objects of emotions can simultaneously take on varied forms, which propels wider circulations of affect that bind collective identities of marginalized groups of individuals.
本研究旨在分析推动“平躺”运动作为当代中国青年反叙事形式的病毒式传播的情感经济,并特别关注围绕中国社交媒体上“平躺”模因的历史特殊性和社会想象。本研究将情感视为社会行为和历史建构,探索运动的社会历史条件,并分析“平躺”模因中的身体体验。这种经验的传递进一步推动了“平躺”运动的发展。我们打算通过这项研究,详细了解近年来中国青年反叙事的吸收、传播和影响。在这种情况下,多模态视听资源中的情感转导表明,情感对象可以同时采取多种形式,这推动了更广泛的情感循环,从而约束了边缘化群体的集体身份。
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引用次数: 1
Disidentifying from the “model minority”: How Indian American women rearticulate dominant racial rhetorics 从“模范少数族裔”中脱离:印度裔美国妇女如何重新阐明占主导地位的种族修辞
IF 1.1 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-11-24 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2022.2147581
Nisha Shanmugaraj
ABSTRACT This study examines how second-generation Indian American women negotiate the “model minority” stereotype within their everyday rhetorical practices. Conducting a close reading of three extended case studies drawn from a larger qualitative interview study, I argue that though the model minority identity is perpetuated within families as an enactment of social fitness, felt contradictions with normative raced and gendered expectations can create space for Indian American women to disidentify from conditioned identities. Specifically, this study demonstrates how Indian American women can construct counterstories to reimagine reductive racial narratives in ways that channel the privilege of the model minority positionality towards socially transformative ends. These counterstories contain four themes: threats of racial failure, gender slippage, disidentification from internalized identities, and colonial constructions of empowerment. By interrogating the discursive effects of racialization on minoritized individuals, which permeate but do not wholly contain an individual’s lived experience, this study calls for rhetoricians to further explore how marginalized rhetors actively participate in their own race remaking, at once sustaining and disrupting dominant racial meanings.
本研究探讨了第二代印第安裔美国女性如何在日常修辞实践中处理“模范少数族裔”的刻板印象。我仔细阅读了从一个更大的定性访谈研究中提取的三个扩展案例研究,认为尽管模范少数族裔身份作为一种社会适应性的规定在家庭中得以延续,但与规范的种族和性别期望的感觉矛盾可以为印度裔美国女性创造空间,使其脱离条件认同。具体而言,本研究展示了印度裔美国妇女如何构建反故事,以重新想象简化的种族叙事,将模范少数民族地位的特权引向社会变革的目的。这些反故事包含四个主题:种族失败的威胁、性别滑脱、对内化身份的不认同,以及权力的殖民建构。通过质疑种族化对少数群体个体的话语影响,这种影响渗透但不完全包含个人的生活经验,本研究呼吁修辞学家进一步探索边缘化修辞学家如何积极参与他们自己的种族重塑,同时维持和破坏主导的种族意义。
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引用次数: 0
Adoxastic publics: Facebook and the loss of civic strangeness 敌对的公众:Facebook和公民陌生感的丧失
IF 1.1 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-11-23 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2022.2139856
Jonathan S. Carter, C. Alford
ABSTRACT After being criticized for promoting misinformation in the 2016 US presidential election, Facebook announced a “privacy-focused vision of social media.” Purportedly to decrease misinformation on users’ newsfeeds, these technical and rhetorical reforms moved users away from public-facing areas of the site, funneling them into private groups. Significantly, these reforms created groups organized around opinions increasingly disconnected from strangers’ views. Consequently, these changes facilitated publicities that fostered QAnon conspiracies, militia group recruitment, and right-wing violence. To understand this dangerous radicalization, we make explicit that publics are dependent on the opinions—the doxa—that constitute them. In clarifying that publics are rooted in doxa, we reveal how sociotechnical assemblages—particularly private Facebook groups—are creating what we call adoxastic publics, or publics made up of adoxa: asocial and highly sheltered, improbable, and often disreputable opinions. Specifically, we explore how the affordances of Facebook’s infrastructure divorce participants from encountering strange doxa, the heart of publics, instead promoting discursive stagnation and violent orientations towards others. These adoxastic affordances align with and embolden the rhetorical practices of masculine white nationalism and other dangerous ideologies. We conclude by offering the possibility of endoxastic networks as a productive correction to dangerous and anti-democratic adoxastic social media.
在被批评在2016年美国总统大选中传播虚假信息后,Facebook宣布了“以隐私为中心的社交媒体愿景”。据称,为了减少用户新闻推送中的错误信息,这些技术和修辞上的改革将用户从网站面向公众的区域转移到私人群组。值得注意的是,这些改革创造了围绕越来越与陌生人的观点脱节的观点组织起来的团体。因此,这些变化促进了宣传,助长了QAnon阴谋、民兵组织招募和右翼暴力。为了理解这种危险的激进化,我们明确指出,公众依赖于构成他们的观点——数据。在澄清公众根植于doxa的过程中,我们揭示了社会技术组合——尤其是私人Facebook群组——是如何创造我们所谓的敌对公众,或由adoxa组成的公众:反社会的、高度庇护的、不可能的、通常是不可靠的观点。具体来说,我们探讨了Facebook基础设施的支持如何使参与者远离奇怪的doxa,即公众的核心,而不是促进话语停滞和对他人的暴力取向。这些敌对的支持与男性白人民族主义和其他危险意识形态的修辞实践相一致,并使之更加大胆。最后,我们提出了内容性网络作为对危险和反民主的敌对性社交媒体的有效纠正的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
COVID-19 conspiracy rhetoric and other primal fantasies COVID-19阴谋言论和其他原始幻想
IF 1.1 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2022.2142654
C. Kelly
ABSTRACT Planet Lockdown, a documentary film, claims that the COVID-19 pandemic was manufactured by finance capitalists, Silicon Valley, and the pharmaceutical industry to microchip the population, consolidate global wealth, and enslave the population. Viral videos from the film have received tens of millions of engagements throughout social networks and media, constituting a major source of COVID-19 disinformation. This article argues that COVID-19 enslavement fantasies consummate white conservative fears of racial displacement, brought on by an impending demographic shift and greater visibility of antiracist activism throughout the early stages of the pandemic. I argue that Planet Lockdown’s preoccupation with so-called “modern slavery” restages a national primal scene to resecure white power as perceptions of its dominance wanes: a fantasy of the origins of the liberal subject that omits that subject’s relationship to slavery and anti-Blackness. By imagining slavery as a future threat to white selfhood rather than the structural organization of a society underwritten by anti-Blackness, COVID-19 conspiracy rhetoric facilitates a disavowal of the structural legacy of white supremacy.
纪录片《星球封锁》声称,新冠肺炎大流行是金融资本家、硅谷和制药行业制造的,目的是将人口植入微芯片,巩固全球财富,奴役人口。这部电影的视频在社交网络和媒体上获得了数千万的点击量,成为新冠肺炎虚假信息的主要来源。本文认为,COVID-19奴役幻想满足了白人保守派对种族流离失所的担忧,这种担忧是由即将到来的人口变化和在大流行的早期阶段反种族主义活动的日益明显所造成的。我认为,《禁闭星球》对所谓“现代奴隶制”的关注重现了一个国家的原始场景,以在对白人统治地位的认知减弱时恢复白人权力:一种对自由主体起源的幻想,忽略了该主体与奴隶制和反黑人的关系。通过将奴隶制想象成对白人自我的未来威胁,而不是反黑人社会的结构性组织,COVID-19阴谋言论促进了对白人至上主义结构性遗产的否认。
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引用次数: 0
The “Because Science” meme as virtual commonplace “因为科学”的梗实际上是司空见惯的
IF 1.1 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1080/00335630.2022.2143550
Lynda C. Olman
ABSTRACT Recent scholarship in virtual rhetorics has demonstrated that we must abandon static notions of place if we wish to account for the rhetorical effects of internet memes and other forms of virtual argumentation. However, displacing virtual rhetorics entirely effaces grounds for collective political action, particularly political resistance organized in virtual environments such as internet forums. We can restore this crucial grounding, without sacrificing an orientation to circulation, by treating memes as commonplaces in a topological framework. A commonplace approach to virtual rhetorics further revivifies for us the essential virtuality of Aristotle’s original topical doctrine. This interanimation of current and classical rhetorics is dramatized via a case study of the ironic reversal of political polarity in the “Because Science” meme.
最近在虚拟修辞学方面的学术研究表明,如果我们希望解释网络模因和其他形式的虚拟论证的修辞效果,我们必须放弃静态的地点概念。然而,取代虚拟修辞完全抹掉了集体政治行动的基础,特别是在互联网论坛等虚拟环境中组织的政治抵抗。我们可以在不牺牲流通方向的情况下,通过将模因视为拓扑框架中的常见事物来恢复这一关键基础。虚拟修辞学的常见方法进一步为我们恢复了亚里士多德原始主题学说的本质虚拟性。通过对“因为科学”模因中政治极性的讽刺逆转的案例研究,将当前和古典修辞的相互作用戏剧化。
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引用次数: 0
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Quarterly Journal of Speech
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