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Book Review: Reproductive Rights as Human Rights: Women of Color and the Fight for Reproductive Justice 书评:《作为人权的生殖权利:有色人种妇女和为生殖正义而战》
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231183562
Ophra Leyser-Whalen
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Super Polluters: Tackling the World’s Largest Sites of Climate-Disrupting Emissions 书评:《超级污染者:处理世界上最大的破坏气候的排放点》
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231183563
Richard York
justice,” they sometimes struggled with embracing reproductive justice as a deeper framework. At times, SisterSong received better reception with global organizations. SisterSong was ambitious, innovative, and progressive as they became involved in global, anti-racist activism as it affected women in multiple spheres such as the political, workplace, and family. SisterSong also demonstrated how the U.S. influences global conditions and how U.S. citizens can think globally to reduce suffering and promote human rights, which include reproductive rights. This also meant that U.S. women in the movement had to confront their global privilege. In essence, SisterSong was truly revolutionary in numerous ways as they adopted an intersectional approach before “intersectional” became a buzz word. SisterSong also moved reproductive rights discussions beyond disease models and refocused the idea of human rights beyond legal definitions. They also shifted perspectives on reproductive justice away from the individual instead concentrating on structures that can simultaneously create and alleviate problems. Essentially, SisterSong was attempting to create cultural shifts by facilitating the ways that people think about human and reproductive rights, hoping that those changes lead to action and change. Given the scope and novelty of this book, it should be considered for inclusion in graduate social movements courses as SisterSong is both a historical and contemporary case study, and reproductive justice movements are often overlooked in social movements literature. The book may also be well suited for rhetoric courses owing to Dr. Luna’s analysis of multiple messages and techniques that SisterSong used to motivate multiple audiences. Last, instructors designing nonprofit management courses may want to contemplate inclusion of this book given the snapshots we readers receive of the “soft skills” of leadership, communication, strategy, and intellectual labor that goes into serious and sustainable organization building. In essence, I hope that Dr. Luna’s enormous undertaking is widely acknowledged and gives SisterSong some well-deserved attention beyond smaller reproductive justice circles.
正义”,他们有时很难将生殖正义作为一个更深层次的框架。有时,“宋姐妹”在全球组织中受到更好的接待。当她们参与到全球性的反种族主义活动中,比如政治、工作场所和家庭等多个领域的女性受到影响时,宋姐妹雄心勃勃、富有创新精神、进步精神。宋姐妹还展示了美国如何影响全球形势,以及美国公民如何从全球角度思考,以减少痛苦和促进人权,其中包括生殖权利。这也意味着运动中的美国妇女必须面对她们的全球特权。从本质上讲,姐妹歌在很多方面都是真正的革命性的,因为在“交叉”成为一个流行词之前,她们采用了交叉的方法。宋姐妹还推动生殖权利讨论超越疾病模型,并重新聚焦超越法律定义的人权概念。他们还将生殖正义的观点从个人转移到可以同时制造和缓解问题的结构上。从本质上讲,宋姐试图通过促进人们对人权和生殖权利的思考方式来创造文化转变,希望这些变化能带来行动和改变。考虑到这本书的范围和新颖性,它应该被考虑纳入研究生社会运动课程,因为《宋姐妹》既是历史的也是当代的案例研究,而生殖正义运动在社会运动文学中经常被忽视。这本书也很适合修辞学课程,因为卢娜博士分析了《宋姐姐》用来激励多种受众的多种信息和技巧。最后,考虑到我们读者对领导力、沟通、战略和智力劳动等“软技能”的了解,设计非营利组织管理课程的教师可能会考虑将本书纳入其中,这些“软技能”是认真和可持续的组织建设所必需的。从本质上讲,我希望卢娜博士的巨大事业得到广泛认可,并在较小的生殖正义圈子之外给予宋姐妹一些应得的关注。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Dissenting POWs: From Vietnam Hoa Lo Prison to America Today 书评:《异议战俘:从越南华洛监狱到今日美国》
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231183522
Lester Andrist
One challenge of research that attempts to reconstruct a war discourse is that certain spaces are typically inaccessible. While public discussions in the United States about the nature of an enemy or consternation about whether the state is engaged in a just war are pervasive and can be readily ascertained through a careful read of media archives, access to the discourses that occur inside war prisons are another matter. War prisons, concentration camps, and the like not only detain bodies but also information. As some scholars maintain, such camps are the paradigmatic storehouses of hidden transcripts, and indeed, knowledge about their very existence is often restricted. Tom Wilber and Jerry Lembcke have overcome this challenge in their book Dissenting POWs: From Vietnam’s Hoa Lo Prison to America Today by carefully reconstructing of the discourse surrounding the Vietnam War, as it happened for both American soldiers inside the prisoner-ofwar (POW) camps and average Americans on the homefront. In their own words, Wilber and Lembcke sought to develop “the history of attempts to repress that dissent and purge it from public memory” (p. 11). The project appears to have personal significance for Tom Wilber, whose father, Navy pilot Gene Wilber, was shot down in 1968 and captured in North Vietnam. Wilber was captured and while in captivity, he came out against the United States’ involvement in Vietnam. Then, after Wilber’s release in 1973, journalist Mike Wallace interviewed him for CBS’s “60 Minutes.” “Had Wilber succumbed to torture in his antiwar statements broadcast by Radio Hanoi?” Wallace asked. Without making an overt accusation, the introduction helped promote an emergent retort to the antiwar protests of POWs. By framing dissent as the tainted view of veterans who had been either broken or brainwashed, state and media agents were able to effectively contain the volatility of that dissent. Although they do not explicitly make the connection, Wilber and Lembcke’s analysis engages what political theorist James C. Scott (1990) usefully refers to as the public transcripts, or the official interpretations of events that typically serve the interests of state elites. Crucially, the authors also dive into what Scott refers to as the hidden transcripts, or those interpretations which are quickly scuttled to the far margins of the official narrative and enshrouded in a cloud of suspicion. Thus, in addition to the television interviews and popular books, such as John Hubbell’s widely read P.O.W.: A Definitive History of the American Prisoner-of-War Experience in Vietnam, they also track down more hidden unfurlings of the antiwar discourse through documentary evidence and untelevised interviews with former administrators, guards, and staff workers from a North Vietnam war prison, which American POWs famously dubbed the “Hanoi Hilton.” 1183522 COS0010.1177/00207152231183522International Journal of Comparative SociologyBook reviews book-review2023
试图重建战争话语的研究面临的一个挑战是,某些空间通常是无法进入的。在美国,公众对敌人的性质或对国家是否参与正义战争的恐慌的讨论是普遍存在的,通过仔细阅读媒体档案可以很容易地确定,但进入战争监狱内部的话语是另一回事。战争监狱、集中营等地方不仅关押尸体,而且关押情报。正如一些学者所坚持的那样,这些集中营是隐藏记录的典型仓库,事实上,关于它们存在的知识往往是有限的。汤姆·威尔伯(Tom Wilber)和杰里·伦布克(Jerry Lembcke)在他们的《异见战俘:从越南的华罗监狱到今日美国》(Dissenting POWs: From Vietnam 's Hoa Lo Prison to Today America)一书中克服了这一挑战,他们仔细地重构了围绕越南战争的话语,因为它发生在战俘营中的美国士兵和前线的普通美国人身上。用他们自己的话说,Wilber和Lembcke试图发展“试图压制这种异议并将其从公众记忆中清除的历史”(第11页)。这个项目似乎对汤姆·威尔伯(Tom Wilber)有个人意义,他的父亲、海军飞行员吉恩·威尔伯(Gene Wilber)于1968年被击落,并在北越被俘。威尔伯被俘,在囚禁期间,他站出来反对美国卷入越南战争。1973年,威尔伯获释后,记者迈克·华莱士在哥伦比亚广播公司的《60分钟》节目中采访了他。“威尔伯在河内广播电台播放的反战言论中屈服于酷刑吗?”华莱士问。在没有公开指责的情况下,这本书的介绍促进了对战俘反战抗议的紧急反驳。国家和媒体的代理人通过将异见人士塑造成残废或被洗脑的退伍军人的污点观点,有效地遏制了异见人士的波动。尽管Wilber和Lembcke没有明确指出两者之间的联系,但他们的分析涉及了政治理论家James C. Scott(1990)所说的公共文本,或者通常服务于国家精英利益的事件的官方解释。至关重要的是,作者们还深入研究了斯科特所说的“隐藏文本”,即那些迅速被官方叙述边缘化、笼罩在疑云中的解读。因此,除了电视采访和流行书籍,比如约翰·哈贝尔广为阅读的《战俘:美国越战战俘经历的权威历史》,他们还通过文献证据和对北越战争监狱的前行政人员、警卫和工作人员的非电视采访,追踪到更多隐藏的反战话语的展开,美国战俘把北越战争监狱称为“河内希尔顿”。[1183522 cos0010 .1177/00207152231183522 . international Journal of Comparative sociology .
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引用次数: 0
Book review: A Decade of Upheaval: The Cultural Revolution in Rural China 书评:动荡的十年:中国农村的文化大革命
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231183558
Huiying Wei Hill
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Women Policing Across the Globe: Shared Challenges and Successes in the Integration of Women Police Worldwide 书评:《全球女性警务:全球女性警务一体化的共同挑战和成功》
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231183557
Bonnie Ernst
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引用次数: 0
Varieties of capitalism and income inequality 资本主义的多样性与收入不平等
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-19 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231174158
M. Movahed
Why do countries diverge significantly in the levels of income inequality across the Global North? Most scholars believe that the answer lies in the ways that economic resources are organized through institutions. Drawing on a country-level, longitudinal dataset from 1985 to 2016 matched with three other data sources, the author explains how and to what extent institutions matter for income inequality across the “varieties of capitalism.” To sort countries based on their institutional similarities, the author conducts cluster analysis and examines the extent to which institutions predict variation in the levels of income inequality, both cross-nationally and within each cluster of countries. In cross-national, panel data regressions, strong evidence is presented that labor market interventions such as vocational rehabilitation programs as well as characteristics of corporate governance are important determinants of income inequality.
为什么全球北方国家的收入不平等程度存在显著差异?大多数学者认为,答案在于经济资源通过制度组织的方式。作者利用1985年至2016年的国家级纵向数据集与其他三个数据源相匹配,解释了制度如何以及在多大程度上对“各种资本主义”的收入不平等产生影响,作者进行了聚类分析,并考察了机构在多大程度上预测了收入不平等水平的变化,无论是跨国家还是在每个国家集群内。在跨国面板数据回归中,有力的证据表明,职业康复计划等劳动力市场干预措施以及公司治理特征是收入不平等的重要决定因素。
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引用次数: 0
Globalization, contextual threat perception, and nativist backlash: A cross-national examination of ethnic nationalism and anti-immigrant prejudice 全球化、背景威胁感知和本土主义反弹:对种族民族主义和反移民偏见的跨国家审视
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-16 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231173307
H. Kim
According to critics of globalization, it has ushered in a new era of economic inequality, with some of the biggest “losers” being the majority working classes in advanced capitalist democracies. Economically aggrieved, culturally threatened, and politically excluded, they have become the bedrock of right-wing political parties in much of Europe and the United States. Integral to this phenomenon is the heightened anti-immigrant prejudice espoused by both supporters and leaders of populist movements. The present study investigates a critical issue in this context, one that has been implicitly assumed but relatively understudied: the impact of globalization on xenophobic attitudes among natives. It also examines whether and to what extent globalization moderates the effect of ethnic nationalism on their preferences for restrictive immigration and immigrant assimilation. Findings from multilevel analysis indicate that globalization, as well as the nativist backlash, plays a significant role in directly and indirectly shaping how immigration and immigrants are perceived in host societies.
全球化的批评者认为,全球化开启了一个经济不平等的新时代,其中一些最大的“输家”是发达资本主义民主国家的大多数工人阶级。在经济上受到侵害,文化上受到威胁,政治上受到排斥,他们已经成为欧洲和美国大部分地区右翼政党的基石。民粹主义运动的支持者和领导人所支持的反移民偏见加剧,与这种现象密不可分。在此背景下,本研究调查了一个关键问题,一个隐含假设但相对较少研究的问题:全球化对当地人仇外态度的影响。它还研究了全球化是否以及在多大程度上缓和了种族民族主义对他们对限制性移民和移民同化的偏好的影响。多层次分析的结果表明,全球化以及本土主义的反弹在直接和间接影响东道国社会对移民和移民的看法方面发挥着重要作用。
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引用次数: 0
“It gave us a thrill”: Emotions, exile, and narratives of (dis)engagement among activists from Syria “这给了我们一种刺激”:来自叙利亚的活动人士的情绪、流亡和(不)参与的叙述
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-22 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231165285
Amany Selim
Building on qualitative interviews with Syrians who participated in the anti-regime movement of 2011 and now live in Berlin and Oslo, the article unpacks the ways that these contexts affected participants’ decision to continue or disrupt their activism in exile. By analyzing their activist trajectories from revolution to exile and drawing on the concept of emotional resonance, I reveal how Berlin and Oslo provided participants with different environments when dealing with their past experiences of participation. I show that while the mobilizing structures of Berlin provided spaces for activism that resonated with the emotional needs of activists, enabling them to continue activism on behalf of Syria, the mobilizing structures of Oslo failed to produce spaces that could respond to activists’ needs, playing a part in their disengagement there. The article extends the concept of emotional resonance and adds to the study of Syrian diasporas and emotions in the Syrian uprising.
这篇文章以对2011年参与反政权运动、现居柏林和奥斯陆的叙利亚人的定性采访为基础,揭示了这些背景如何影响参与者继续或破坏流亡激进主义的决定。通过分析他们从革命到流亡的活动家轨迹,并借鉴情感共鸣的概念,我揭示了柏林和奥斯陆在处理他们过去的参与经历时是如何为参与者提供不同的环境的。我表明,虽然柏林的动员结构为激进主义提供了空间,与激进主义者的情感需求产生了共鸣,使他们能够代表叙利亚继续激进主义,但奥斯陆的动员结构未能产生能够满足激进主义的需求的空间,在他们脱离叙利亚的过程中发挥了作用。文章扩展了情感共鸣的概念,增加了对叙利亚流散者和叙利亚起义中情感的研究。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Invisible China: How the Urban-Rural Divide Threatens China’s Rise 书评:《看不见的中国:城乡分化如何威胁中国崛起》
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231163462
W. Choi
earthquake, while Chapter 12 focuses on how people in two barangays cope with and adopt strategies to mitigate the effects of climate change–related disasters. Overall, this volume centers the Philippines and the multiple disasters people face, documenting how governments and organizations can exacerbate or mitigate disaster effects and highlighting the varied ways people adapt and manage life in its shadows. From national overviews to detailed descriptions of barangay responses across the Philippines, we see the importance of interrogating differences across and within the country.
第12章重点介绍了两个村庄的人们如何应对和采取策略来减轻气候变化相关灾害的影响。总的来说,这本书以菲律宾和人们面临的多重灾害为中心,记录了政府和组织如何加剧或减轻灾害影响,并强调了人们在阴影下适应和管理生活的各种方式。从国家概况到菲律宾巴郎盖应对措施的详细描述,我们看到了询问国内外差异的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Elson Boles review of Albert Bergeson 埃尔森·博尔斯对阿尔伯特·伯格森的评论
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231163457
Elson Boles
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引用次数: 0
期刊
International Journal of Comparative Sociology
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