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Educational tracking and social inequalities in long-term labor market outcomes: Six countries in comparison 长期劳动力市场结果中的教育跟踪和社会不平等:六个国家的比较
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231151390
Steffen Schindler, Eyal Bar-Haim, C. Barone, Jesper Fels Birkelund, V. Boliver, Queralt Capsada-Munsech, Jani Erola, Marta Facchini, Yariv Feniger, Laura Heiskala, Estelle Herbaut, M. Ichou, K. Karlson, Corinna Kleinert, David Reimer, Claudia Traini, M. Triventi, Louis-André Vallet
In this country-comparative study, we ask to what extent differentiation in secondary education accounts for the association between social origins and social destinations in adult age. We go beyond the widely applied formal definitions of educational tracking and particularly pay attention to country-specific approaches to educational differentiation. Our main expectation is that once we factor in these particularities, the degree to which educational differentiation accounts for social reproduction is quite similar across countries. Our analyses are based on national individual-level life-course data from six European countries that span from secondary education to occupational maturity. Our findings show that educational differentiation mediates the association between social origins and social destinations to a substantial degree in all countries. However, we still find some differences between countries in the extent to which educational differentiation accounts for social reproduction.
在这项国家比较研究中,我们询问中等教育的差异在多大程度上解释了成年后社会来源和社会目的地之间的联系。我们超越了广泛应用的教育跟踪的正式定义,特别关注针对具体国家的教育差异化方法。我们的主要期望是,一旦我们考虑到这些特殊性,各国的教育差异对社会再生产的影响程度就相当相似。我们的分析基于六个欧洲国家从中等教育到职业成熟的国家个人水平的生活课程数据。我们的研究结果表明,在所有国家,教育差异在很大程度上调节了社会起源和社会目的地之间的联系。然而,我们仍然发现,各国在教育差异对社会再生产的影响程度上存在一些差异。
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引用次数: 2
From mass mobilization to neoliberal war-making: Labor strikes and military-industrial transformation in the United States 从大规模动员到新自由主义战争:美国的劳工罢工和军事工业转型
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-02-03 DOI: 10.1177/00207152221148654
C. Payne
How did workers affect—and how were they affected by—the dramatic transformations of U.S. war-making that have occurred since the mid-twentieth century? Where do such transformations leave workers and war in the twenty-first century? Using newly compiled data on workers’ strikes in the U.S. armaments industries from World War II through the present, this paper examines the relationship between labor and military-industrial restructuring. The paper introduces the concept of regimes of war-making and makes three main arguments. First, workers’ power was a significant force shaping the shift from a regime of mass mobilization war-making to a regime of neoliberal war-making, as armaments firms aimed to overcome the constraints imposed by workers in the mid-twentieth century. Wartime mobilizations—for Korea and Vietnam—temporarily stymied these efforts by enhancing the disruptive power of workers, who leveraged that power into pauses or reversals of firms’ initial attempts at restructuring. Second, U.S. defeat in Vietnam was a watershed moment. Mass mobilization was abandoned, and the changing nature of war meant that subsequent military buildups offered workers little leverage with which to resist restructuring. Third, in the twenty-first century, the combination of greatly expanded wars and decades of restructuring has resulted in a bifurcation among armaments workers, between those producing supplies needed for pressing counterinsurgency operations and those producing other innovative, but unused, systems. Thus, while the regime of neoliberal war-making has reduced the size and strength of armaments workers in general, some still have significant disruptive potential at the present juncture.
工人们是如何影响——以及他们是如何受到——自20世纪中期以来美国战争制造的戏剧性转变的影响的?在二十一世纪,这样的变革给工人和战争留下了什么?本文利用最新汇编的二战至今美国军火工业工人罢工数据,考察了劳动力与军工结构调整之间的关系。本文介绍了战争政权的概念,并提出了三个主要论点。首先,工人的力量是一股重要的力量,它决定了从大规模动员战争制度向新自由主义战争制度的转变,因为军备公司旨在克服20世纪中期工人施加的限制。韩国和越南的战时动员通过增强工人的破坏性力量暂时阻碍了这些努力,工人利用这种力量暂停或逆转了公司最初的重组尝试。其次,美国在越南的失败是一个分水岭。大规模动员被放弃了,战争性质的变化意味着随后的军事建设几乎没有给工人提供抵抗重组的筹码。第三,在二十一世纪,大规模扩张的战争和几十年的重组相结合,导致军备工作者之间出现分歧,既有生产紧急反叛乱行动所需物资的人,也有生产其他创新但未使用的系统的人。因此,尽管新自由主义战争制造政权总体上减少了军备工作者的规模和力量,但一些人目前仍有巨大的破坏潜力。
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引用次数: 2
Book review: Combatting Modern Slavery: Why Labour Governance Is Failing and What We Can Do about It 书评:《打击现代奴隶制:为什么工党治理失败以及我们能做些什么》
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231153250
Intan Suwandi
Artigas JP, Monsálvez AD and Valdés UM (2020) Scholarship on the popular unity in Chile since 2000: Are historians lagging behind? Radical Americas 6(1): 1–19. Fernández M (2016) Book Review: La “vía chilena” al socialismo (1970–1973). Un itinerario geohistórico de la Unidad Popular en el sistema-mundo. International Journal of Comparative Sociology 57(4): 259–262. Garrido SL (2015) La “vía chilena” al socialismo (1970–1973). Un itinerario geohistórico de la Unidad Popular en el sistema-mundo. Santiago de Chile: Ediciones Universidad Alberto Hurtado. Gaudichaud F (2016) Chile 1970–1973. Mil días que estremecieron el mundo: Poder popular, cordones industriales y socialismo durante el gobierno de Salvador Allende. Santiago de Chile: Lom Ediciones. Rinke S (2020) Das Ende der Demokratie in Chile 1973. In: Nonn C (ed.) Wie Demokratien enden: Von Athen bis zum Putins Russlands. Leiden: Brill, pp. 257–281.
Artigas JP、Monsálvez AD和Valdesum(2020年)自2000年以来智利人民团结奖学金:历史学家落后了吗?激进的美洲6(1):1-19。费尔南德斯M(2016年)书评:社会主义的“智利之路”(1970-1973年)。世界体系中民众团结的地缘历史路线。国际比较社会学杂志57(4):259-262。Garrido SL(2015)社会主义的“智利之路”(1970-1973)。世界体系中民众团结的地缘历史路线。智利圣地亚哥:阿尔贝托·乌尔塔多大学版。高迪肖F(2016年)智利1970-1973年。震惊世界的一千天:萨尔瓦多·阿连德政府执政期间的人民权力、工业封锁和社会主义。智利圣地亚哥:LOM版本。Rinke S(2020)Das Ende der Demokratie in Chile 1973。In:Nonn C(编辑)。Wie Demokratien Enden:Von Athen Bis Zum Putins Russlands。莱登:布里尔,第257-281页。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: After Redlining: The Urban Reinvestment Movement in the Era of Financial Deregulation 书评:《红线之后:金融放松管制时代的城市再投资运动》
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231153242
Christopher Bonastia
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引用次数: 1
Book review: La “vía chilena” al socialismo (1970–1973): un itinerario geohistórico de la Unidad Popular en el sistema-mundo 书评:通往社会主义的“智利之路”(1970 - 1973):世界体系中人民团结的地理历史旅程
2区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231153243
Luis Alfredo Garrido Soto
of ignorance. Indeed, that scholarship’s themes and sensibilities are evident throughout CWB. The book is not only comparative in mood but goes beyond comparison per se to frame a tableau in which nation-states help constitute, but do not themselves determine, the space of interaction. In design and theory, CWB thus defies the “methodological nationalism” that still hounds sociology and is among its most durable sources of disciplinary ignorance. To be sure, Harrington’s subject matter itself calls for such a de-centering. Still, by adopting (in practice, if not in name) the “flat ontology” touted by some geographers, Harrington puts nation-states, markets, families, and professions on the same analytical plane. This renders visible all manner of interaction among these social forms that might otherwise stay obscured by our tired “matryoshka doll” imaginary, in which nation-states are thought to “contain,” in nested sequence, these “smaller scale” actors. Harrington’s book is a spur to the imagination, prompting readers to wonder what other insights, in their own research, might also be rescued from disciplinary ignorance by following her lead. More concretely, CWB is a study of ignorance. Rather than treat states and professions as presumptive knowledge-producers, Harrington shows how wealth managers exploit, and embellish, structural affordances in the international state system to produce ignorance for clients’ benefit. She thus unmasks their ignorance-making as a dynamic social force that leaves vexing absences in its wake, notably, addled indifference where we might instead see opposition to a growing class of transnational arbitrageurs. Along the way, CWB beautifully braids three strains of ignorance scholarship. First and second, it demonstrates that ignorance can result both from the “strategic” efforts of elite actors (e.g. McGoey, 2012, 2019) and as an unintended product of complex social systems (e.g. Frickel, 2014; Suryanarayanan and Kleinman, 2016). Third, in tracking how wealth managers occlude the sources, size, and composition of clients’ riches, Harrington taps an older lineage (Simmel, 1906) that posits an inherent link between the money form, secrecy, and the corrosion of accountability. Students of political-economy, scholars of professions and expertise, and sociologists of law, especially those of a comparative bent, to name a few, will find much to inspire them, methodologically and thematically.
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Anticolonial Afterlives in Egypt: The Politics of Hegemony 书评:《埃及的反殖民主义余波:霸权政治》
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231153238
R. Advani
fiscal policy. While the density of the policies, programs, and private-sector practices she addresses can be overwhelming at times, Marchiel adeptly sharpens our understandings of these highly consequential but often under-the-radar policy areas. In some instances, I would have welcomed more detailed descriptions of how this policy landscape impacted individual lives, as in KeeangaYamahtta Taylor’s Race for Profit. Nevertheless, After Redlining is an impressive and worthwhile debut from a scholar we will be hearing more from in the years ahead.
财政政策。虽然她谈到的政策、项目和私营部门的做法有时会让人不知所措,但马切尔熟练地加深了我们对这些重要但往往不为人知的政策领域的理解。在某些情况下,我希望更详细地描述这种政策环境是如何影响个人生活的,就像KeeangaYamahtta Taylor的《逐利》一样。尽管如此,《在红线之后》是一位学者令人印象深刻且值得一读的处女作,我们将在未来几年听到更多有关他的报道。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Capital Without Borders: Wealth Managers and the One Percent 书评:《资本无国界:财富管理者与百分之一》
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231153249
C. Leslie
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引用次数: 0
Mosaic of beliefs: Comparing gender ideology in China across generation, geography, and gender 信仰的镶嵌:跨代际、跨地域、跨性别的中国性别意识形态比较
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-11 DOI: 10.1177/00207152221147493
Rujun Yang
Modernization accounts of cultural change hold that economic development drives liberalization of social values, including gender beliefs. Some comparative gender scholarship suggests that societal affluence is often accompanied by the growth of gender-essentialist beliefs, and that these beliefs coexist comfortably alongside gender-egalitarian values. The multidimensional conceptualization of gender ideology that is required to assess these competing claims has been applied so far mostly to Western societies. China is an obvious case for extending knowledge of these relationships, given its rapid economic growth and its recent history of state-imposed gender-egalitarian discourses. Applying latent class analysis to the Chinese General Social Survey (2010–2017), this study links different tenets of gender ideology in China to temporally and spatially specific histories and gendered interests. The results show that the relative importance of modernization and gender accounts depends on the generational, regional, and gendered identities being examined. Unlike in the West, moreover, egalitarian and essentialist beliefs do not always coincide in contemporary China. The friction between these beliefs reflects the resilience of male-primacy ideology.
对文化变化的现代化解释认为,经济发展推动了社会价值观的自由化,包括性别信仰。一些比较性别研究表明,社会富裕往往伴随着性别本质主义信仰的增长,而这些信仰与性别平等主义价值观和谐共存。性别意识形态的多维概念化是评估这些相互竞争的主张所必需的,迄今为止主要应用于西方社会。考虑到中国经济的快速增长和近年来国家强加的性别平等主义话语,中国显然是扩展这些关系知识的一个例子。本研究将潜在阶级分析应用于中国综合社会调查(2010-2017),将中国性别意识形态的不同信条与时间和空间特定的历史和性别利益联系起来。结果表明,现代化和性别账户的相对重要性取决于被检查的代际,地区和性别身份。此外,与西方不同,平等主义和本质主义的信仰在当代中国并不总是一致的。这些信念之间的摩擦反映了男性至上意识形态的弹性。
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引用次数: 1
Emotional reason: The Israeli scientific mind facing a German cultural mirror 情感原因:面对德国文化镜子的以色列科学思想
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-12-17 DOI: 10.1177/00207152221144631
Gad Yair
Scientists often surmise that scientific thought is a universal faculty akin to Kant’s description of “pure reason.” The conventional view insists that science should censor the passions and bar the intrusion of emotional and subconscious motives into scientific work. This article challenges this truism by showing that the split between reason and emotions is rather culturally mediated. Using interviews with 125 Israeli scientists who had collaborated with German colleagues, the study allowed respondents to compare their scientific practices and intellectual styles with those of their German compatriots. The results suggest that in contrast to their sober and uber-rational German colleagues, Israeli scientists’ intellectual style can be described as fiery, enflamed, and passionate. Indeed, they often spoke of “love” and “desire” as central elements that drive innovation and creativity in scientific discovery. Their minds, they implied, function through emotional reason.
科学家们经常猜测,科学思想是一种普遍的能力,类似于康德对“纯粹理性”的描述。传统观点坚持认为,科学应该审查激情,禁止情感和潜意识动机侵入科学工作。这篇文章挑战了这一真理,表明理性和情感之间的分裂是由文化中介的。这项研究采访了125名与德国同事合作的以色列科学家,让受访者将他们的科学实践和智力风格与德国同胞进行比较。研究结果表明,与他们冷静和超级理性的德国同事相比,以色列科学家的智力风格可以被描述为热情、忧郁和激情。事实上,他们经常说“爱”和“欲望”是推动科学发现创新和创造力的核心要素。他们暗示,他们的思想是通过情感原因发挥作用的。
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引用次数: 0
Army embeddedness, political opportunities and threats, and the dynamics of contention: Understanding the varying role of the armed forces in the Egyptian, Syrian, and Libyan 2011 revolts 军队嵌入,政治机会和威胁,以及争论的动态:了解2011年埃及、叙利亚和利比亚叛乱中武装部队的不同角色
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-12-07 DOI: 10.1177/00207152221140344
Eitan Alimi
In many Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries, the army has traditionally been a central pillar of the authoritarian regimes, responsible for the security and integrity of the state and a symbol of national sovereignty and social unity. Nevertheless, the 2011 Arab revolts witnessed stark differences in the response of the armies. This article argues that a relational reading of the Structure of Political Opportunities and Threats, particularly when its dimension of the state’s capacity and propensity for repression is informed by a MENA-salient regime feature—army embeddedness—offers a compelling solution to the puzzle. An analysis of the Egyptian, Syrian, and Libyan episodes of contention, based on a comparative method that combines mechanism-based process tracing and typological theorizing, demonstrates the theoretical payoffs of this sensitized dimension. Cross-case similarities underscore the value of thinking about the army as a full-fledge agent embedded within a web of relations with social and political forces. Specifically, findings reveal how army embeddedness shapes the respective operation and effect of the mechanisms “political opportunities” and “political threats,” and highlight the importance of differentiating between the state’s capacity and the state’s propensity for repression. Within-case variations highlight the historically specific development of such embeddedness and how it plays out distinctively in each case, forming different scenarios of high and low capacity and propensity for repression.
在许多中东和北非(MENA)国家,军队历来是专制政权的核心支柱,负责国家的安全和完整,是国家主权和社会团结的象征。然而,在2011年阿拉伯起义中,军队的反应却截然不同。本文认为,对政治机遇和威胁结构的关系解读,特别是当其国家镇压能力和倾向的维度由中东和北非显著的政权特征——军队嵌入——所告知时,为解决这一难题提供了一个令人信服的解决方案。对埃及、叙利亚和利比亚冲突事件的分析,基于结合了基于机制的过程追踪和类型学理论的比较方法,证明了这一敏感维度的理论成果。跨案例的相似性强调了将军队视为嵌入社会和政治力量关系网络中的成熟特工的价值。具体而言,研究结果揭示了军队嵌入如何塑造“政治机会”和“政治威胁”机制各自的运作和效果,并强调了区分国家能力和国家镇压倾向的重要性。个案差异突出了这种嵌入性的历史特定发展,以及它如何在每个案例中发挥独特作用,形成不同的高和低压抑能力和倾向。
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引用次数: 0
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International Journal of Comparative Sociology
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