Pub Date : 2023-09-21DOI: 10.1177/00207152231198434
Zoltán Hermann, Dorottya Kisfalusi
Using large-scale administrative data from Hungary, we examine the effects of attending a high-poverty school in Grade 8 on academic achievement and later educational attainment, using a matching approach. We find that attending a high-poverty school is negatively associated with reading scores and secondary education attainment, while there is no significant association with math scores. Estimates are negative in the case of higher education enrollment, but their statistical significance depends on model specification. We find suggestive evidence that attending a high-poverty school has a large direct negative effect on educational attainment, over and above the indirect effect through lower test scores. This suggests that the negative effect of high-poverty schools on students’ noncognitive skills and later educational choices can be as important as the effect on achievement.
{"title":"School segregation, student achievement, and educational attainment in Hungary","authors":"Zoltán Hermann, Dorottya Kisfalusi","doi":"10.1177/00207152231198434","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152231198434","url":null,"abstract":"Using large-scale administrative data from Hungary, we examine the effects of attending a high-poverty school in Grade 8 on academic achievement and later educational attainment, using a matching approach. We find that attending a high-poverty school is negatively associated with reading scores and secondary education attainment, while there is no significant association with math scores. Estimates are negative in the case of higher education enrollment, but their statistical significance depends on model specification. We find suggestive evidence that attending a high-poverty school has a large direct negative effect on educational attainment, over and above the indirect effect through lower test scores. This suggests that the negative effect of high-poverty schools on students’ noncognitive skills and later educational choices can be as important as the effect on achievement.","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":"139 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136235667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-09DOI: 10.1177/00207152231196320
Shimaa Hatab
Unlike left outsiders in contexts of steadfast traditional opposition in Latin America, Fernando Lugo refrained from intensifying the conflict with the political establishment and mobilizing subaltern groups to push through progressive policies after winning the 2008 elections. Ultimately, conservative interests pushed through impeachment proceedings and forced him out of office prematurely, and Lugo yielded to their will instead of using the interbranch stalemate to instigate popular resistance. For their part, the popular sectors did not mobilize to pressure the Lugo government, nor did they stand firmly against the president’s impeachment. The article aims to answer why Lugo flopped as a political broker and why Paraguayans did not mobilize to Lugo’s defense by developing a two-level argument that combines the institutional supply side that determines the actors’ mobilization capacity and the demand side of movement issue-framing that conditions actors’ willingness to mobilize. First, the organizational and representative pathologies of the left parties persisted into Lugo’s reign and curtailed the capacity of the mobilization brokers to forge ties between otherwise separate organizations in society and to serve as a veto gate in power centers. Second, community leaders and social actors did not engage in active issue-framing processes to construct new meanings to orient their collective action. The article draws on interview data, public opinion polls, and archival works to substantiate the argument and contributes to social movement literature by highlighting the role of political leadership’s strategic choices and its interactions with opponents and allies (inside and outside power centers) in realizing favorable political opportunity and remolding clientelistic ties to mobilize social constituencies.
{"title":"The rise and fall of political outsiders: Political opportunity structure and (de-)mobilization in Paraguay (2008–2012)","authors":"Shimaa Hatab","doi":"10.1177/00207152231196320","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152231196320","url":null,"abstract":"Unlike left outsiders in contexts of steadfast traditional opposition in Latin America, Fernando Lugo refrained from intensifying the conflict with the political establishment and mobilizing subaltern groups to push through progressive policies after winning the 2008 elections. Ultimately, conservative interests pushed through impeachment proceedings and forced him out of office prematurely, and Lugo yielded to their will instead of using the interbranch stalemate to instigate popular resistance. For their part, the popular sectors did not mobilize to pressure the Lugo government, nor did they stand firmly against the president’s impeachment. The article aims to answer why Lugo flopped as a political broker and why Paraguayans did not mobilize to Lugo’s defense by developing a two-level argument that combines the institutional supply side that determines the actors’ mobilization capacity and the demand side of movement issue-framing that conditions actors’ willingness to mobilize. First, the organizational and representative pathologies of the left parties persisted into Lugo’s reign and curtailed the capacity of the mobilization brokers to forge ties between otherwise separate organizations in society and to serve as a veto gate in power centers. Second, community leaders and social actors did not engage in active issue-framing processes to construct new meanings to orient their collective action. The article draws on interview data, public opinion polls, and archival works to substantiate the argument and contributes to social movement literature by highlighting the role of political leadership’s strategic choices and its interactions with opponents and allies (inside and outside power centers) in realizing favorable political opportunity and remolding clientelistic ties to mobilize social constituencies.","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136191861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-09DOI: 10.1177/00207152231199297
Lucas Lopez
in the US Department of Agriculture, focused upon food adulteration and unsafe additives in his research. He called for national regulation to insure food purity and safety standards. Upton Sinclair’s The Jungle also raised the issue for meat processing. The result was the adoption of the Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906 and the Meat Inspection Act. Nutrition science influenced the government’s new regulations insuring food’s safety and freedom from contaminants and adulteration. The role of middle-class white women was also important in this era as women were represented as keepers of the home and regenerators of the nation. They were also activists in consumer organizations calling for the regulation of milk purity and food labeling standards. In the final case, Haydu focuses upon the 1960s and 1970s of the organic food movement and highlights Robert Rodale’s challenge to the conventional food system. Robert Rodale’s Organic Gardening and Farming advocated organic living and natural lifestyles in the early 1970s and valued healthy soil, pure water, and clean air and a nonmaterialistic rural way of life. Rodale Press published numerous titles about organic farming, gardening, and simpler life styles eschewing processed foods and overconsumption of material goods. Gardeners and small farmers were a part of this movement as were students and parents with children who were anxious about the adulteration of milk and other foods by hormones and pesticide residues. Echoing the Grahamites’ dedication to good food, organic food activists also brought environmental and social sustainability into the discussions and responses to industrial food systems. There was a push to democratize science to serve people and communities, not just corporations. Growing good food as well as consuming good food became an important part of this movement which encompassed well-being and resisted the globalization of agriculture and food through an alignment with the anti-globalization movement. As in the previous eras, this was largely a white middle-class movement. Questions of agrarian change, class, race, sexism, privilege, inequity, exclusion, and dispossession are raised and examined in food studies research over the last 20 years. These extensions of the politics of food to broader political and social issues moves beyond consumer food politics to questions about capitalist development, colonialism, and neoliberal policy and politics. Haydu makes this point as well in the book’s conclusion, by noting that a focus upon white middle-class food consumption is narrow and vulnerable to co-optation by the conventional agro-food system. More recent national and international food movements have focused upon a plurality of socio-political questions involving equity and justice and ecology, while taking into account questions of hunger, food access, and power. I recommend this book to readers interested in the history of urban white middle-class food consumption politics in the
{"title":"Book review: Marco Santoro, <i>Mafia Politics</i>","authors":"Lucas Lopez","doi":"10.1177/00207152231199297","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152231199297","url":null,"abstract":"in the US Department of Agriculture, focused upon food adulteration and unsafe additives in his research. He called for national regulation to insure food purity and safety standards. Upton Sinclair’s The Jungle also raised the issue for meat processing. The result was the adoption of the Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906 and the Meat Inspection Act. Nutrition science influenced the government’s new regulations insuring food’s safety and freedom from contaminants and adulteration. The role of middle-class white women was also important in this era as women were represented as keepers of the home and regenerators of the nation. They were also activists in consumer organizations calling for the regulation of milk purity and food labeling standards. In the final case, Haydu focuses upon the 1960s and 1970s of the organic food movement and highlights Robert Rodale’s challenge to the conventional food system. Robert Rodale’s Organic Gardening and Farming advocated organic living and natural lifestyles in the early 1970s and valued healthy soil, pure water, and clean air and a nonmaterialistic rural way of life. Rodale Press published numerous titles about organic farming, gardening, and simpler life styles eschewing processed foods and overconsumption of material goods. Gardeners and small farmers were a part of this movement as were students and parents with children who were anxious about the adulteration of milk and other foods by hormones and pesticide residues. Echoing the Grahamites’ dedication to good food, organic food activists also brought environmental and social sustainability into the discussions and responses to industrial food systems. There was a push to democratize science to serve people and communities, not just corporations. Growing good food as well as consuming good food became an important part of this movement which encompassed well-being and resisted the globalization of agriculture and food through an alignment with the anti-globalization movement. As in the previous eras, this was largely a white middle-class movement. Questions of agrarian change, class, race, sexism, privilege, inequity, exclusion, and dispossession are raised and examined in food studies research over the last 20 years. These extensions of the politics of food to broader political and social issues moves beyond consumer food politics to questions about capitalist development, colonialism, and neoliberal policy and politics. Haydu makes this point as well in the book’s conclusion, by noting that a focus upon white middle-class food consumption is narrow and vulnerable to co-optation by the conventional agro-food system. More recent national and international food movements have focused upon a plurality of socio-political questions involving equity and justice and ecology, while taking into account questions of hunger, food access, and power. I recommend this book to readers interested in the history of urban white middle-class food consumption politics in the","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136192058","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-07DOI: 10.1177/00207152231199307
Büşra Sağlam
{"title":"Book reviews: The Politics of Punishment: A Comparative Study of Imprisonment and Political Culture","authors":"Büşra Sağlam","doi":"10.1177/00207152231199307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152231199307","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":"64 1","pages":"557 - 559"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45227266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-07DOI: 10.1177/00207152231199308
Andrea Zhu
political statements about state power, the shifting socio-political structures, and newly emerging cultural sensibilities. The Politics of Punishment is a strong book about prison policymaking in Scotland and Ireland. The strength of the book comes from its comparative and longitudinal approach. It critically analyzes two countries at the same time, guiding the reader through both places in a detailed way, with a deep understanding of the penal cultures of Ireland and Scotland. Besides, it relies on rich data, digging into under-research archives along with hours of interviews with people from key positions in both countries. It also contributes to the comparative penology literature by providing a new framework to compare different nations’ penal cultures with a great extent of scope. However, as a reader of this book, I expected to see how Ireland and Scotland, as two outliers within the Anglophone penalty, affected and were affected by the transformations in international penal culture. Moreover, it would be impressive to have at least an idea of how gender played a role in imprisonment regimes in both countries. Despite its minor drawbacks, it would be fair to conclude this review by recommending this book to anyone who has an interest in the sociology of punishment, prison policymaking, penal culture, and politics, along with comparative studies and historical sociology. With its accessible tone, it is for sure that the book will appeal to not just scholars from these fields but also ordinary readers who are interested in the histories of Ireland and Scotland.
{"title":"Book reviews: Roadblock Politics: The Origins of Violence in Central Africa","authors":"Andrea Zhu","doi":"10.1177/00207152231199308","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152231199308","url":null,"abstract":"political statements about state power, the shifting socio-political structures, and newly emerging cultural sensibilities. The Politics of Punishment is a strong book about prison policymaking in Scotland and Ireland. The strength of the book comes from its comparative and longitudinal approach. It critically analyzes two countries at the same time, guiding the reader through both places in a detailed way, with a deep understanding of the penal cultures of Ireland and Scotland. Besides, it relies on rich data, digging into under-research archives along with hours of interviews with people from key positions in both countries. It also contributes to the comparative penology literature by providing a new framework to compare different nations’ penal cultures with a great extent of scope. However, as a reader of this book, I expected to see how Ireland and Scotland, as two outliers within the Anglophone penalty, affected and were affected by the transformations in international penal culture. Moreover, it would be impressive to have at least an idea of how gender played a role in imprisonment regimes in both countries. Despite its minor drawbacks, it would be fair to conclude this review by recommending this book to anyone who has an interest in the sociology of punishment, prison policymaking, penal culture, and politics, along with comparative studies and historical sociology. With its accessible tone, it is for sure that the book will appeal to not just scholars from these fields but also ordinary readers who are interested in the histories of Ireland and Scotland.","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":"64 1","pages":"559 - 561"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47764786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-07DOI: 10.1177/00207152231196509
Federico M Rossi
Combining agonistic pluralism and social movements literature with trust studies, I propose a conceptualization for how the organizational dilemma is tackled in social movements. Defined as a trust-building organizational learning process, I show the role-played by social trust—meaning, the construction of the relational boundaries of a shared goal without diluting the heterogeneity of self-identities and interests—as an organizational prerequisite for democratic organization of a political group. Empirically, I identify four alternative pathways to the (democratic) organizational dilemma: innovation through new organizational models; repetition of past experiences; reformulation of practices; and emulation of previous organizational models.
{"title":"Democracy as a trust-building learning process: Organizational dilemmas in social movements","authors":"Federico M Rossi","doi":"10.1177/00207152231196509","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152231196509","url":null,"abstract":"Combining agonistic pluralism and social movements literature with trust studies, I propose a conceptualization for how the organizational dilemma is tackled in social movements. Defined as a trust-building organizational learning process, I show the role-played by social trust—meaning, the construction of the relational boundaries of a shared goal without diluting the heterogeneity of self-identities and interests—as an organizational prerequisite for democratic organization of a political group. Empirically, I identify four alternative pathways to the (democratic) organizational dilemma: innovation through new organizational models; repetition of past experiences; reformulation of practices; and emulation of previous organizational models.","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49210128","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-07DOI: 10.1177/00207152231199295
Hemin Aziz
The scope of the book “POLICING IRAQ: LEGITIMACY, DEMOCRACY, AND EMPIRE IN A DEVELOPING STATE” which is published by the University of California Press in 2021, is broad and would be of interest to not only academics (sociology, political science, and criminal justice), but also anyone interested in developments in the Middle East. The author, Jesse Wozniak, an associate professor at West Virginia University, successfully intersects several complex issues (policing, state legitimacy, occupation, neoliberalism, democracy, and institution building) and articulates new and important knowledge. The book focuses on the police and the legal justice system in the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) of Iraq. Wozniak uses a postconflict reconstruction program by the United States and its allies in Iraq post-2003 as an example for how neoliberalism has been applied and is reflected in the state’s institutions and its functions. He made multiple trips to the Kurdistan Region in Iraq, from 2011 to 2017, during which he gathered a wide range of data, including ethnographic observations, interviews, surveys of police officers and judges. He also used various written documents, including government publications, syllabi from the academy of police, human rights reports, and news articles from local and international media outlets. The central argument of the book is that the modern nation-state can be defined by the functions of its criminal justice systems and especially the police. With his historically informed analysis of policing in Iraq in post-2003, Wozniak shows how neoliberalism in the case of Iraq had failed and created unwanted consequences for the Iraqi people. This is so because the state is neither politically independent nor sovereign, and hence unable to function effectively. Chapter 1 begins by a description of life and political circumstances in the Iraqi region of Kurdistan, where Wozniak conducted his study. In Chapter 2, the author discusses the nature of the nation-state in terms of legitimacy, effectiveness, and sovereignty and demonstrates how the institution of policing in the Iraqi was negatively impacted by the American-led invasion. Chapter 3 discusses how the post-2003 neoliberal state building efforts by the United States and its allies not only exacerbated persistent problems in Iraq but also created new ones, including corruption, ghost payrolls, and emerging uncontrollable nonstate actors who sometimes act as a quasi-government. Moreover, according to Wozniak, “the few remaining operational state-owned firms were explicitly prohibited from participating in the repair of any of the damaged facilities” (p.54). Therefore, if the many neoliberal reforms which were designed to primarily benefit the United States and its coalition partners, it came with a heavy cost for the Iraqi people. And the promise of democracy and neoliberal prosperity did not materialize for anyone except for a few politicians and opportunists. In Chapters 4 and
{"title":"Book reviews: Policing Iraq: Legitimacy, Democracy, and Empire in a Developing State","authors":"Hemin Aziz","doi":"10.1177/00207152231199295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152231199295","url":null,"abstract":"The scope of the book “POLICING IRAQ: LEGITIMACY, DEMOCRACY, AND EMPIRE IN A DEVELOPING STATE” which is published by the University of California Press in 2021, is broad and would be of interest to not only academics (sociology, political science, and criminal justice), but also anyone interested in developments in the Middle East. The author, Jesse Wozniak, an associate professor at West Virginia University, successfully intersects several complex issues (policing, state legitimacy, occupation, neoliberalism, democracy, and institution building) and articulates new and important knowledge. The book focuses on the police and the legal justice system in the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) of Iraq. Wozniak uses a postconflict reconstruction program by the United States and its allies in Iraq post-2003 as an example for how neoliberalism has been applied and is reflected in the state’s institutions and its functions. He made multiple trips to the Kurdistan Region in Iraq, from 2011 to 2017, during which he gathered a wide range of data, including ethnographic observations, interviews, surveys of police officers and judges. He also used various written documents, including government publications, syllabi from the academy of police, human rights reports, and news articles from local and international media outlets. The central argument of the book is that the modern nation-state can be defined by the functions of its criminal justice systems and especially the police. With his historically informed analysis of policing in Iraq in post-2003, Wozniak shows how neoliberalism in the case of Iraq had failed and created unwanted consequences for the Iraqi people. This is so because the state is neither politically independent nor sovereign, and hence unable to function effectively. Chapter 1 begins by a description of life and political circumstances in the Iraqi region of Kurdistan, where Wozniak conducted his study. In Chapter 2, the author discusses the nature of the nation-state in terms of legitimacy, effectiveness, and sovereignty and demonstrates how the institution of policing in the Iraqi was negatively impacted by the American-led invasion. Chapter 3 discusses how the post-2003 neoliberal state building efforts by the United States and its allies not only exacerbated persistent problems in Iraq but also created new ones, including corruption, ghost payrolls, and emerging uncontrollable nonstate actors who sometimes act as a quasi-government. Moreover, according to Wozniak, “the few remaining operational state-owned firms were explicitly prohibited from participating in the repair of any of the damaged facilities” (p.54). Therefore, if the many neoliberal reforms which were designed to primarily benefit the United States and its coalition partners, it came with a heavy cost for the Iraqi people. And the promise of democracy and neoliberal prosperity did not materialize for anyone except for a few politicians and opportunists. In Chapters 4 and","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":"64 1","pages":"551 - 552"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47903344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-07DOI: 10.1177/00207152231199296
Lucy Jarosz
{"title":"Book reviews: Upsetting Food: Three Eras of Food Protest in the United States","authors":"Lucy Jarosz","doi":"10.1177/00207152231199296","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152231199296","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":"64 1","pages":"553 - 554"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46508192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-10DOI: 10.1177/00207152231188405
S. Mejia
Social scientists have long debated the impacts of foreign investment for developing countries. However, the relationship between foreign investment and child mortality is still heavily contested among comparative international social scientists despite decades of research. I bring new cross-national evidence to bear on this contested debate, where the competing arguments of neoclassical economic theory and foreign investment dependency theory are evaluated using fixed effects, dynamic, and two-stage least squares panel regression models. I find that inward foreign direct investment stock exerts a beneficial effect on child mortality in less-developed countries, net of relevant statistical controls. These results are also robust to a variety of regression diagnostics and alternative choices of econometric specification. These findings contribute to a growing body of literature finding that traditional sociological measures of foreign direct investment—in some cases—generate beneficial effects in less-developed countries.
{"title":"Globalization, foreign direct investment, and child mortality: A cross-national analysis of less-developed countries, 1990–2019","authors":"S. Mejia","doi":"10.1177/00207152231188405","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152231188405","url":null,"abstract":"Social scientists have long debated the impacts of foreign investment for developing countries. However, the relationship between foreign investment and child mortality is still heavily contested among comparative international social scientists despite decades of research. I bring new cross-national evidence to bear on this contested debate, where the competing arguments of neoclassical economic theory and foreign investment dependency theory are evaluated using fixed effects, dynamic, and two-stage least squares panel regression models. I find that inward foreign direct investment stock exerts a beneficial effect on child mortality in less-developed countries, net of relevant statistical controls. These results are also robust to a variety of regression diagnostics and alternative choices of econometric specification. These findings contribute to a growing body of literature finding that traditional sociological measures of foreign direct investment—in some cases—generate beneficial effects in less-developed countries.","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46766611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-22DOI: 10.1177/00207152231188406
A. Jeannet
Mass immigration is transforming the politics of income redistribution in European welfare states. Some scholars argue that immigration erodes public support for redistribution, while others argue it could have the opposite effect. Until now, the literature has attempted to isolate a generic role of immigration without distinguishing between different immigration categories. This article analyzes the relationship between internal European migration and public support for income redistribution in 17 Western European countries using the European Social Survey’s seven rounds (2002–2014). It finds that some forms of internal migration, namely, migration from new Central and Eastern European countries, are positively related to Western European support for income redistribution. The study also sheds light on the crucial role of the welfare state, finding that the compensation effect is stronger in countries with higher social protection. The results support group-specific understandings of the relationship between immigration and income redistribution. In sum, the relationship varies by immigrant group and depends on the generosity of social protection.
{"title":"Europe’s internal migration and public support for income redistribution: The role of social protection","authors":"A. Jeannet","doi":"10.1177/00207152231188406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152231188406","url":null,"abstract":"Mass immigration is transforming the politics of income redistribution in European welfare states. Some scholars argue that immigration erodes public support for redistribution, while others argue it could have the opposite effect. Until now, the literature has attempted to isolate a generic role of immigration without distinguishing between different immigration categories. This article analyzes the relationship between internal European migration and public support for income redistribution in 17 Western European countries using the European Social Survey’s seven rounds (2002–2014). It finds that some forms of internal migration, namely, migration from new Central and Eastern European countries, are positively related to Western European support for income redistribution. The study also sheds light on the crucial role of the welfare state, finding that the compensation effect is stronger in countries with higher social protection. The results support group-specific understandings of the relationship between immigration and income redistribution. In sum, the relationship varies by immigrant group and depends on the generosity of social protection.","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48297785","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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