The Editors are pleased to welcome Pierre Cahuc, who is joining the Board of Editors at Fiscal Studies. He is Professor of Economics in the Department of Economics at Sciences Po, which he joined in 2018. He is a Research Fellow at CEPR as well as at IZA, where he directs the ‘Labour Markets’ research programme. He also directs Sciences Po's Chaire ‘Sécurisation des parcours professionnels’.
James Cloyne has ended his service on the Board of Editors at Fiscal Studies. James Banks, Monica Costa Dias, Matthias Parey, Kimberley Scharf and James Ziliak would like to thank him for his enormous contribution to the journal over the years.
编辑们很高兴欢迎Pierre Cahuc加入财政研究编辑委员会。他是上海理工大学经济系经济学教授,于2018年加入该校。他是CEPR和IZA的研究员,负责“劳动力市场”研究项目。他还担任《科学报》“专业人员安全保障”主席。James Cloyne已结束在《财政研究》编辑委员会的任职。James Banks、Monica Costa Dias、Matthias Parey、Kimberley Scharf和James Ziliak感谢他多年来对该杂志的巨大贡献。
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<p>In his paper ‘Globalisation, taxation and inequality’ in this issue, Gabriel Zucman argues that the current tax system is not appropriate for our times. In particular, the system heavily taxes labour and consumption and largely exempts capital and capital income from taxation. This tax structure is at odds with rising inequality and the high capital share of income for the rich.</p><p>Zucman acknowledges that the international community has made progress towards limiting international tax competition and evasion and avoidance, thereby facilitating the taxation of capital. This includes the automatic exchange of information about financial accounts and investments, and the OECD/G20-mediated ‘Pillar 2’ agreement on a global minimum tax on the profits of the largest multinational corporations. However, he argues that these recent global measures on tax avoidance and evasion do not go far enough.</p><p>First, Zucman advocates for an improvement and extension of the automatic exchange of information. The system should be expanded to other assets, most importantly real estate, and countries should more systematically deploy the information they receive through the automatic exchange of information in tax enforcement. In addition, the system should expand to cover more countries, especially developing countries, and have an inbuilt mechanism to ensure accurate reporting.</p><p>The case for expanding the exchange of information to real estate is clear: the ownership of foreign real estate is a form of wealth that is extremely concentrated at the very top and growing in importance since the automatic exchange of banking information. However, exchanging real-estate information internationally in a coherent manner could be hugely challenging. The exchange of banking information requires information from banks, which are typically thought of as well-organised and technically advanced institutions, that have long had to adhere to international norms, standards and IT systems. Records of real-estate ownership, in contrast, are maintained by local government agencies which typically have less capacity than central governments. Besides, in the context of decentralisation, the format of these local property registers and the manner in which they are maintained can vary widely across municipalities or states.</p><p>While it may seem worthwhile to start an exchange of information focused on high-income countries and/or large cities that are attractive targets for real-estate investment, investors are likely to respond by diverting some of their investment towards assets in locations not covered by the exchange of information. After all, Bomare and Le Guern Herry (<span>2022</span>) have shown investors respond to the exchange of banking information by shifting into real estate, so they are likely to also be able to shift across real assets in different locations. The exchange of information on real estate would also need to be combined with a ban on the use of s
Gabriel Zucman在其关于这一问题的论文《全球化、税收和不平等》中认为,目前的税收制度不适合我们的时代。特别是,该制度对劳动力和消费征收重税,并在很大程度上免除资本和资本收入的税收。这种税收结构与日益加剧的不平等和富人在收入中的高资本份额不一致。祖克曼承认,国际社会在限制国际税收竞争和逃税避税方面取得了进展,从而为资本征税提供了便利。这包括自动交换有关金融账户和投资的信息,以及经合组织/二十国集团调解的关于对最大跨国公司利润征收全球最低税的“支柱2”协议。然而,他认为,最近这些针对避税和逃税的全球措施还不够。首先,Zucman主张改进和扩展信息的自动交换。该系统应扩展到其他资产,最重要的是房地产,各国应更系统地部署通过税务执法信息自动交换获得的信息。此外,该系统应扩大到覆盖更多国家,特别是发展中国家,并有一个确保准确报告的内置机制。将信息交流扩大到房地产的理由很清楚:外国房地产的所有权是一种财富形式,这种财富极为集中在最高层,自银行信息自动交换以来,其重要性不断增加。然而,以连贯的方式在国际上交换房地产信息可能具有巨大的挑战性。银行信息的交换需要来自银行的信息,这些银行通常被认为是组织良好、技术先进的机构,长期以来必须遵守国际规范、标准和IT系统。相比之下,房地产所有权记录由地方政府机构保存,这些机构的能力通常低于中央政府。此外,在权力下放的背景下,这些地方财产登记册的格式和维护方式可能因市镇或州而异。尽管开始以高收入国家和/或大城市为重点进行信息交流似乎是值得的,但投资者可能会将部分投资转向信息交流未涵盖的地区的资产。毕竟,Bomare和Le Guern Herry(2022)已经表明,投资者对银行信息交换的反应是转向房地产,因此他们也可能能够在不同地点的房地产之间进行转移。房地产信息交换还需要与禁止使用空壳公司相结合,这样所有权信息才能真正让政府确定房产的最终所有者。需要明确的是,我们不认为我们概述的挑战是坚持只交换银行信息的现状的充分理由。如果说有什么不同的话,那就是房地产信息交流所涉及的挑战意味着国际社会应该尽早解决这些问题。我们只是建议注意所需程序的长度,并对潜在的税收收益持谨慎态度。此外,Zucman强调,各国在税收执法战略中使用现有信息很重要。几项研究记录了信息交流提高税收合规性的证据。1但一旦信息被充分利用,投资者的反应得以实现,收入收益会有多大,尤其是低收入国家能获得多少收益,仍不确定。在能力较低的行政部门,在执法中使用信息的成本可能更高,因此限制了他们潜在的净收入收益。在论文的第二部分,祖克曼主张设计和采用现代财富税。目前,财富税的主要形式是财产税,这是一种“过时且累退的财富[税]”。祖克曼认为,各国应该采取一种以市场价值涵盖所有形式财富的税收,并允许纳税人扣除债务。以征收财富税为条件,该税的基础包括按市场价值计算的所有财富来源,这是有道理的。然而,值得指出的是,关于财富税可取性的争论仍在继续。英国财富税委员会网站2和财富税财政研究研讨会3借鉴了七个不同国家的经验,为财富税的理论和实践设计提供了一套极好的证据文件。 特别是,Adam和Miller(2021)讨论了支持和反对财富税的经济论点。他们得出的结论是,一次性财富税的理由很简单(因为及时实施一次性财富税扭曲经济活动的机会有限),但根据经济理论,年度财富税的情况更难——尽管并非不可能——(部分原因是,因应经常性税收,经济扭曲的范围更大)。祖克曼还认为,(年度)财富税应该有一个累进的时间表,有很高的免税门槛。他将这种累进财富税与通常以统一(甚至递减)税率征收的“过时”财产税进行了对比。虽然财产税在很多方面可能已经过时,但值得记住的是,一些司法管辖区的财产税——至少在纸面上,就其涵盖的税基而言——是温和的累进税。例如,墨西哥城的房产税对高端房产是累进的。4虽然过去的财富税有上限机制,因此财富税负债不能超过收入的一小部分,但Zucman建议,如果财富税仅在非常高的免税门槛以上适用,就不需要这种机制。然而,即使是非常富有的个人,如果他们有消费和非流动形式的财富,他们缴纳(增加的)财富税的能力也可能受到限制。如果这些限制使他们无法(或不太愿意)支付,财富税的成功及其政治支持可能会受到损害。因此,重要的是要仔细考虑如何确保支付的流动性,从而确保财富税的可执行性。最后,Zucman认为,在现代财富税中使用预先填充的申报表可以大大减少逃税的范围。虽然我们认为预先填写报税表是一项值得尝试的政策,但我们要提醒,预先填写报税单并不一定会增加纳税额。5预先填写的报税表的效果可能取决于政府信息集的完整程度。如果信息集非常不完整(或比纳税人预期的更不完整),预先填充的申报表可能会为纳税人的报告创建一个参考点,该参考点可能低于他们原本自愿报告的水平。在某种程度上,预先填写的纳税申报表可以向纳税人揭示政府对税基的了解程度。银行信息的自动交换,以及未来真实资产信息的自动交流,将对帮助填充回报至关重要。Zucman文章的一个关键原则是,“税收竞争、逃税和避税不是自然规律”,而是“政策选择”,替代选择是可能的。这是有道理的,但人们可能会问,实施这些政策选择在技术和立法上会有多复杂,以及它们与什么样的政治和经济成本有关。例如,Zucman认为,金融资产对税率不一定具有高度弹性(国际流动性),因为“弹性不是一成不变的参数:它们受到税收设计的影响”。虽然我们同意这一观点,这一观点也在许多研究中得到了证明,6但我们认为,在设计旨在“弹性可以降低,可能降低到非常低的水平”的政策时,也必须考虑到出现的权衡。如果减少逃税和避税,从而增加公共支出的好处超过潜在的不利实际影响,那么福利最大化的决策者就会采取这样的政策。这些实际影响可能很小,但将弹性驱动到“非常低的水平”并不一定总是最佳的。在结束之前,值得简要谈谈Zucman的评论,即全球最低企业所得税是朝着全球化和税率设定(而不是简单的税基)的国际监管迈出的“第一步,也是重要的一步”。我们同意,对全球最低税收的承诺是一项令人兴奋的成就。但收入收益有多大,以及在多大程度上惠及中低收入国家,还有待观察。正如Perry(2023)在最近一次关于全球最低税收的财政研究研讨会上所讨论的那样,许多中低收入国家围绕跨国公司和企业的税收优惠和豁免制定了经济发展和投资促进战略。洪都拉斯的发展模式就是一个例子,正如最近的世界银行会议和TaxDev博客文章所讨论的那样。7对早期提出的全球最低税(GMT)的担忧是,这将阻止在实际经济地点选择上的竞争。对此,当前版本的全球最低企业所得税允许“例外”,即。
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<p>Gabriel Zucman's article in this symposium sets out an agenda for how international cooperation can overcome barriers to progressive taxation and barriers to the taxation of wealth. Argentina has been at the forefront of developments in international tax cooperation. It has been one of the global minimum tax's strongest proponents, and has pushed for it to go even further by increasing the minimum rate to 21 per cent or 25 per cent. Argentina has also made use of automatic exchange of information (AEOI) to detect offshore tax evasion, signing AEOI agreements with almost 100 countries. AEOI has had modest results for Argentina. Zucman's article notes that offshore real estate is exempted under AEOI, but offshore currency holdings – which are an important asset class for wealthy Argentinians – are also poorly reported.</p><p>Whilst international cooperation is important, it is not the only barrier that needs to be overcome to tax the wealthy. Argentina presents a case study in how a progressive tax system can unravel in the face of high and volatile inflation, and how large swings in the tax rate due to political polarisation can limit the effectiveness of tax policy. This case study will be important for other developing and developed countries which are also often experiencing the high levels of inflation and political polarisation that Argentina has struggled with for decades.</p><p>Argentina is one of the few countries to already have a comprehensive wealth tax as advocated for by Zucman.1 The wealth tax is intended to be highly progressive, but high and volatile inflation, ranging from 20 to 40 per cent in the last 15 years, has at times brought many more people into the purview of the tax than initially intended. Figure 1 shows that the threshold to start paying wealth tax fell from 15 times GDP per capita in 2007 to 2 times GDP per capita in 2015, leading to the share of wealth tax payers increasing from 0.5 per cent to 1.9 per cent of the total population. Between 2016 and 2020, the wealth tax threshold was periodically updated, and from 2021 it was indexed to the consumer price index (CPI). This has not entirely fixed the problem, as official estimates of property values, which are a major component of the wealth tax base, are not regularly updated in Argentina. As property price growth tends to be higher than the CPI rate of inflation, a lack of revaluation means that the wealth tax falls on an ever-decreasing share of true wealth.</p><p>The story is similar for personal income taxation. As Figure 2 shows, the fraction of employees who were liable for the personal income tax grew from 10 per cent to 30 per cent in just four years between 2009 and 2013, as the tax-free allowance was fixed in nominal terms despite inflation of 20–40 per cent. This was corrected in 2014, and from 2016 the personal allowance threshold was indexed to nominal wages. However, indexation failed to stop the rise in the share of employees paying personal income
{"title":"Progressive taxation in the face of inflation and instability: lessons from Argentina","authors":"Roberto Arias, Vedanth Nair","doi":"10.1111/1475-5890.12344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-5890.12344","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Gabriel Zucman's article in this symposium sets out an agenda for how international cooperation can overcome barriers to progressive taxation and barriers to the taxation of wealth. Argentina has been at the forefront of developments in international tax cooperation. It has been one of the global minimum tax's strongest proponents, and has pushed for it to go even further by increasing the minimum rate to 21 per cent or 25 per cent. Argentina has also made use of automatic exchange of information (AEOI) to detect offshore tax evasion, signing AEOI agreements with almost 100 countries. AEOI has had modest results for Argentina. Zucman's article notes that offshore real estate is exempted under AEOI, but offshore currency holdings – which are an important asset class for wealthy Argentinians – are also poorly reported.</p><p>Whilst international cooperation is important, it is not the only barrier that needs to be overcome to tax the wealthy. Argentina presents a case study in how a progressive tax system can unravel in the face of high and volatile inflation, and how large swings in the tax rate due to political polarisation can limit the effectiveness of tax policy. This case study will be important for other developing and developed countries which are also often experiencing the high levels of inflation and political polarisation that Argentina has struggled with for decades.</p><p>Argentina is one of the few countries to already have a comprehensive wealth tax as advocated for by Zucman.1 The wealth tax is intended to be highly progressive, but high and volatile inflation, ranging from 20 to 40 per cent in the last 15 years, has at times brought many more people into the purview of the tax than initially intended. Figure 1 shows that the threshold to start paying wealth tax fell from 15 times GDP per capita in 2007 to 2 times GDP per capita in 2015, leading to the share of wealth tax payers increasing from 0.5 per cent to 1.9 per cent of the total population. Between 2016 and 2020, the wealth tax threshold was periodically updated, and from 2021 it was indexed to the consumer price index (CPI). This has not entirely fixed the problem, as official estimates of property values, which are a major component of the wealth tax base, are not regularly updated in Argentina. As property price growth tends to be higher than the CPI rate of inflation, a lack of revaluation means that the wealth tax falls on an ever-decreasing share of true wealth.</p><p>The story is similar for personal income taxation. As Figure 2 shows, the fraction of employees who were liable for the personal income tax grew from 10 per cent to 30 per cent in just four years between 2009 and 2013, as the tax-free allowance was fixed in nominal terms despite inflation of 20–40 per cent. This was corrected in 2014, and from 2016 the personal allowance threshold was indexed to nominal wages. However, indexation failed to stop the rise in the share of employees paying personal income ","PeriodicalId":51602,"journal":{"name":"Fiscal Studies","volume":"44 3","pages":"247-249"},"PeriodicalIF":7.3,"publicationDate":"2023-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1475-5890.12344","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50129372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>As inequality has risen around the world, the importance of tax design for achieving equity objectives has become increasingly widely discussed and is the focus of much recent public finance research. At the same time, globalisation and the increasing international mobility of capital have brought international and jurisdictional issues in tax policy to the fore for many countries and for the international community more generally.</p><p>This set of issues was showcased at the 4<sup>th</sup> World Bank Tax Conference in September 2022, which focused on ‘Global Tax Equity’. The meeting was hosted by the World Bank and organised jointly by the World Bank, the Overseas Development Institute, the Institute for Fiscal Studies, the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office and UK Aid, and the Norwegian University of Life Sciences.1</p><p>The conference brought together leading researchers and policymakers to discuss the role of fiscal policy in dealing with the challenge of global inequality, both within countries and internationally, and how new data sources and research might inform such a debate. It featured discussions of recent research on making tax systems more equitable at a global scale, including the taxation of high-net-worth individuals, including wealth taxation; tax transparency, beneficial ownership, offshoring and tax havens; and taxes on multinationals and large corporations.</p><p>The set of perspectives papers in this symposium showcases some of the key policy questions and discussions from that meeting of academic researchers, tax and development practitioners and policymakers. In the paper entitled ‘Globalisation, taxation and inequality’, Gabriel Zucman summarises the arguments he presented in his keynote address to that conference. He discusses the way current tax systems heavily favour capital and capital income at the expense of labour, and argues this is not appropriate for our times. Whilst he welcomes some recent changes such as the advent of the global minimum tax, he also makes a number of further suggestions and recommendations for the future direction of national and international tax policy.</p><p>Three further short perspectives pieces then present brief commentaries and reactions to the points and issues raised by Zucman, predominantly from the perspective of tax policy in developing economies. The first is by Anne Brockmeyer and David Phillips who was the organiser of the policy session on global tax equity at the World Bank conference in which senior tax officials from Honduras, Indonesia and Argentina discussed specific issues with improving tax equity in their national contexts. Brockmeyer and Phillips discuss the specific proposals in the Zucman paper and suggest areas where more research is needed in order to establish the likely success or otherwise of such policies. They also pick up briefly on one of the points made by the Honduran tax officials in that policy session, since Honduras has sought to ra
{"title":"Symposium: tax equity around the world – introduction","authors":"James Banks, Anne Brockmeyer","doi":"10.1111/1475-5890.12343","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-5890.12343","url":null,"abstract":"<p>As inequality has risen around the world, the importance of tax design for achieving equity objectives has become increasingly widely discussed and is the focus of much recent public finance research. At the same time, globalisation and the increasing international mobility of capital have brought international and jurisdictional issues in tax policy to the fore for many countries and for the international community more generally.</p><p>This set of issues was showcased at the 4<sup>th</sup> World Bank Tax Conference in September 2022, which focused on ‘Global Tax Equity’. The meeting was hosted by the World Bank and organised jointly by the World Bank, the Overseas Development Institute, the Institute for Fiscal Studies, the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office and UK Aid, and the Norwegian University of Life Sciences.1</p><p>The conference brought together leading researchers and policymakers to discuss the role of fiscal policy in dealing with the challenge of global inequality, both within countries and internationally, and how new data sources and research might inform such a debate. It featured discussions of recent research on making tax systems more equitable at a global scale, including the taxation of high-net-worth individuals, including wealth taxation; tax transparency, beneficial ownership, offshoring and tax havens; and taxes on multinationals and large corporations.</p><p>The set of perspectives papers in this symposium showcases some of the key policy questions and discussions from that meeting of academic researchers, tax and development practitioners and policymakers. In the paper entitled ‘Globalisation, taxation and inequality’, Gabriel Zucman summarises the arguments he presented in his keynote address to that conference. He discusses the way current tax systems heavily favour capital and capital income at the expense of labour, and argues this is not appropriate for our times. Whilst he welcomes some recent changes such as the advent of the global minimum tax, he also makes a number of further suggestions and recommendations for the future direction of national and international tax policy.</p><p>Three further short perspectives pieces then present brief commentaries and reactions to the points and issues raised by Zucman, predominantly from the perspective of tax policy in developing economies. The first is by Anne Brockmeyer and David Phillips who was the organiser of the policy session on global tax equity at the World Bank conference in which senior tax officials from Honduras, Indonesia and Argentina discussed specific issues with improving tax equity in their national contexts. Brockmeyer and Phillips discuss the specific proposals in the Zucman paper and suggest areas where more research is needed in order to establish the likely success or otherwise of such policies. They also pick up briefly on one of the points made by the Honduran tax officials in that policy session, since Honduras has sought to ra","PeriodicalId":51602,"journal":{"name":"Fiscal Studies","volume":"44 3","pages":"225-227"},"PeriodicalIF":7.3,"publicationDate":"2023-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1475-5890.12343","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50129373","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>With high levels of inequality and a rising share of capital income in total income, as Gabriel Zucman's piece in this symposium pithily highlights, there are several reasons why tax authorities in developing countries should place a special focus on high-net-worth individuals (HNWIs). First, progressive tax system structures, combined with high levels of income concentration, mean that even a small increase in tax avoidance and evasion amongst the ultra-wealthy can lead to a substantial drop in overall tax revenue. Second, HNWIs tend to have highly complex tax arrangements, income and wealth scattered across the world, and access to tax planning experts, which facilitates tax avoidance and tax evasion. Research from Scandinavia1 and the US2 has found that, on a cost-weighted basis, tax evasion is concentrated at the top of the distribution. Finally, the integrity of the tax system as a whole is contingent on taxpayers believing that the ultra-wealthy pay their fair share in tax. Survey evidence3 has found that taxpayers at the bottom and middle of the distribution are more willing to pay tax when they are informed that the tax system is progressive, and less willing to pay tax when they are informed that the tax system is not progressive. Low- and middle-income countries have especially struggled in raising revenue from the rich, due to high levels of informality, high levels of self-employment amongst top earners, and low tax rates on capital gains and wealth transfers.4</p><p>If the case for focusing on HNWIs is clear, the steps governments should take to do so are not, especially for low- and middle-income countries with more limited financial and technical resources. In his article in this symposium, Zucman argues for improved international cooperation, multilateral tax agreements, and potentially new forms of taxation, such as wealth taxes or stock market capitalisation taxes, to increase tax collection from HNWIs. Even if these reforms are desirable (see the article by Anne Brockmeyer and David Phillips in this symposium), they would take years or even decades to be fully achieved. Indonesia's recent experience in taxing HNWIs provides some direct case-study evidence on what low- and middle-income countries can potentially achieve in the short term.</p><p>For Indonesia, the initial challenge was to define what an HNWI is. International organisations typically define HNWIs as having net asset values ranging from USD 1 million to USD 30 million. Indonesia adopted its own definition, of IDR 10 billion (USD 664,000), to be in line with other tax thresholds in its domestic tax system. In addition, individuals are also classified as HNWIs if they have an income greater than IDR 1 billion (USD 66,000) per year, are a shareholder/owner of a business group, or are noted as having high net worth in national or international media such as Forbes or Globe Asia. Despite representing 0.35 per cent of Indonesia's population of registered taxpayers, HN
{"title":"Taxing high-net-worth individuals: experience from Indonesia","authors":"Vedanth Nair, Mekar Satria Utama","doi":"10.1111/1475-5890.12345","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1475-5890.12345","url":null,"abstract":"<p>With high levels of inequality and a rising share of capital income in total income, as Gabriel Zucman's piece in this symposium pithily highlights, there are several reasons why tax authorities in developing countries should place a special focus on high-net-worth individuals (HNWIs). First, progressive tax system structures, combined with high levels of income concentration, mean that even a small increase in tax avoidance and evasion amongst the ultra-wealthy can lead to a substantial drop in overall tax revenue. Second, HNWIs tend to have highly complex tax arrangements, income and wealth scattered across the world, and access to tax planning experts, which facilitates tax avoidance and tax evasion. Research from Scandinavia1 and the US2 has found that, on a cost-weighted basis, tax evasion is concentrated at the top of the distribution. Finally, the integrity of the tax system as a whole is contingent on taxpayers believing that the ultra-wealthy pay their fair share in tax. Survey evidence3 has found that taxpayers at the bottom and middle of the distribution are more willing to pay tax when they are informed that the tax system is progressive, and less willing to pay tax when they are informed that the tax system is not progressive. Low- and middle-income countries have especially struggled in raising revenue from the rich, due to high levels of informality, high levels of self-employment amongst top earners, and low tax rates on capital gains and wealth transfers.4</p><p>If the case for focusing on HNWIs is clear, the steps governments should take to do so are not, especially for low- and middle-income countries with more limited financial and technical resources. In his article in this symposium, Zucman argues for improved international cooperation, multilateral tax agreements, and potentially new forms of taxation, such as wealth taxes or stock market capitalisation taxes, to increase tax collection from HNWIs. Even if these reforms are desirable (see the article by Anne Brockmeyer and David Phillips in this symposium), they would take years or even decades to be fully achieved. Indonesia's recent experience in taxing HNWIs provides some direct case-study evidence on what low- and middle-income countries can potentially achieve in the short term.</p><p>For Indonesia, the initial challenge was to define what an HNWI is. International organisations typically define HNWIs as having net asset values ranging from USD 1 million to USD 30 million. Indonesia adopted its own definition, of IDR 10 billion (USD 664,000), to be in line with other tax thresholds in its domestic tax system. In addition, individuals are also classified as HNWIs if they have an income greater than IDR 1 billion (USD 66,000) per year, are a shareholder/owner of a business group, or are noted as having high net worth in national or international media such as Forbes or Globe Asia. Despite representing 0.35 per cent of Indonesia's population of registered taxpayers, HN","PeriodicalId":51602,"journal":{"name":"Fiscal Studies","volume":"44 3","pages":"243-245"},"PeriodicalIF":7.3,"publicationDate":"2023-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1475-5890.12345","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48238504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Today's tax systems, in which value-added taxes and payroll taxes play a prominent role, are largely creations of the 1950s. We need to invent modern tax systems adapted to the reality of the 21st century: the growing importance of capital and the rise of inequality. This article reviews some of the challenges involved with increasing the progressivity of tax systems in a globalised world and discusses how these challenges could be overcome. I make the case for new and more ambitious forms of international cooperation and for modern forms of wealth taxation.
{"title":"Globalisation, taxation and inequality","authors":"Gabriel Zucman","doi":"10.1111/1475-5890.12341","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1475-5890.12341","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Today's tax systems, in which value-added taxes and payroll taxes play a prominent role, are largely creations of the 1950s. We need to invent modern tax systems adapted to the reality of the 21<sup>st</sup> century: the growing importance of capital and the rise of inequality. This article reviews some of the challenges involved with increasing the progressivity of tax systems in a globalised world and discusses how these challenges could be overcome. I make the case for new and more ambitious forms of international cooperation and for modern forms of wealth taxation.</p>","PeriodicalId":51602,"journal":{"name":"Fiscal Studies","volume":"44 3","pages":"229-235"},"PeriodicalIF":7.3,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46351892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article summarises the theoretical foundations, main approaches and current trends in the field of behavioural normative economics. It identifies bounded rationality and bounded willpower as the two core concepts that have motivated the field. Since the concepts allow for individual preferences to be context-dependent and time-inconsistent, they pose an intricate problem for standard welfare analysis. The article discusses the ways in which two prominent approaches – the preference purification approach and the opportunity approach – have tackled the problem. It argues that shortcomings in each of these approaches motivate an agency-centric perspective. The article presents two concrete policy proposals of the agency-centric approach. While this approach is promising, the article argues for pluralism in normative economics since an exclusive focus on agency can likely not do justice to the multifarious concerns that citizens hold.
{"title":"Behavioural normative economics: foundations, approaches and trends","authors":"Malte Dold","doi":"10.1111/1475-5890.12340","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1475-5890.12340","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article summarises the theoretical foundations, main approaches and current trends in the field of behavioural normative economics. It identifies <i>bounded rationality</i> and <i>bounded willpower</i> as the two core concepts that have motivated the field. Since the concepts allow for individual preferences to be context-dependent and time-inconsistent, they pose an intricate problem for standard welfare analysis. The article discusses the ways in which two prominent approaches – the preference purification approach and the opportunity approach – have tackled the problem. It argues that shortcomings in each of these approaches motivate an agency-centric perspective. The article presents two concrete policy proposals of the agency-centric approach. While this approach is promising, the article argues for pluralism in normative economics since an exclusive focus on agency can likely not do justice to the multifarious concerns that citizens hold.</p>","PeriodicalId":51602,"journal":{"name":"Fiscal Studies","volume":"44 2","pages":"137-150"},"PeriodicalIF":7.3,"publicationDate":"2023-08-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1475-5890.12340","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46207675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
An adequate normative economics – one that is consistent with recent developments in our discipline (and in philosophy and psychology) and that resonates with widely held moral intuitions – will have to address the following challenges. First, utility cannot be both the basis of our predictions of economic behaviour and the evaluation of the outcomes of this behaviour. Second, we need to conceive of individual well-being and other desiderata in ways that are interpersonally comparable and that go beyond efficiency and fairness. Third, the representation of the economy as a ‘morality-free zone’ (requiring that contracts, including employment contracts, are complete) must give way to a recognition of the unaccountable exercise of power by private actors, even in a perfectly competitive equilibrium, and the way that this may violate democratic principles and limit the freedom and compromise the dignity of other actors. Fourth, the commitment to ‘liberal neutrality’ (thereby sidestepping the evaluation of preferences) and the related assumption of ‘unrestricted preferences’ in mechanism design and public policy must be abandoned, making room for a concern about the nature of our preferences and the ways that institutions shape our values.
{"title":"Moral economics","authors":"Samuel Bowles","doi":"10.1111/1475-5890.12335","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1475-5890.12335","url":null,"abstract":"<p>An adequate normative economics – one that is consistent with recent developments in our discipline (and in philosophy and psychology) and that resonates with widely held moral intuitions – will have to address the following challenges. First, utility cannot be both the basis of our predictions of economic behaviour and the evaluation of the outcomes of this behaviour. Second, we need to conceive of individual well-being and other desiderata in ways that are interpersonally comparable and that go beyond efficiency and fairness. Third, the representation of the economy as a ‘morality-free zone’ (requiring that contracts, including employment contracts, are complete) must give way to a recognition of the unaccountable exercise of power by private actors, even in a perfectly competitive equilibrium, and the way that this may violate democratic principles and limit the freedom and compromise the dignity of other actors. Fourth, the commitment to ‘liberal neutrality’ (thereby sidestepping the evaluation of preferences) and the related assumption of ‘unrestricted preferences’ in mechanism design and public policy must be abandoned, making room for a concern about the nature of our preferences and the ways that institutions shape our values.</p>","PeriodicalId":51602,"journal":{"name":"Fiscal Studies","volume":"44 2","pages":"151-160"},"PeriodicalIF":7.3,"publicationDate":"2023-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1475-5890.12335","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47079614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Using the Consumer Expenditure Survey, we document the level and variability of quarterly consumption across the socio-economic distribution. While the measurement of well-being is focused on income, the secular and policy discourse prioritises income-adequacy to meet family needs. This concern over income-adequacy centres on the capacity of families to predictably consume minimally acceptable levels of basic needs, and the social and economic mobility consequences of low consumption. Our results show a clear socio-economic and demographic gradient of lower consumption amid higher consumption variability for disadvantaged groups. Food, entertainment, and personal care goods and services exhibit relatively high levels of consumption variability among low-income households.
{"title":"Money matters: consumption variability across the income distribution","authors":"Jonathan Fisher, Bradley L. Hardy","doi":"10.1111/1475-5890.12339","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-5890.12339","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Using the Consumer Expenditure Survey, we document the level and variability of quarterly consumption across the socio-economic distribution. While the measurement of well-being is focused on income, the secular and policy discourse prioritises income-adequacy to meet family needs. This concern over income-adequacy centres on the capacity of families to predictably consume minimally acceptable levels of basic needs, and the social and economic mobility consequences of low consumption. Our results show a clear socio-economic and demographic gradient of lower consumption amid higher consumption variability for disadvantaged groups. Food, entertainment, and personal care goods and services exhibit relatively high levels of consumption variability among low-income households.</p>","PeriodicalId":51602,"journal":{"name":"Fiscal Studies","volume":"44 3","pages":"275-298"},"PeriodicalIF":7.3,"publicationDate":"2023-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50154808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Diane Coyle, Mark Fabian, Eric Beinhocker, Tim Besley, Margaret Stevens
The contributions of economists have long included both positive explanations of how economic systems work and normative recommendations for how they could and should work better. In recent decades, economics has taken a strong empirical turn as well as having a greater appreciation of the importance of the complexities of real-world human behaviour, institutions, the strengths and failures of markets, and interlinkages with other systems, including politics, technology, culture and the environment. This shift has also brought greater relevance and pragmatism to normative economics. While this shift towards evidence and pragmatism has been welcome, it does not in itself answer the core question of what exactly constitutes ‘better’, and for whom, and how to manage inevitable conflicts and trade-offs in society. These have long been the core concerns of welfare economics. Yet, in the 1980s and 1990s, debates on welfare economics seemed to have become marginalised. The articles in this Fiscal Studies symposium engage with the question of how to revive normative questions as a central issue in economic scholarship.
{"title":"Is it time to reboot welfare economics? Overview","authors":"Diane Coyle, Mark Fabian, Eric Beinhocker, Tim Besley, Margaret Stevens","doi":"10.1111/1475-5890.12334","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1475-5890.12334","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The contributions of economists have long included both positive explanations of how economic systems work and normative recommendations for how they could and should work better. In recent decades, economics has taken a strong empirical turn as well as having a greater appreciation of the importance of the complexities of real-world human behaviour, institutions, the strengths and failures of markets, and interlinkages with other systems, including politics, technology, culture and the environment. This shift has also brought greater relevance and pragmatism to normative economics. While this shift towards evidence and pragmatism has been welcome, it does not in itself answer the core question of what exactly constitutes ‘better’, and for whom, and how to manage inevitable conflicts and trade-offs in society. These have long been the core concerns of welfare economics. Yet, in the 1980s and 1990s, debates on welfare economics seemed to have become marginalised. The articles in this <i>Fiscal Studies</i> symposium engage with the question of how to revive normative questions as a central issue in economic scholarship.</p>","PeriodicalId":51602,"journal":{"name":"Fiscal Studies","volume":"44 2","pages":"109-121"},"PeriodicalIF":7.3,"publicationDate":"2023-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1475-5890.12334","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42309510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}