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Editorial announcement 编辑公告
IF 7.3 3区 经济学 Q2 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2023-09-22 DOI: 10.1111/1475-5890.12346

The Editors are pleased to welcome Pierre Cahuc, who is joining the Board of Editors at Fiscal Studies. He is Professor of Economics in the Department of Economics at Sciences Po, which he joined in 2018. He is a Research Fellow at CEPR as well as at IZA, where he directs the ‘Labour Markets’ research programme. He also directs Sciences Po's ChaireSécurisation des parcours professionnels’.

James Cloyne has ended his service on the Board of Editors at Fiscal Studies. James Banks, Monica Costa Dias, Matthias Parey, Kimberley Scharf and James Ziliak would like to thank him for his enormous contribution to the journal over the years.

编辑们很高兴欢迎Pierre Cahuc加入财政研究编辑委员会。他是上海理工大学经济系经济学教授,于2018年加入该校。他是CEPR和IZA的研究员,负责“劳动力市场”研究项目。他还担任《科学报》“专业人员安全保障”主席。James Cloyne已结束在《财政研究》编辑委员会的任职。James Banks、Monica Costa Dias、Matthias Parey、Kimberley Scharf和James Ziliak感谢他多年来对该杂志的巨大贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Tax equity around the world: a discussion 全球税收公平:一个讨论
IF 7.3 3区 经济学 Q2 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2023-09-13 DOI: 10.1111/1475-5890.12342
Anne Brockmeyer, David Phillips
<p>In his paper ‘Globalisation, taxation and inequality’ in this issue, Gabriel Zucman argues that the current tax system is not appropriate for our times. In particular, the system heavily taxes labour and consumption and largely exempts capital and capital income from taxation. This tax structure is at odds with rising inequality and the high capital share of income for the rich.</p><p>Zucman acknowledges that the international community has made progress towards limiting international tax competition and evasion and avoidance, thereby facilitating the taxation of capital. This includes the automatic exchange of information about financial accounts and investments, and the OECD/G20-mediated ‘Pillar 2’ agreement on a global minimum tax on the profits of the largest multinational corporations. However, he argues that these recent global measures on tax avoidance and evasion do not go far enough.</p><p>First, Zucman advocates for an improvement and extension of the automatic exchange of information. The system should be expanded to other assets, most importantly real estate, and countries should more systematically deploy the information they receive through the automatic exchange of information in tax enforcement. In addition, the system should expand to cover more countries, especially developing countries, and have an inbuilt mechanism to ensure accurate reporting.</p><p>The case for expanding the exchange of information to real estate is clear: the ownership of foreign real estate is a form of wealth that is extremely concentrated at the very top and growing in importance since the automatic exchange of banking information. However, exchanging real-estate information internationally in a coherent manner could be hugely challenging. The exchange of banking information requires information from banks, which are typically thought of as well-organised and technically advanced institutions, that have long had to adhere to international norms, standards and IT systems. Records of real-estate ownership, in contrast, are maintained by local government agencies which typically have less capacity than central governments. Besides, in the context of decentralisation, the format of these local property registers and the manner in which they are maintained can vary widely across municipalities or states.</p><p>While it may seem worthwhile to start an exchange of information focused on high-income countries and/or large cities that are attractive targets for real-estate investment, investors are likely to respond by diverting some of their investment towards assets in locations not covered by the exchange of information. After all, Bomare and Le Guern Herry (<span>2022</span>) have shown investors respond to the exchange of banking information by shifting into real estate, so they are likely to also be able to shift across real assets in different locations. The exchange of information on real estate would also need to be combined with a ban on the use of s
Gabriel Zucman在其关于这一问题的论文《全球化、税收和不平等》中认为,目前的税收制度不适合我们的时代。特别是,该制度对劳动力和消费征收重税,并在很大程度上免除资本和资本收入的税收。这种税收结构与日益加剧的不平等和富人在收入中的高资本份额不一致。祖克曼承认,国际社会在限制国际税收竞争和逃税避税方面取得了进展,从而为资本征税提供了便利。这包括自动交换有关金融账户和投资的信息,以及经合组织/二十国集团调解的关于对最大跨国公司利润征收全球最低税的“支柱2”协议。然而,他认为,最近这些针对避税和逃税的全球措施还不够。首先,Zucman主张改进和扩展信息的自动交换。该系统应扩展到其他资产,最重要的是房地产,各国应更系统地部署通过税务执法信息自动交换获得的信息。此外,该系统应扩大到覆盖更多国家,特别是发展中国家,并有一个确保准确报告的内置机制。将信息交流扩大到房地产的理由很清楚:外国房地产的所有权是一种财富形式,这种财富极为集中在最高层,自银行信息自动交换以来,其重要性不断增加。然而,以连贯的方式在国际上交换房地产信息可能具有巨大的挑战性。银行信息的交换需要来自银行的信息,这些银行通常被认为是组织良好、技术先进的机构,长期以来必须遵守国际规范、标准和IT系统。相比之下,房地产所有权记录由地方政府机构保存,这些机构的能力通常低于中央政府。此外,在权力下放的背景下,这些地方财产登记册的格式和维护方式可能因市镇或州而异。尽管开始以高收入国家和/或大城市为重点进行信息交流似乎是值得的,但投资者可能会将部分投资转向信息交流未涵盖的地区的资产。毕竟,Bomare和Le Guern Herry(2022)已经表明,投资者对银行信息交换的反应是转向房地产,因此他们也可能能够在不同地点的房地产之间进行转移。房地产信息交换还需要与禁止使用空壳公司相结合,这样所有权信息才能真正让政府确定房产的最终所有者。需要明确的是,我们不认为我们概述的挑战是坚持只交换银行信息的现状的充分理由。如果说有什么不同的话,那就是房地产信息交流所涉及的挑战意味着国际社会应该尽早解决这些问题。我们只是建议注意所需程序的长度,并对潜在的税收收益持谨慎态度。此外,Zucman强调,各国在税收执法战略中使用现有信息很重要。几项研究记录了信息交流提高税收合规性的证据。1但一旦信息被充分利用,投资者的反应得以实现,收入收益会有多大,尤其是低收入国家能获得多少收益,仍不确定。在能力较低的行政部门,在执法中使用信息的成本可能更高,因此限制了他们潜在的净收入收益。在论文的第二部分,祖克曼主张设计和采用现代财富税。目前,财富税的主要形式是财产税,这是一种“过时且累退的财富[税]”。祖克曼认为,各国应该采取一种以市场价值涵盖所有形式财富的税收,并允许纳税人扣除债务。以征收财富税为条件,该税的基础包括按市场价值计算的所有财富来源,这是有道理的。然而,值得指出的是,关于财富税可取性的争论仍在继续。英国财富税委员会网站2和财富税财政研究研讨会3借鉴了七个不同国家的经验,为财富税的理论和实践设计提供了一套极好的证据文件。 特别是,Adam和Miller(2021)讨论了支持和反对财富税的经济论点。他们得出的结论是,一次性财富税的理由很简单(因为及时实施一次性财富税扭曲经济活动的机会有限),但根据经济理论,年度财富税的情况更难——尽管并非不可能——(部分原因是,因应经常性税收,经济扭曲的范围更大)。祖克曼还认为,(年度)财富税应该有一个累进的时间表,有很高的免税门槛。他将这种累进财富税与通常以统一(甚至递减)税率征收的“过时”财产税进行了对比。虽然财产税在很多方面可能已经过时,但值得记住的是,一些司法管辖区的财产税——至少在纸面上,就其涵盖的税基而言——是温和的累进税。例如,墨西哥城的房产税对高端房产是累进的。4虽然过去的财富税有上限机制,因此财富税负债不能超过收入的一小部分,但Zucman建议,如果财富税仅在非常高的免税门槛以上适用,就不需要这种机制。然而,即使是非常富有的个人,如果他们有消费和非流动形式的财富,他们缴纳(增加的)财富税的能力也可能受到限制。如果这些限制使他们无法(或不太愿意)支付,财富税的成功及其政治支持可能会受到损害。因此,重要的是要仔细考虑如何确保支付的流动性,从而确保财富税的可执行性。最后,Zucman认为,在现代财富税中使用预先填充的申报表可以大大减少逃税的范围。虽然我们认为预先填写报税表是一项值得尝试的政策,但我们要提醒,预先填写报税单并不一定会增加纳税额。5预先填写的报税表的效果可能取决于政府信息集的完整程度。如果信息集非常不完整(或比纳税人预期的更不完整),预先填充的申报表可能会为纳税人的报告创建一个参考点,该参考点可能低于他们原本自愿报告的水平。在某种程度上,预先填写的纳税申报表可以向纳税人揭示政府对税基的了解程度。银行信息的自动交换,以及未来真实资产信息的自动交流,将对帮助填充回报至关重要。Zucman文章的一个关键原则是,“税收竞争、逃税和避税不是自然规律”,而是“政策选择”,替代选择是可能的。这是有道理的,但人们可能会问,实施这些政策选择在技术和立法上会有多复杂,以及它们与什么样的政治和经济成本有关。例如,Zucman认为,金融资产对税率不一定具有高度弹性(国际流动性),因为“弹性不是一成不变的参数:它们受到税收设计的影响”。虽然我们同意这一观点,这一观点也在许多研究中得到了证明,6但我们认为,在设计旨在“弹性可以降低,可能降低到非常低的水平”的政策时,也必须考虑到出现的权衡。如果减少逃税和避税,从而增加公共支出的好处超过潜在的不利实际影响,那么福利最大化的决策者就会采取这样的政策。这些实际影响可能很小,但将弹性驱动到“非常低的水平”并不一定总是最佳的。在结束之前,值得简要谈谈Zucman的评论,即全球最低企业所得税是朝着全球化和税率设定(而不是简单的税基)的国际监管迈出的“第一步,也是重要的一步”。我们同意,对全球最低税收的承诺是一项令人兴奋的成就。但收入收益有多大,以及在多大程度上惠及中低收入国家,还有待观察。正如Perry(2023)在最近一次关于全球最低税收的财政研究研讨会上所讨论的那样,许多中低收入国家围绕跨国公司和企业的税收优惠和豁免制定了经济发展和投资促进战略。洪都拉斯的发展模式就是一个例子,正如最近的世界银行会议和TaxDev博客文章所讨论的那样。7对早期提出的全球最低税(GMT)的担忧是,这将阻止在实际经济地点选择上的竞争。对此,当前版本的全球最低企业所得税允许“例外”,即。
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引用次数: 0
Progressive taxation in the face of inflation and instability: lessons from Argentina 面对通货膨胀和不稳定的累进税:阿根廷的经验教训
IF 7.3 3区 经济学 Q2 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1111/1475-5890.12344
Roberto Arias, Vedanth Nair
<p>Gabriel Zucman's article in this symposium sets out an agenda for how international cooperation can overcome barriers to progressive taxation and barriers to the taxation of wealth. Argentina has been at the forefront of developments in international tax cooperation. It has been one of the global minimum tax's strongest proponents, and has pushed for it to go even further by increasing the minimum rate to 21 per cent or 25 per cent. Argentina has also made use of automatic exchange of information (AEOI) to detect offshore tax evasion, signing AEOI agreements with almost 100 countries. AEOI has had modest results for Argentina. Zucman's article notes that offshore real estate is exempted under AEOI, but offshore currency holdings – which are an important asset class for wealthy Argentinians – are also poorly reported.</p><p>Whilst international cooperation is important, it is not the only barrier that needs to be overcome to tax the wealthy. Argentina presents a case study in how a progressive tax system can unravel in the face of high and volatile inflation, and how large swings in the tax rate due to political polarisation can limit the effectiveness of tax policy. This case study will be important for other developing and developed countries which are also often experiencing the high levels of inflation and political polarisation that Argentina has struggled with for decades.</p><p>Argentina is one of the few countries to already have a comprehensive wealth tax as advocated for by Zucman.1 The wealth tax is intended to be highly progressive, but high and volatile inflation, ranging from 20 to 40 per cent in the last 15 years, has at times brought many more people into the purview of the tax than initially intended. Figure 1 shows that the threshold to start paying wealth tax fell from 15 times GDP per capita in 2007 to 2 times GDP per capita in 2015, leading to the share of wealth tax payers increasing from 0.5 per cent to 1.9 per cent of the total population. Between 2016 and 2020, the wealth tax threshold was periodically updated, and from 2021 it was indexed to the consumer price index (CPI). This has not entirely fixed the problem, as official estimates of property values, which are a major component of the wealth tax base, are not regularly updated in Argentina. As property price growth tends to be higher than the CPI rate of inflation, a lack of revaluation means that the wealth tax falls on an ever-decreasing share of true wealth.</p><p>The story is similar for personal income taxation. As Figure 2 shows, the fraction of employees who were liable for the personal income tax grew from 10 per cent to 30 per cent in just four years between 2009 and 2013, as the tax-free allowance was fixed in nominal terms despite inflation of 20–40 per cent. This was corrected in 2014, and from 2016 the personal allowance threshold was indexed to nominal wages. However, indexation failed to stop the rise in the share of employees paying personal income
加布里埃尔·祖克曼在本次研讨会上的文章为国际合作如何克服累进税和财富税的障碍提出了议程。阿根廷一直处于国际税务合作发展的前沿。它一直是全球最低税最有力的支持者之一,并通过将最低税率提高到21%或25%来推动它走得更远。阿根廷还利用自动信息交换(AEOI)来侦查离岸逃税行为,与近100个国家签署了AEOI协议。AEOI在阿根廷的表现平平。Zucman的文章指出,根据AEOI,离岸房地产是免税的,但离岸货币持有量——这是阿根廷富人的一个重要资产类别——也很少被报道。虽然国际合作很重要,但它并不是向富人征税需要克服的唯一障碍。阿根廷提供了一个案例研究,研究累进税制如何在高通胀和动荡的通货膨胀面前瓦解,以及政治两极分化导致的税率大幅波动如何限制税收政策的有效性。这一案例研究对其他发展中国家和发达国家来说很重要,这些国家也经常经历阿根廷几十年来一直在与之斗争的高通胀和政治两极分化。阿根廷是为数不多的几个已经按照祖克曼的主张制定了全面财富税的国家之一。1财富税本应具有高度累进性,但在过去15年中,高通胀率从20%到40%不等,有时会使更多的人进入该税的范围,这比最初的预期要多得多。图1显示,开始缴纳财富税的门槛从2007年的人均国内生产总值的15倍下降到2015年的人均国民生产总值的2倍,导致财富税纳税人在总人口中所占的比例从0.5%增加到1.9%。2016年至2020年间,财富税起征点定期更新,从2021年起,它与消费者价格指数(CPI)挂钩。这并没有完全解决这个问题,因为作为财富税基础主要组成部分的官方财产价值估计在阿根廷没有定期更新。由于房地产价格增长往往高于CPI通胀率,缺乏重估意味着财富税在真实财富中所占份额不断下降。个人所得税也是如此。如图2所示,在2009年至2013年的短短四年内,应缴纳个人所得税的员工比例从10%增长到30%,因为尽管通货膨胀率为20-40%,免税津贴仍按名义计算。这一点在2014年得到了纠正,从2016年起,个人津贴门槛与名义工资挂钩。然而,指数化未能阻止缴纳个人所得税的员工比例的上升,可能是因为低于门槛的工人的名义工资增长速度快于所用名义工资指数的增长速度。2这突出了一个更深层次的问题:个人所得税指数化的目标是什么?一个潜在的目标是保持税收制度的实际一致性,这样一个实际工资不变的个人就不会因为通货膨胀而经历同比波动的税率。将阈值指数化为CPI是实现这一目标的一种简单方法。另一个潜在目标可能是保持每个税阶内工人的份额不变,而不考虑通货膨胀率或实际工资增长,这大致保持了税收制度的累进性。在这种情况下,名义工资指数化将更加自然。然而,阿根廷在2016年至2020年期间的经验表明,如果名义工资增长在工资分配中有所不同,或者用于指数化的收入衡量标准是部分的或过时的,即使名义工资指数化也可能无法始终保持工人缴纳个人所得税的份额不变。自2021年以来,阿根廷设定了起征点,使缴纳个人所得税的工人比例保持在10%左右。尽管从最佳税收的角度来看,这种类型的特别规则可能不可取,但在经历了十年的大幅波动后,出现一些稳定是值得欢迎的。政治两极分化使税收稳定性进一步复杂化。2015年之前,财富税税率为1.25%。中右翼的马克里政府将其降至0.25%,但左翼的费尔南德斯政府在2019年上台时将其分别提高到1.75%(国内资产)和2.25%(海外资产)。企业所得税也遵循了类似的轨迹。2017年,马克里政府将企业所得税税率从35%降至30%,并计划进一步降至25%,但费尔南德斯政府将税率恢复至35%。 税收政策的这种剧烈波动可能会扭曲个人和企业的行为,使税收设计更加复杂。例如,如果公司认为下次选举后税率会更高,那么他们可能不会为了应对公司减税而增加投资。另一方面,如果公司试图将利润实现推迟到下次选举,那么公司税率上调带来的收入可能会低于预期。与高通胀不同,经济学家更难使税收制度对政治两极分化保持稳健。然而,全球最低税率,如经合组织15%的最低企业税率,可能至少会对与政治周期挂钩的税率施加一些限制。
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引用次数: 0
Symposium: tax equity around the world – introduction 研讨会:全球税收公平——简介
IF 7.3 3区 经济学 Q2 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1111/1475-5890.12343
James Banks, Anne Brockmeyer
<p>As inequality has risen around the world, the importance of tax design for achieving equity objectives has become increasingly widely discussed and is the focus of much recent public finance research. At the same time, globalisation and the increasing international mobility of capital have brought international and jurisdictional issues in tax policy to the fore for many countries and for the international community more generally.</p><p>This set of issues was showcased at the 4<sup>th</sup> World Bank Tax Conference in September 2022, which focused on ‘Global Tax Equity’. The meeting was hosted by the World Bank and organised jointly by the World Bank, the Overseas Development Institute, the Institute for Fiscal Studies, the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office and UK Aid, and the Norwegian University of Life Sciences.1</p><p>The conference brought together leading researchers and policymakers to discuss the role of fiscal policy in dealing with the challenge of global inequality, both within countries and internationally, and how new data sources and research might inform such a debate. It featured discussions of recent research on making tax systems more equitable at a global scale, including the taxation of high-net-worth individuals, including wealth taxation; tax transparency, beneficial ownership, offshoring and tax havens; and taxes on multinationals and large corporations.</p><p>The set of perspectives papers in this symposium showcases some of the key policy questions and discussions from that meeting of academic researchers, tax and development practitioners and policymakers. In the paper entitled ‘Globalisation, taxation and inequality’, Gabriel Zucman summarises the arguments he presented in his keynote address to that conference. He discusses the way current tax systems heavily favour capital and capital income at the expense of labour, and argues this is not appropriate for our times. Whilst he welcomes some recent changes such as the advent of the global minimum tax, he also makes a number of further suggestions and recommendations for the future direction of national and international tax policy.</p><p>Three further short perspectives pieces then present brief commentaries and reactions to the points and issues raised by Zucman, predominantly from the perspective of tax policy in developing economies. The first is by Anne Brockmeyer and David Phillips who was the organiser of the policy session on global tax equity at the World Bank conference in which senior tax officials from Honduras, Indonesia and Argentina discussed specific issues with improving tax equity in their national contexts. Brockmeyer and Phillips discuss the specific proposals in the Zucman paper and suggest areas where more research is needed in order to establish the likely success or otherwise of such policies. They also pick up briefly on one of the points made by the Honduran tax officials in that policy session, since Honduras has sought to ra
随着世界各地不平等现象的加剧,税收设计对实现公平目标的重要性越来越受到广泛讨论,也是最近公共财政研究的焦点。与此同时,全球化和资本国际流动性的增加,使许多国家和国际社会在税收政策方面的国际和管辖权问题凸显出来。这一系列问题在2022年9月举行的第四届世界银行税务会议上进行了展示,会议重点讨论了“全球税收公平”。会议由世界银行主办,世界银行、海外发展研究所、财政研究所、英国外交、联邦和发展办公室和英国援助组织联合组织,以及挪威生命科学大学。1会议汇集了领先的研究人员和政策制定者,讨论了财政政策在应对国内外全球不平等挑战方面的作用,以及新的数据来源和研究如何为这场辩论提供信息。其中讨论了最近关于在全球范围内使税收制度更加公平的研究,包括对高净值个人征税,包括财富税;税收透明度、实益所有权、离岸外包和避税天堂;以及对跨国公司和大公司征税。本次研讨会上的一系列观点论文展示了学术研究人员、税务和发展从业者以及政策制定者会议上的一些关键政策问题和讨论。在题为“全球化、税收和不平等”的论文中,Gabriel Zucman总结了他在会议主题演讲中提出的论点。他讨论了现行税收制度以牺牲劳动力为代价,大力支持资本和资本收入的方式,并认为这不适合我们的时代。虽然他欢迎最近的一些变化,如全球最低税的出现,但他也对国家和国际税收政策的未来方向提出了一些进一步的建议和建议。接下来,三篇简短的观点文章主要从发展中经济体的税收政策角度,对祖克曼提出的观点和问题进行了简短的评论和反应。第一位是Anne Brockmeyer和David Phillips,他们是世界银行会议全球税收公平政策会议的组织者,来自洪都拉斯、印度尼西亚和阿根廷的高级税务官员在会上讨论了在各自国家背景下改善税收公平的具体问题。Brockmeyer和Phillips讨论了Zucman论文中的具体建议,并提出了需要更多研究的领域,以确定此类政策可能取得的成功。他们还简要介绍了洪都拉斯税务官员在那次政策会议上提出的一点,因为洪都拉斯一直在寻求使其税收系统内的激励措施合理化,以扩大税基,改善税收公平,并减少旨在吸引外国直接投资的豁免和减让破坏税基的方式。印度尼西亚和阿根廷的政策制定者也为会议的政策会议做出了贡献,另外两篇论文对Zucman的论文做出了回应,每一篇都是与发展中国家税收分析中心(TaxDev)的Vedanth Nair合著的。这些文件重点介绍了在改善发展中国家税收公平方面的一些更具体和操作性的挑战,并讨论了这方面的政策经验。其中第一篇是Vedanth Nair和Mekar Satria Utama的《对高净值个人征税:印度尼西亚的经验》,讨论了印度尼西亚在遏制富人逃税和避税方面所做的努力,并将其与Zucman提出的问题联系起来。印尼政府选择将税收政策改革——提高最高税率——与税收管理改革相结合,将高净值个人分配到专门的税务办公室,并实行临时特赦。虽然初步证据表明税收有所增加,但该文件指出,有必要对改革对税收、报告财富、收入和实际收入的因果影响进行严格的影响评估,以及有必要将税收政策变化的影响与新的高财富税办公室和临时大赦引起的行政运作变化的影响区分开来。
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引用次数: 0
Taxing high-net-worth individuals: experience from Indonesia 对高净值个人征税:来自印度尼西亚的经验
IF 7.3 3区 经济学 Q2 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2023-09-07 DOI: 10.1111/1475-5890.12345
Vedanth Nair, Mekar Satria Utama
<p>With high levels of inequality and a rising share of capital income in total income, as Gabriel Zucman's piece in this symposium pithily highlights, there are several reasons why tax authorities in developing countries should place a special focus on high-net-worth individuals (HNWIs). First, progressive tax system structures, combined with high levels of income concentration, mean that even a small increase in tax avoidance and evasion amongst the ultra-wealthy can lead to a substantial drop in overall tax revenue. Second, HNWIs tend to have highly complex tax arrangements, income and wealth scattered across the world, and access to tax planning experts, which facilitates tax avoidance and tax evasion. Research from Scandinavia1 and the US2 has found that, on a cost-weighted basis, tax evasion is concentrated at the top of the distribution. Finally, the integrity of the tax system as a whole is contingent on taxpayers believing that the ultra-wealthy pay their fair share in tax. Survey evidence3 has found that taxpayers at the bottom and middle of the distribution are more willing to pay tax when they are informed that the tax system is progressive, and less willing to pay tax when they are informed that the tax system is not progressive. Low- and middle-income countries have especially struggled in raising revenue from the rich, due to high levels of informality, high levels of self-employment amongst top earners, and low tax rates on capital gains and wealth transfers.4</p><p>If the case for focusing on HNWIs is clear, the steps governments should take to do so are not, especially for low- and middle-income countries with more limited financial and technical resources. In his article in this symposium, Zucman argues for improved international cooperation, multilateral tax agreements, and potentially new forms of taxation, such as wealth taxes or stock market capitalisation taxes, to increase tax collection from HNWIs. Even if these reforms are desirable (see the article by Anne Brockmeyer and David Phillips in this symposium), they would take years or even decades to be fully achieved. Indonesia's recent experience in taxing HNWIs provides some direct case-study evidence on what low- and middle-income countries can potentially achieve in the short term.</p><p>For Indonesia, the initial challenge was to define what an HNWI is. International organisations typically define HNWIs as having net asset values ranging from USD 1 million to USD 30 million. Indonesia adopted its own definition, of IDR 10 billion (USD 664,000), to be in line with other tax thresholds in its domestic tax system. In addition, individuals are also classified as HNWIs if they have an income greater than IDR 1 billion (USD 66,000) per year, are a shareholder/owner of a business group, or are noted as having high net worth in national or international media such as Forbes or Globe Asia. Despite representing 0.35 per cent of Indonesia's population of registered taxpayers, HN
正如加布里埃尔•祖克曼(Gabriel Zucman)在本次研讨会上扼要强调的那样,由于不平等程度高,资本收入占总收入的比例不断上升,发展中国家的税务机关应该特别关注高净值个人(HNWIs),原因有几个。首先,累进税制结构,加上收入高度集中,意味着超级富豪避税和逃税的小幅增加,都可能导致整体税收收入大幅下降。其次,高净值人群的税收安排往往非常复杂,收入和财富分散在世界各地,并且可以接触到税务规划专家,这有利于避税和逃税。斯堪的纳维亚和美国的研究发现,在成本加权的基础上,逃税集中在收入分布的顶端。最后,整个税收体系的完整性取决于纳税人是否相信超级富豪缴纳了公平的税收份额。调查证据3发现,处于收入分配底部和中间的纳税人在被告知税收制度是累进制时更愿意纳税,而在被告知税收制度不是累进制时更不愿意纳税。低收入和中等收入国家在向富人征税方面尤其困难,原因是非正规程度高、高收入者自营职业水平高、资本利得和财富转移税率低。如果关注高净值人士的理由是明确的,那么政府应该采取的措施就不明确了,特别是对于财政和技术资源较为有限的中低收入国家。在本次研讨会的文章中,祖克曼主张改善国际合作、多边税收协定,以及潜在的新形式的税收,如财富税或股票市场资本化税,以增加对高净值人士的税收。即使这些改革是可取的(参见安妮•布罗克迈耶和戴维•菲利普斯在本次研讨会上的文章),它们也需要数年甚至数十年才能完全实现。印度尼西亚最近对高净值人士征税的经验为低收入和中等收入国家在短期内可能实现的目标提供了一些直接的案例研究证据。对印尼来说,最初的挑战是定义什么是高净值人士。国际组织通常将高净值人士定义为净资产在100万美元至3000万美元之间的人。印度尼西亚采用了自己的定义,即100亿印尼盾(66.4万美元),以与国内税制的其他起征点保持一致。此外,如果个人年收入超过10亿印尼盾(6.6万美元),是商业集团的股东/所有者,或在国内或国际媒体(如福布斯或环球亚洲)上被评为高净值人士,也可被归类为高净值人士。尽管高净值人士只占印尼注册纳税人人口的0.35%,但他们贡献了印尼总税收收入的5%。为了简化对高净值人士的监管,印尼在2021年将所有富有的纳税人转移到专门的大中型税务办公室。在设立这些专门办事处的同时,还进行了税收政策和行政改革。对于收入超过50亿印尼盾(33.3万美元)的人,最高边际税率从30%提高到35%。2022年1月至6月实施的一项自愿披露计划,使纳税人免于因不披露资产而被起诉,此外,这些资产所得的税率也大幅降低,从30%的标准税率降至6%至11%。5 .印度尼西亚还利用了信息自动交换(AEOI)条款,这是经合组织建立的框架,无需正式的数据请求即可访问高净值人士的离岸财务数据。2021年,印度尼西亚与70个司法管辖区交换了信息,并收到了86个司法管辖区的数据。该计划导致在2022年1月至6月期间申报596万亿印尼盾(390亿美元,约占GDP的4%)的资产,从而产生61万亿印尼盾(40亿美元)的额外税收收入。重要的是要记住,印度尼西亚对高净值人士征税的改革是最近才进行的,需要做进一步的工作来评估对税收的真正影响,包括观察长期收入影响,评估税收改革的因果影响,并区分每个关键因素所起的作用。有关发展中国家高净值人士税务部门有效性的证据相对较少。乌干达是一个例外,在那里设立一个高净值人士部门,提高了富有纳税人报税的可能性,但并没有大幅增加税收收入。 自愿披露计划的成功实施也具有挑战性,因为它们要求政府确定正确的税率水平,以鼓励高净值人士申报其资产,而不是使税率过低以损失收入,同时也不会削弱税收制度的公平性。然而,来自阿根廷的证据表明,如果设计得当,这些项目具有很高的潜力。印尼的做法可能仍然为其他发展中国家提供有价值的见解。其中一个教训是税收政策和税收管理之间协调努力的重要性。在印度尼西亚的情况下,增加高净值人士税收的政策努力,例如提高边际税率和自愿披露方案,可能会因行政努力而更加有效,因为行政努力使高净值人士的逃税和避税更加困难,例如设立专门的高净值人士办事处和使用AEOI。在寻求将印尼经验的教训应用于其他寻求从最富有的个人那里增加税收的国家时,将行政改革和总体税率变化的相对作用分开是很重要的。
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引用次数: 0
Globalisation, taxation and inequality 全球化、税收和不平等
IF 7.3 3区 经济学 Q2 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1111/1475-5890.12341
Gabriel Zucman

Today's tax systems, in which value-added taxes and payroll taxes play a prominent role, are largely creations of the 1950s. We need to invent modern tax systems adapted to the reality of the 21st century: the growing importance of capital and the rise of inequality. This article reviews some of the challenges involved with increasing the progressivity of tax systems in a globalised world and discusses how these challenges could be overcome. I make the case for new and more ambitious forms of international cooperation and for modern forms of wealth taxation.

今天的税收制度在很大程度上是20世纪50年代的产物,增值税和工资税在其中发挥着重要作用。我们需要发明适应21世纪现实的现代税收制度:资本的重要性日益增长,不平等现象日益加剧。本文回顾了在全球化世界中提高税收制度累进性所涉及的一些挑战,并讨论了如何克服这些挑战。我提出了新的、更雄心勃勃的国际合作形式和现代形式的财富税的理由。
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引用次数: 0
Behavioural normative economics: foundations, approaches and trends 行为规范经济学:基础、方法和趋势
IF 7.3 3区 经济学 Q2 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2023-08-29 DOI: 10.1111/1475-5890.12340
Malte Dold

This article summarises the theoretical foundations, main approaches and current trends in the field of behavioural normative economics. It identifies bounded rationality and bounded willpower as the two core concepts that have motivated the field. Since the concepts allow for individual preferences to be context-dependent and time-inconsistent, they pose an intricate problem for standard welfare analysis. The article discusses the ways in which two prominent approaches – the preference purification approach and the opportunity approach – have tackled the problem. It argues that shortcomings in each of these approaches motivate an agency-centric perspective. The article presents two concrete policy proposals of the agency-centric approach. While this approach is promising, the article argues for pluralism in normative economics since an exclusive focus on agency can likely not do justice to the multifarious concerns that citizens hold.

本文概述了行为规范经济学的理论基础、主要方法和发展趋势。它将有限理性和有限意志力确定为激励该领域的两个核心概念。由于这些概念允许个人偏好与上下文相关且时间不一致,因此它们给标准福利分析带来了复杂的问题。这篇文章讨论了两种突出的方法——偏好净化方法和机会方法——解决这个问题的方法。它认为,每种方法的缺点都激发了以机构为中心的观点。本文提出了以机构为中心的方法的两个具体政策建议。虽然这种方法很有前景,但文章主张规范经济学中的多元主义,因为仅仅关注机构可能无法公正地解决公民的各种担忧。
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引用次数: 1
Moral economics 道德经济学
IF 7.3 3区 经济学 Q2 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2023-08-28 DOI: 10.1111/1475-5890.12335
Samuel Bowles

An adequate normative economics – one that is consistent with recent developments in our discipline (and in philosophy and psychology) and that resonates with widely held moral intuitions – will have to address the following challenges. First, utility cannot be both the basis of our predictions of economic behaviour and the evaluation of the outcomes of this behaviour. Second, we need to conceive of individual well-being and other desiderata in ways that are interpersonally comparable and that go beyond efficiency and fairness. Third, the representation of the economy as a ‘morality-free zone’ (requiring that contracts, including employment contracts, are complete) must give way to a recognition of the unaccountable exercise of power by private actors, even in a perfectly competitive equilibrium, and the way that this may violate democratic principles and limit the freedom and compromise the dignity of other actors. Fourth, the commitment to ‘liberal neutrality’ (thereby sidestepping the evaluation of preferences) and the related assumption of ‘unrestricted preferences’ in mechanism design and public policy must be abandoned, making room for a concern about the nature of our preferences and the ways that institutions shape our values.

一个足够的规范经济学——一个与我们学科(以及哲学和心理学)的最新发展相一致,并与广泛持有的道德直觉产生共鸣的经济学——必须应对以下挑战。首先,效用不能既是我们对经济行为预测的基础,也是对这种行为结果的评估。其次,我们需要以超越效率和公平的方式,对个人幸福和其他需求进行人际可比的思考。第三,将经济描述为“无道德区”(要求包括雇佣合同在内的合同是完整的)必须让位于承认私人行为者不负责任地行使权力,即使在完全竞争的平衡中也是如此,以及这种做法可能违反民主原则,限制自由,损害其他行为者的尊严。第四,必须放弃对“自由中立”的承诺(从而回避对偏好的评估),以及在机制设计和公共政策中“不受限制的偏好”的相关假设,为关注我们偏好的性质和制度塑造我们价值观的方式腾出空间。
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引用次数: 0
Money matters: consumption variability across the income distribution 金钱很重要:收入分配中的消费可变性
IF 7.3 3区 经济学 Q2 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2023-08-27 DOI: 10.1111/1475-5890.12339
Jonathan Fisher, Bradley L. Hardy

Using the Consumer Expenditure Survey, we document the level and variability of quarterly consumption across the socio-economic distribution. While the measurement of well-being is focused on income, the secular and policy discourse prioritises income-adequacy to meet family needs. This concern over income-adequacy centres on the capacity of families to predictably consume minimally acceptable levels of basic needs, and the social and economic mobility consequences of low consumption. Our results show a clear socio-economic and demographic gradient of lower consumption amid higher consumption variability for disadvantaged groups. Food, entertainment, and personal care goods and services exhibit relatively high levels of consumption variability among low-income households.

使用消费者支出调查,我们记录了整个社会经济分布中季度消费的水平和可变性。虽然衡量幸福感的重点是收入,但世俗和政策话语优先考虑收入是否足以满足家庭需求。这种对收入充足性的担忧集中在家庭可预测地消费最低可接受水平的基本需求的能力,以及低消费带来的社会和经济流动性后果。我们的研究结果显示,在弱势群体消费变异性较高的情况下,消费呈明显的社会经济和人口梯度下降。在低收入家庭中,食品、娱乐和个人护理用品和服务的消费变化程度相对较高。
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引用次数: 1
Is it time to reboot welfare economics? Overview 现在是重启福利经济学的时候了吗?概述
IF 7.3 3区 经济学 Q2 BUSINESS, FINANCE Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1111/1475-5890.12334
Diane Coyle, Mark Fabian, Eric Beinhocker, Tim Besley, Margaret Stevens

The contributions of economists have long included both positive explanations of how economic systems work and normative recommendations for how they could and should work better. In recent decades, economics has taken a strong empirical turn as well as having a greater appreciation of the importance of the complexities of real-world human behaviour, institutions, the strengths and failures of markets, and interlinkages with other systems, including politics, technology, culture and the environment. This shift has also brought greater relevance and pragmatism to normative economics. While this shift towards evidence and pragmatism has been welcome, it does not in itself answer the core question of what exactly constitutes ‘better’, and for whom, and how to manage inevitable conflicts and trade-offs in society. These have long been the core concerns of welfare economics. Yet, in the 1980s and 1990s, debates on welfare economics seemed to have become marginalised. The articles in this Fiscal Studies symposium engage with the question of how to revive normative questions as a central issue in economic scholarship.

长期以来,经济学家的贡献既包括对经济系统如何运作的积极解释,也包括对经济系统如何能够和应该更好地运作的规范性建议。近几十年来,经济学有了强有力的实证转向,同时对现实世界人类行为、制度、市场的优势和失败以及与其他系统(包括政治、技术、文化和环境)的相互联系的复杂性的重要性有了更大的认识。这种转变也给规范经济学带来了更大的相关性和实用主义。虽然这种向证据和实用主义的转变受到欢迎,但它本身并没有回答“更好”的核心问题,即究竟什么是“更好”,为谁服务,以及如何管理社会中不可避免的冲突和权衡。这些长期以来一直是福利经济学的核心问题。然而,在20世纪80年代和90年代,关于福利经济学的辩论似乎被边缘化了。本次财政研究研讨会的文章探讨了如何将规范性问题作为经济学术的核心问题来复兴。
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Fiscal Studies
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