Pub Date : 2024-03-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2024.2046013
Fabian Kratz
In Europe, people from post-Soviet countries tend to hold more negative attitudes toward immigration than people from Western societies. This pattern is also evident in the former East and West Germany. In line with the modernization hypothesis, previous research shows that worldviews have become more liberal across generations in Western societies over the last century. This study examines whether such processes of liberalization have taken place at a different pace in Western societies and in post-Soviet societies. To this end, I assess whether changes in attitudes toward immigration across birth cohorts differ between residents of post-Soviet countries and inhabitants of other types of welfare states. Using data from the European Social Survey, the German Socio-Economic Panel Study, and the German General Social Survey, this study shows that the pattern of later-born cohorts holding more liberal attitudes toward immigration is less pronounced in post-Soviet states than in other types of welfare states. These findings have implications for research on attitude change over time and the long-term persistence of communist practices, behaviors, values, and norms.
{"title":"Socialism and the Modernization Hypothesis","authors":"Fabian Kratz","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2024.2046013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2024.2046013","url":null,"abstract":"In Europe, people from post-Soviet countries tend to hold more negative attitudes toward immigration than people from Western societies. This pattern is also evident in the former East and West Germany. In line with the modernization hypothesis, previous research shows that worldviews have become more liberal across generations in Western societies over the last century. This study examines whether such processes of liberalization have taken place at a different pace in Western societies and in post-Soviet societies. To this end, I assess whether changes in attitudes toward immigration across birth cohorts differ between residents of post-Soviet countries and inhabitants of other types of welfare states. Using data from the European Social Survey, the German Socio-Economic Panel Study, and the German General Social Survey, this study shows that the pattern of later-born cohorts holding more liberal attitudes toward immigration is less pronounced in post-Soviet states than in other types of welfare states. These findings have implications for research on attitude change over time and the long-term persistence of communist practices, behaviors, values, and norms.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140087332","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2024.1820016
Alexander Libman, Anastassia V. Obydenkova
This article serves as an introduction to the special issue devoted to historical continuities in Eurasia and different conceptualizations of the communist legacies. It highlights the main research challenges the special issue deals with and how they fit into a more general discussion about the application of the concept of “post-communism” as an analytical category. It further reviews the composition of the special issue and sums up the main scholarly insights it produced.
{"title":"Introduction to the Special Issue on Eurasian Continuities","authors":"Alexander Libman, Anastassia V. Obydenkova","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2024.1820016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2024.1820016","url":null,"abstract":"This article serves as an introduction to the special issue devoted to historical continuities in Eurasia and different conceptualizations of the communist legacies. It highlights the main research challenges the special issue deals with and how they fit into a more general discussion about the application of the concept of “post-communism” as an analytical category. It further reviews the composition of the special issue and sums up the main scholarly insights it produced.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140084881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2023.2106175
Sergiu Gherghina, Joakim Ekman, Olena Podolian
The COVID-19 pandemic altered the functioning of societies and people’s behavior in many areas of daily life. Studies of political participation during the pandemic do not constitute an extensive body of research, focusing mainly on Western European countries. Under these circumstances, we know very little about political participation in post-communist countries during the pandemic. This special issue aims to understand the dynamics of political participation in post-communist Europe through both qualitative and quantitative analyses. It proposes several innovative concepts and analytical frames that can be used to understand who participated, why, and with what consequences. This topic has often been surrounded by discussions referring to empirical matters much more than around general arguments and theoretical explanatory models. One of the special issue’s aims is to enrich the theoretical debate about political participation in new democracies and transition countries during the pandemic.
{"title":"Introduction to the Special Issue on Political Participation in Post-Communist Europe during the COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"Sergiu Gherghina, Joakim Ekman, Olena Podolian","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2023.2106175","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2023.2106175","url":null,"abstract":"The COVID-19 pandemic altered the functioning of societies and people’s behavior in many areas of daily life. Studies of political participation during the pandemic do not constitute an extensive body of research, focusing mainly on Western European countries. Under these circumstances, we know very little about political participation in post-communist countries during the pandemic. This special issue aims to understand the dynamics of political participation in post-communist Europe through both qualitative and quantitative analyses. It proposes several innovative concepts and analytical frames that can be used to understand who participated, why, and with what consequences. This topic has often been surrounded by discussions referring to empirical matters much more than around general arguments and theoretical explanatory models. One of the special issue’s aims is to enrich the theoretical debate about political participation in new democracies and transition countries during the pandemic.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138609966","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2023.1998962
Sophie Gueudet
Drawing on a qualitative analysis of primary sources and interviews with members of representative offices, this article shows how five post-Soviet de facto states—Transnistria, South Ossetia, Abkhazia, the so-called Donetsk People’s Republic (“DPR”), and Luhansk People’s Republic (“LPR”)—engage in activities of international representation by borrowing from diverse repertoires of diplomatic practices, generating hybrid practices of their own. On the one hand, they are attentive to looking like bona fide states and to displaying material and symbolic attributes of statehood through mimicking state-led diplomacy. On the other, they resort to creativity and innovation to partially compensate for the constraints intrinsic to their ambivalent status and complete their repertoire with practices similar to those of transnational advocacy networks, especially regarding information politics and public diplomacy. Overall, the article aims to contribute to the field of contested statehood, as well as to the study of the international engagement of non-state actors in situations of liminality in the international system.
{"title":"Displays of Statehood","authors":"Sophie Gueudet","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2023.1998962","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2023.1998962","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing on a qualitative analysis of primary sources and interviews with members of representative offices, this article shows how five post-Soviet de facto states—Transnistria, South Ossetia, Abkhazia, the so-called Donetsk People’s Republic (“DPR”), and Luhansk People’s Republic (“LPR”)—engage in activities of international representation by borrowing from diverse repertoires of diplomatic practices, generating hybrid practices of their own. On the one hand, they are attentive to looking like bona fide states and to displaying material and symbolic attributes of statehood through mimicking state-led diplomacy. On the other, they resort to creativity and innovation to partially compensate for the constraints intrinsic to their ambivalent status and complete their repertoire with practices similar to those of transnational advocacy networks, especially regarding information politics and public diplomacy. Overall, the article aims to contribute to the field of contested statehood, as well as to the study of the international engagement of non-state actors in situations of liminality in the international system.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138618042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2023.2010914
Dominykas Kaminskas
Research on the impact of COVID-19 on mobilization focuses extensively on the role of social media, conspiracy theories, and divisive narratives. However, individual perceptions remain insufficiently researched. This article argues that fantasmatic narratives are central to mobilization and aims to analyze changes in discourse during the pandemic as outcomes of shifts in fantasmatic logics. It applies the logics approach to the Lithuanian case to identify the main changes in fantasmatic logics of discourse that became apparent in response to government action. The article analyzes data from social media posts, gathered over a period of two months (June–August 2021), the period centered around the announcement of the “quarantine of the unvaccinated.” The analysis revealed significant changes in fantasmatic logics of discourse—the Other was no longer seen as corrupt for their own gain by the protesters, but as purely evil, which in turn led to openness to various conspiracy theories.
{"title":"“We Will Die as Free People”","authors":"Dominykas Kaminskas","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2023.2010914","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2023.2010914","url":null,"abstract":"Research on the impact of COVID-19 on mobilization focuses extensively on the role of social media, conspiracy theories, and divisive narratives. However, individual perceptions remain insufficiently researched. This article argues that fantasmatic narratives are central to mobilization and aims to analyze changes in discourse during the pandemic as outcomes of shifts in fantasmatic logics. It applies the logics approach to the Lithuanian case to identify the main changes in fantasmatic logics of discourse that became apparent in response to government action. The article analyzes data from social media posts, gathered over a period of two months (June–August 2021), the period centered around the announcement of the “quarantine of the unvaccinated.” The analysis revealed significant changes in fantasmatic logics of discourse—the Other was no longer seen as corrupt for their own gain by the protesters, but as purely evil, which in turn led to openness to various conspiracy theories.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138619959","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2023.1990934
Nelly Bekus, Mischa Gabowitsch
Understanding the scale and nature of changes that have occurred in Belarus since the 2020 protests, not only at the political but also at the societal level, is crucial to our ability to interpret the role that Belarus has played in the current crisis in the region and to understand the potential for, and possible directions of, long-term change. This article provides interpretive frameworks for studying the Belarusian protests and their contribution to shaping new subjectivities in Belarusian society whose impact may go beyond altering state-society relations. The article reflects on relationality and eventfulness as key concepts for understanding shifts toward a consolidation of individuals’ autonomy from the state. It introduces the collection of articles in a special issue by reflecting on different disciplinary perspectives and approaches to the significance and aftermath of the 2020 protests, including new religious subjectivities, new emotional styles, and new gender roles. These articles provide sustenance for larger debates in the social sciences about the ways in which new subjectivities emerge in, refract through, and consolidate or dissipate after protest waves.
{"title":"Introduction to the Special Issue on Protest and Authoritarian Reaction in Belarus","authors":"Nelly Bekus, Mischa Gabowitsch","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2023.1990934","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2023.1990934","url":null,"abstract":"Understanding the scale and nature of changes that have occurred in Belarus since the 2020 protests, not only at the political but also at the societal level, is crucial to our ability to interpret the role that Belarus has played in the current crisis in the region and to understand the potential for, and possible directions of, long-term change. This article provides interpretive frameworks for studying the Belarusian protests and their contribution to shaping new subjectivities in Belarusian society whose impact may go beyond altering state-society relations. The article reflects on relationality and eventfulness as key concepts for understanding shifts toward a consolidation of individuals’ autonomy from the state. It introduces the collection of articles in a special issue by reflecting on different disciplinary perspectives and approaches to the significance and aftermath of the 2020 protests, including new religious subjectivities, new emotional styles, and new gender roles. These articles provide sustenance for larger debates in the social sciences about the ways in which new subjectivities emerge in, refract through, and consolidate or dissipate after protest waves.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44039978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2023.1997969
Andrei Vazyanau
Although a number of texts have focused on the role of emotion in the dynamics of political mobilization, their focus has been predominantly on the initial stages of protest in the context of democratic or partly free societies. Using the case of the 2020–21 anti-police violence protests in Belarus, this article analyzes the role of emotional community in nondemocratic, authoritarian environments where vocal criticism is becoming increasingly risky, but the level of societal discontent remains high. Relying on mass media publications, comments on social media platforms, and ethnographic listening in Minsk, the article analyzes the emotional aspect of a protest that was followed by mass repressions. Two processes are identified that affect both protesters’ emotional community and supporters of the regime: emotional split from the opposite side and the psychologization of resistance to violence. These two concepts are useful for understanding the emotional dynamics of protest in authoritarian contexts but also have wider application beyond such settings.
{"title":"Emotional Splits and Psychologization","authors":"Andrei Vazyanau","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2023.1997969","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2023.1997969","url":null,"abstract":"Although a number of texts have focused on the role of emotion in the dynamics of political mobilization, their focus has been predominantly on the initial stages of protest in the context of democratic or partly free societies. Using the case of the 2020–21 anti-police violence protests in Belarus, this article analyzes the role of emotional community in nondemocratic, authoritarian environments where vocal criticism is becoming increasingly risky, but the level of societal discontent remains high. Relying on mass media publications, comments on social media platforms, and ethnographic listening in Minsk, the article analyzes the emotional aspect of a protest that was followed by mass repressions. Two processes are identified that affect both protesters’ emotional community and supporters of the regime: emotional split from the opposite side and the psychologization of resistance to violence. These two concepts are useful for understanding the emotional dynamics of protest in authoritarian contexts but also have wider application beyond such settings.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47870335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2023.1823167
Sergiu Gherghina, Sergiu Mişcoiu, P. Tap
One of the most visible effects of the COVID-19 pandemic is on voter turnout. Earlier research concludes that the pandemic depresses turnout by looking at statistical patterns and testing the explanatory power of pandemic casualties against alternative causes. Based on the existing results, we only assume that the pandemic was related to depressing turnout but we do not know if that happened. In this sense, there is limited attention paid to people’s perspectives. This article addresses this gap in the literature and analyzes the importance of the pandemic for absenteeism through the eyes of (non)voters. It focuses on Romania, a country with a particularly low turnout in the 2020 national elections compared to the previous elections. The analysis uses 21 semi-structured interviews conducted with persons with a different sociodemographic profile who voted in 2016 but did not vote in 2020. We use inductive thematic analysis to identify the reasons behind their absenteeism. The main findings reveal that the main reasons for absenteeism are rooted in voters’ long-term attitudes toward the political system and elections. The COVID-19 pandemic did not appear to influence people’s absenteeism, but was sometimes used mainly as a pretext to stay at home.
{"title":"Using the Pandemic as a Pretext","authors":"Sergiu Gherghina, Sergiu Mişcoiu, P. Tap","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2023.1823167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2023.1823167","url":null,"abstract":"One of the most visible effects of the COVID-19 pandemic is on voter turnout. Earlier research concludes that the pandemic depresses turnout by looking at statistical patterns and testing the explanatory power of pandemic casualties against alternative causes. Based on the existing results, we only assume that the pandemic was related to depressing turnout but we do not know if that happened. In this sense, there is limited attention paid to people’s perspectives. This article addresses this gap in the literature and analyzes the importance of the pandemic for absenteeism through the eyes of (non)voters. It focuses on Romania, a country with a particularly low turnout in the 2020 national elections compared to the previous elections. The analysis uses 21 semi-structured interviews conducted with persons with a different sociodemographic profile who voted in 2016 but did not vote in 2020. We use inductive thematic analysis to identify the reasons behind their absenteeism. The main findings reveal that the main reasons for absenteeism are rooted in voters’ long-term attitudes toward the political system and elections. The COVID-19 pandemic did not appear to influence people’s absenteeism, but was sometimes used mainly as a pretext to stay at home.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66885166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2023.1824787
Suehyun Jung
This article presents the “Competitive Rent-Seeking Model” that accounts for how reform policies paved the way for sustainable economic growth in “authoritarian transition economies” despite widespread corruption. Competitive rent-seeking refers to the process whereby the entry barrier to rent-generating economic activities, once monopolized by a small number of vested interests, has been lowered inviting more potential rent-seekers into the system. This was accomplished by enacting decentralizing and market-friendly reform policies that in turn exacerbated corruption but boosted production efficiency leading to improved social welfare. The model is exemplified by the Chinese and Vietnamese experiences during the 1980s. Furthermore, this article demonstrates that the model is applicable to the North Korean economy under Kim Jong Un’s economic reform policy of the “Socialist System of Responsible Business Operation in Economic Management” initiated in 2014.
{"title":"“Competitive Rent-Seeking” in the Kim Jong Un Era of North Korea","authors":"Suehyun Jung","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2023.1824787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2023.1824787","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents the “Competitive Rent-Seeking Model” that accounts for how reform policies paved the way for sustainable economic growth in “authoritarian transition economies” despite widespread corruption. Competitive rent-seeking refers to the process whereby the entry barrier to rent-generating economic activities, once monopolized by a small number of vested interests, has been lowered inviting more potential rent-seekers into the system. This was accomplished by enacting decentralizing and market-friendly reform policies that in turn exacerbated corruption but boosted production efficiency leading to improved social welfare. The model is exemplified by the Chinese and Vietnamese experiences during the 1980s. Furthermore, this article demonstrates that the model is applicable to the North Korean economy under Kim Jong Un’s economic reform policy of the “Socialist System of Responsible Business Operation in Economic Management” initiated in 2014.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66885716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2022.1775572
M. Jaroszewicz, Jan Grzymski
This article addresses the discourses and practices of securitization toward internally displaced persons (IDPs) after the Russian military intervention in the eastern part of Ukraine in 2014. It investigates in what ways the IDPs’ rights to vote in the local, parliamentary, and presidential elections in 2015–20 were presented as a security issue. The article discusses this unique case of securitization in the shadow of an armed conflict and the role of othering practices. The data were collected using 15 semi-structured in-depth interviews with IDP activists and experts, selected media, and legal documents. The analysis was conducted by applying a Foucauldian type of discourse analysis. It identified four types of othering practices: “suspicious” citizens and the governmentality of “unease,” routine security practices, the distinctiveness of the Donbas region within Ukraine, and “pragmatic” othering. These four types of othering practices resulted in the institutionalization of the securitization of IDPs and its tacit acceptance by the Ukrainian general public. Nevertheless, it also paradoxically paved the way for the desecuritization of IDPs’ rights, which happened with adoption of a new election code in 2020.
{"title":"Securitization in the Shadow of Armed Conflict","authors":"M. Jaroszewicz, Jan Grzymski","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2022.1775572","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2022.1775572","url":null,"abstract":"This article addresses the discourses and practices of securitization toward internally displaced persons (IDPs) after the Russian military intervention in the eastern part of Ukraine in 2014. It investigates in what ways the IDPs’ rights to vote in the local, parliamentary, and presidential elections in 2015–20 were presented as a security issue. The article discusses this unique case of securitization in the shadow of an armed conflict and the role of othering practices. The data were collected using 15 semi-structured in-depth interviews with IDP activists and experts, selected media, and legal documents. The analysis was conducted by applying a Foucauldian type of discourse analysis. It identified four types of othering practices: “suspicious” citizens and the governmentality of “unease,” routine security practices, the distinctiveness of the Donbas region within Ukraine, and “pragmatic” othering. These four types of othering practices resulted in the institutionalization of the securitization of IDPs and its tacit acceptance by the Ukrainian general public. Nevertheless, it also paradoxically paved the way for the desecuritization of IDPs’ rights, which happened with adoption of a new election code in 2020.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66884654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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