Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2022.1676093
Tomáš Dvořák
This article analyzes the nature of populism in the Czech Republic, which was until recently described as centrist and moderate. It uses an approach that views populism as associated with empty policy space: that is, with (previously) secondary issues on which the established parties have unclear positions. The empirical analyses presented in this article show that in the Czech Republic, where political conflict has traditionally been based on disputes over economic distribution, the migration crisis that started in 2014 increased the salience of ethnicity and gave rise to an ethnopopulist reaction that led to a transformation of the party system and the dimensionality of political conflict in the country. Ethnicity thus became linked with populism and, as a result, transformed the dimensionality of political conflict by adding another (ethnic) layer to the political conflict in the country. This article contributes to the discussion of populism in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) by describing the transformation of the nature of populism based on the dimensionality of political conflict.
{"title":"Populism, Anti-establishment Politics, and Dimensions of Political Competition","authors":"Tomáš Dvořák","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2022.1676093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2022.1676093","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the nature of populism in the Czech Republic, which was until recently described as centrist and moderate. It uses an approach that views populism as associated with empty policy space: that is, with (previously) secondary issues on which the established parties have unclear positions. The empirical analyses presented in this article show that in the Czech Republic, where political conflict has traditionally been based on disputes over economic distribution, the migration crisis that started in 2014 increased the salience of ethnicity and gave rise to an ethnopopulist reaction that led to a transformation of the party system and the dimensionality of political conflict in the country. Ethnicity thus became linked with populism and, as a result, transformed the dimensionality of political conflict by adding another (ethnic) layer to the political conflict in the country. This article contributes to the discussion of populism in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) by describing the transformation of the nature of populism based on the dimensionality of political conflict.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66884343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2022.1726135
Aray Ilyassova-Schoenfeld
This study aims to explore international policy transfer (IPT) through examining educational reforms in Kazakhstan. Literature on policy transfer lacks cases between Western countries and post-communist states with a Soviet legacy. This study used the IPT framework as a heuristic device to analyze the Bologna Process (BP), an intergovernmental higher education process. Empirical data included semi-structured interviews with BP stakeholders and thematic analyses of official documents to examine the stages of accession transfer. The findings demonstrated that a Soviet legacy constrains the policy transfer process during accession stages, limiting the policy transfer process from the West and leading to incomplete transfers.
{"title":"International Policy Transfer in Post-Communist States","authors":"Aray Ilyassova-Schoenfeld","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2022.1726135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2022.1726135","url":null,"abstract":"This study aims to explore international policy transfer (IPT) through examining educational reforms in Kazakhstan. Literature on policy transfer lacks cases between Western countries and post-communist states with a Soviet legacy. This study used the IPT framework as a heuristic device to analyze the Bologna Process (BP), an intergovernmental higher education process. Empirical data included semi-structured interviews with BP stakeholders and thematic analyses of official documents to examine the stages of accession transfer. The findings demonstrated that a Soviet legacy constrains the policy transfer process during accession stages, limiting the policy transfer process from the West and leading to incomplete transfers.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66884591","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2022.1713752
Michaela Grančayová, Aliaksei Kazharski
This article uses the gender perspective to compare the 2020 Belarus protests and the Arab Spring and its aftermath in Egypt (2011–13). It argues that in both cases authoritarian militarized hegemonic masculinities, articulated through authoritarian body politics, attempted to suppress the protest movements. The latter, in turn, drew on a number of gendered images and symbols to perform its counter-hegemonic practices of resistance. The study employs discourse analysis and visual analysis methods and draws on a broad selection of data from Egyptian and Belarusian online newspapers and social media for the respective periods. The article concludes that, despite historical and cultural differences between the two countries, there are notable similarities in the ways gender is politicized and performed by both the regimes and the protest movements. These findings suggest a close connection between authoritarianism and militarized hegemonic masculinities, which can be established cross-regionally and cross-culturally.
{"title":"Authoritarian Hegemonic Masculinities and Gendered Rhetorics of the Protest","authors":"Michaela Grančayová, Aliaksei Kazharski","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2022.1713752","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2022.1713752","url":null,"abstract":"This article uses the gender perspective to compare the 2020 Belarus protests and the Arab Spring and its aftermath in Egypt (2011–13). It argues that in both cases authoritarian militarized hegemonic masculinities, articulated through authoritarian body politics, attempted to suppress the protest movements. The latter, in turn, drew on a number of gendered images and symbols to perform its counter-hegemonic practices of resistance. The study employs discourse analysis and visual analysis methods and draws on a broad selection of data from Egyptian and Belarusian online newspapers and social media for the respective periods. The article concludes that, despite historical and cultural differences between the two countries, there are notable similarities in the ways gender is politicized and performed by both the regimes and the protest movements. These findings suggest a close connection between authoritarianism and militarized hegemonic masculinities, which can be established cross-regionally and cross-culturally.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66884917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2022.1716515
Ion Marandici
How does social media facilitate deliberation and collective remembering of past revolutions amid protests in democratizing contexts? To explore this question, I performed a qualitative and quantitative analysis of a unique archive of tweets posted during Moldova’s Twitter Revolution in 2009. The research revealed that Twitter enabled users living in Moldova and Romania to connect online, share information, and chat about the meanings of revolution, civil society activism, and resistance to state oppression, all while providing updates to Western media and warning the public about human rights abuses. Also, the research uncovered that the #pman audiences from Moldova and Romania framed the protest differently. Whereas the Moldovans regarded it as a demonstration against election fraud, the Romanian twitterers framed the events as an anti-communist uprising analogous to the 1989 Revolution, which they mythologized to extract useful strategies for action communicated to the Moldovan activists. Moreover, twitterers from both countries engaged in a transborder conversation about unionism and national identity. Despite Twitter’s documented positive impact on political engagement and Western media reporting, it simultaneously contributed to misinformation through the circulation of rumors, conspiracy theories, and calls for violence.
{"title":"Collective Action, Memories of 1989, and Social Media","authors":"Ion Marandici","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2022.1716515","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2022.1716515","url":null,"abstract":"How does social media facilitate deliberation and collective remembering of past revolutions amid protests in democratizing contexts? To explore this question, I performed a qualitative and quantitative analysis of a unique archive of tweets posted during Moldova’s Twitter Revolution in 2009. The research revealed that Twitter enabled users living in Moldova and Romania to connect online, share information, and chat about the meanings of revolution, civil society activism, and resistance to state oppression, all while providing updates to Western media and warning the public about human rights abuses. Also, the research uncovered that the #pman audiences from Moldova and Romania framed the protest differently. Whereas the Moldovans regarded it as a demonstration against election fraud, the Romanian twitterers framed the events as an anti-communist uprising analogous to the 1989 Revolution, which they mythologized to extract useful strategies for action communicated to the Moldovan activists. Moreover, twitterers from both countries engaged in a transborder conversation about unionism and national identity. Despite Twitter’s documented positive impact on political engagement and Western media reporting, it simultaneously contributed to misinformation through the circulation of rumors, conspiracy theories, and calls for violence.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66884977","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2022.1712516
Qingming Huang
To explain the factors behind the regime resilience in China, this article focuses on the foundational and institutional resources that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) accumulated in the earlier stages of regime development and their lasting influence on regime trajectory. At the stage of regime foundation, the CCP successfully constructed the founding myth of the party-state as the foundational resource to legitimize its rule. At the later stage of regime adaptation, institutional adaptation during the process of achieving modernization allowed the CCP to accumulate substantial institutional resources to further buttress the regime. While negotiating the space between state and society, the CCP regime demonstrated high capacity in granting more autonomy to market actors to accelerate growth while increasing the embeddedness of economic strata in the system through informal and formal institutional arrangements. When confronted with a serious crisis, the CCP was able to draw strength from the foundational and institutional resources to survive. This article argues that the CCP’s efforts in accumulating strength at the early stages of regime development continue to exert strong influence on China’s regime trajectory at later stages.
{"title":"Founding Myth, Institutional Adaptation, and Regime Resilience in China","authors":"Qingming Huang","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2022.1712516","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2022.1712516","url":null,"abstract":"To explain the factors behind the regime resilience in China, this article focuses on the foundational and institutional resources that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) accumulated in the earlier stages of regime development and their lasting influence on regime trajectory. At the stage of regime foundation, the CCP successfully constructed the founding myth of the party-state as the foundational resource to legitimize its rule. At the later stage of regime adaptation, institutional adaptation during the process of achieving modernization allowed the CCP to accumulate substantial institutional resources to further buttress the regime. While negotiating the space between state and society, the CCP regime demonstrated high capacity in granting more autonomy to market actors to accelerate growth while increasing the embeddedness of economic strata in the system through informal and formal institutional arrangements. When confronted with a serious crisis, the CCP was able to draw strength from the foundational and institutional resources to survive. This article argues that the CCP’s efforts in accumulating strength at the early stages of regime development continue to exert strong influence on China’s regime trajectory at later stages.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66884788","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2022.1627857
J. Luo, K. Un
This article draws from multiple sources of data including longitudinal field research such as interviews with diverse stakeholders—party apparatchik, leaders of civil society organizations, and representatives of international institutions operating in Cambodia. Analyzing these data using the literature on the durability of single-party authoritarianism, we argue that authoritarian durability in Cambodia is associated with the ruling party’s strength, which has its roots in the party’s evolution from a liberation movement and counterinsurgency struggle from the late 1970s to the early 1990s. This movement and struggle fostered a shared sense of hardship, and a common identity among the party’s leadership, which in turn generated enduring partisan identities, rigid interparty boundaries, and strong party organizational structure. Additionally, we postulate that distribution of patronage largesse made possible through rents associated with extraction of natural resources, foreign aid, and foreign investment further strengthened the ruling party, allowing it to project infrastructural power in surveilling and mobilizing voters and in exercising coercion against its challengers.
{"title":"Organizational Strength and Authoritarian Durability in Cambodia","authors":"J. Luo, K. Un","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2022.1627857","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2022.1627857","url":null,"abstract":"This article draws from multiple sources of data including longitudinal field research such as interviews with diverse stakeholders—party apparatchik, leaders of civil society organizations, and representatives of international institutions operating in Cambodia. Analyzing these data using the literature on the durability of single-party authoritarianism, we argue that authoritarian durability in Cambodia is associated with the ruling party’s strength, which has its roots in the party’s evolution from a liberation movement and counterinsurgency struggle from the late 1970s to the early 1990s. This movement and struggle fostered a shared sense of hardship, and a common identity among the party’s leadership, which in turn generated enduring partisan identities, rigid interparty boundaries, and strong party organizational structure. Additionally, we postulate that distribution of patronage largesse made possible through rents associated with extraction of natural resources, foreign aid, and foreign investment further strengthened the ruling party, allowing it to project infrastructural power in surveilling and mobilizing voters and in exercising coercion against its challengers.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66883853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2022.1706946
Pavel Maškarinec
This article analyzes voter turnout in the Czech Republic on a very detailed spatial structure and an extended yearly time series (1994–2018). Its main goal is to examine the spatial dimension of the disparities in voter turnout in local elections at the level of all (more than 6,000) Czech municipalities. To achieve this goal, global and local spatial autocorrelation methods are used. Municipality-level cartographic presentations then provide spatial evidence of highly stable patterns of electoral participation in Czech municipalities. In the long term, there is no substantial inter-electoral change of the clustering of voter turnout in the different municipalities, except for an overall decline of the homogeneity of the clusters with low or high electoral turnout. In short, the article provides an understanding of electoral turnout in Czech local elections that other approaches have not achieved.
{"title":"Mapping the Territorial Distribution of Voter Turnout in Czech Local Elections (1994–2018)","authors":"Pavel Maškarinec","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2022.1706946","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2022.1706946","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes voter turnout in the Czech Republic on a very detailed spatial structure and an extended yearly time series (1994–2018). Its main goal is to examine the spatial dimension of the disparities in voter turnout in local elections at the level of all (more than 6,000) Czech municipalities. To achieve this goal, global and local spatial autocorrelation methods are used. Municipality-level cartographic presentations then provide spatial evidence of highly stable patterns of electoral participation in Czech municipalities. In the long term, there is no substantial inter-electoral change of the clustering of voter turnout in the different municipalities, except for an overall decline of the homogeneity of the clusters with low or high electoral turnout. In short, the article provides an understanding of electoral turnout in Czech local elections that other approaches have not achieved.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66884442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2022.1819231
Thuy Nguyen
This article shows how the Communist Party of Vietnam has proactively deployed ideological indoctrination in the higher education system to raise submissive youth as well as to suppress dissenting academics. By demonstrating the use of organizational constraint and ideological exploitation strategies, I propose that post-totalitarian regimes’ political ideology should not just be viewed as a static set of theories or some official claims by the ruling party. Rather, an examination of how states strategically use ideological principles on a day-to-day basis gives us a more nuanced understanding. That is, ideology can be deployed as an effective tool to cultivate loyalty in students and signal a regime’s strength to suppress academics’ dissent. The article illustrates how educational organizations, once having their norms and disciplines embedded in political ideology, can act effectively to consolidate authoritarian regimes at a deeper level.
{"title":"Exploiting Ideology and Making Higher Education Serve Vietnam’s Authoritarian Regime","authors":"Thuy Nguyen","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2022.1819231","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2022.1819231","url":null,"abstract":"This article shows how the Communist Party of Vietnam has proactively deployed ideological indoctrination in the higher education system to raise submissive youth as well as to suppress dissenting academics. By demonstrating the use of organizational constraint and ideological exploitation strategies, I propose that post-totalitarian regimes’ political ideology should not just be viewed as a static set of theories or some official claims by the ruling party. Rather, an examination of how states strategically use ideological principles on a day-to-day basis gives us a more nuanced understanding. That is, ideology can be deployed as an effective tool to cultivate loyalty in students and signal a regime’s strength to suppress academics’ dissent. The article illustrates how educational organizations, once having their norms and disciplines embedded in political ideology, can act effectively to consolidate authoritarian regimes at a deeper level.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66884701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2022.1535811
Petra Sliepková, Aneta Pinková
Marián Kočner, a controversial Slovak businessman, alleged to have ordered the killing of a young journalist, Ján Kuciak, in 2018, is now—on account of the investigation of the murder—known to have controlled many judges at different levels of the judiciary, frequently bribing them in exchange for information and favorable verdicts. In this case study, we analyze Kočner’s influence on the Slovak judiciary system through the concept of state capture. State capture, manifested in a substantial overrepresentation of powerful economic interests over the state and its political system, has long been a topic of interest for researchers specialized in post-communist countries. Despite frequent use in academic literature, however, its operationalization remains inconsistent. We propose that four empirical criteria can define state capture: (1) identifying multiple corrupt public actors on the one hand, and a captor exerting some form of decisive influence over them on the other; (2) an illegitimate exchange takes place—that is, the mechanism of capture; (3) the exchange has a beneficial outcome for the captor; and (4) the captor’s influence within the institution is systematic. We argue that in the case of “Kočner’s judges,” all these criteria are fulfilled.
Marián ko纳是一名有争议的斯洛伐克商人，据称他在2018年下令杀害了一名年轻的记者Ján Kuciak，目前正在调查这起谋杀案，众所周知，他控制了司法机构不同级别的许多法官，经常贿赂他们以换取信息和有利的判决。在这个案例研究中，我们通过国家捕获的概念来分析ko内对斯洛伐克司法系统的影响。长期以来，国家俘获(State capture)一直是研究后共产主义国家的研究人员感兴趣的话题，表现为强大的经济利益对国家及其政治体系的大量过度代表。然而，尽管在学术文献中经常使用，其操作仍然不一致。我们提出了定义国家俘获的四个经验标准:(1)一方面识别多个腐败的公共行为者，另一方面识别对他们施加某种形式决定性影响的捕获者;(2)发生非法交换——即捕获机制;(3)交换对俘虏有利;(4)俘虏在机构内的影响是系统性的。我们认为，在“ko内尔法官”的案例中，所有这些标准都得到了满足。
{"title":"Kočner’s Judges","authors":"Petra Sliepková, Aneta Pinková","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2022.1535811","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2022.1535811","url":null,"abstract":"Marián Kočner, a controversial Slovak businessman, alleged to have ordered the killing of a young journalist, Ján Kuciak, in 2018, is now—on account of the investigation of the murder—known to have controlled many judges at different levels of the judiciary, frequently bribing them in exchange for information and favorable verdicts. In this case study, we analyze Kočner’s influence on the Slovak judiciary system through the concept of state capture. State capture, manifested in a substantial overrepresentation of powerful economic interests over the state and its political system, has long been a topic of interest for researchers specialized in post-communist countries. Despite frequent use in academic literature, however, its operationalization remains inconsistent. We propose that four empirical criteria can define state capture: (1) identifying multiple corrupt public actors on the one hand, and a captor exerting some form of decisive influence over them on the other; (2) an illegitimate exchange takes place—that is, the mechanism of capture; (3) the exchange has a beneficial outcome for the captor; and (4) the captor’s influence within the institution is systematic. We argue that in the case of “Kočner’s judges,” all these criteria are fulfilled.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66883729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2022.1704681
David R. Stroup
Begun in 2000, China’s Great Western Development Campaign (GWDC) sought to reinforce party-state legitimation narratives by extending economic development to peripheral regions often populated by ethnic minorities. In extending aid to minority communities, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) promoted narratives about its own provision of stability and prosperity, and endeavored to exert further control over the conduct of ethnic politics. However, while this subsidization of development in minority communities produced macro-level success, it also contributed to fragmentation of ethnic identity and perpetuation of instability in daily interactions. In this article, I examine the CCP’s attempt to subsidize the creation of a branded ethnic economy around the production of handmade noodles (lamian) in ethnic Hui communities in rural Qinghai Province. I argue that while the state’s investment in lamian did increase income in Hui communities, the migration that accompanied this developmental aid led to increased contestation of the boundaries of Hui identity and contributed to marginalization and alienation of the Hui migrants involved. I argue that these consequences stemming from the funding of the lamian economy allow the CCP to effect greater control through channeling measures. However, such measures also illuminate the limitations of performance-based legitimation strategies which justify the implementation of ever-increasing measures of control that risk overreach.
{"title":"A Not-So-Simple Noodle Story","authors":"David R. Stroup","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2022.1704681","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2022.1704681","url":null,"abstract":"Begun in 2000, China’s Great Western Development Campaign (GWDC) sought to reinforce party-state legitimation narratives by extending economic development to peripheral regions often populated by ethnic minorities. In extending aid to minority communities, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) promoted narratives about its own provision of stability and prosperity, and endeavored to exert further control over the conduct of ethnic politics. However, while this subsidization of development in minority communities produced macro-level success, it also contributed to fragmentation of ethnic identity and perpetuation of instability in daily interactions. In this article, I examine the CCP’s attempt to subsidize the creation of a branded ethnic economy around the production of handmade noodles (lamian) in ethnic Hui communities in rural Qinghai Province. I argue that while the state’s investment in lamian did increase income in Hui communities, the migration that accompanied this developmental aid led to increased contestation of the boundaries of Hui identity and contributed to marginalization and alienation of the Hui migrants involved. I argue that these consequences stemming from the funding of the lamian economy allow the CCP to effect greater control through channeling measures. However, such measures also illuminate the limitations of performance-based legitimation strategies which justify the implementation of ever-increasing measures of control that risk overreach.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66884304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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