Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.55.1.155
M. Regalia
International election observation has become a standard practice in democratizing countries. Doubts have been cast on the ability of electoral observers to accurately judge the freedom and fairness of an electoral process, and the scholarly literature has still not reached a consensus on the unintended consequences of election observation. This article empirically tests the hypothesis that observers can deter election-day fraud through a natural experiment on polling-station-level election results. Using data from the Ukraine 2004 presidential election, it will show that OSCE/ODIHR observation has both immediate and lasting effect on domestic political actors’ behavior. Results do support the usefulness of election observation in reducing election-day fraud.
{"title":"The Effect of Election Observation","authors":"M. Regalia","doi":"10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.55.1.155","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.55.1.155","url":null,"abstract":"International election observation has become a standard practice in democratizing countries. Doubts have been cast on the ability of electoral observers to accurately judge the freedom and fairness of an electoral process, and the scholarly literature has still not reached a consensus on the unintended consequences of election observation. This article empirically tests the hypothesis that observers can deter election-day fraud through a natural experiment on polling-station-level election results. Using data from the Ukraine 2004 presidential election, it will show that OSCE/ODIHR observation has both immediate and lasting effect on domestic political actors’ behavior. Results do support the usefulness of election observation in reducing election-day fraud.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43502861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.55.1.99
Ivan Fomin, Olga Nadskakuła-Kaczmarczyk
This article seeks to provide a better understanding of the dynamics of the nationwide protests that appeared in Russia as a result of the large-scale political campaigns of 2017–18. On the basis of an original database devoted to six protests, organized in this period by different anti-systemic opposition leaders and organizations, the study explores the turnout and geographic scope of these events and the repertoire of frames that were used to mobilize the protesters. The analysis contrasts three types of frames (an anti-corruption protest frame, election campaign event frame, and anti-systemic protest frame) and demonstrates that appropriate framing was a necessary condition of successful protest mobilization. In combination with other factors, such as the quality of protest organization and the impact of repressive actions of the authorities, the changes of protest frames contributed to the protests’ turnout dynamics. Alexei Navalny, the most popular anti-systemic leader, succeeded in organizing the initial mobilization by framing it as an anti-corruption protest, but then, under increasing repression, the opposition failed to convert this dissent into a longer-term campaign with broader electoral or anti-systemic frames.
{"title":"Against Putin and Corruption, for Navalny and the “Revolution”?","authors":"Ivan Fomin, Olga Nadskakuła-Kaczmarczyk","doi":"10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.55.1.99","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.55.1.99","url":null,"abstract":"This article seeks to provide a better understanding of the dynamics of the nationwide protests that appeared in Russia as a result of the large-scale political campaigns of 2017–18. On the basis of an original database devoted to six protests, organized in this period by different anti-systemic opposition leaders and organizations, the study explores the turnout and geographic scope of these events and the repertoire of frames that were used to mobilize the protesters. The analysis contrasts three types of frames (an anti-corruption protest frame, election campaign event frame, and anti-systemic protest frame) and demonstrates that appropriate framing was a necessary condition of successful protest mobilization. In combination with other factors, such as the quality of protest organization and the impact of repressive actions of the authorities, the changes of protest frames contributed to the protests’ turnout dynamics. Alexei Navalny, the most popular anti-systemic leader, succeeded in organizing the initial mobilization by framing it as an anti-corruption protest, but then, under increasing repression, the opposition failed to convert this dissent into a longer-term campaign with broader electoral or anti-systemic frames.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67179566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.55.1.183
P. Ward, A. Lankov, Jiyoung Kim
This article seeks to explain the dynamics of resource depletion in North Korea’s fishery. We utilize insights from the common-pool resource (CPR) literature and show how theories from comparative politics that explain why states sometimes do not formalize property rights but prefer their informal exercise can be fruitfully applied to North Korea’s fishery. Utilizing a process tracing methodology, we demonstrate that the North Korean state possesses the necessary capacity to limit resource depletion, but has largely failed to do so. We argue that broad access to the commons maintains relations of enmeshed dependence between the dictator and those utilizing the fishery, balancing regime social control concerns with the party-state’s need for revenue. Further, in recent times, foreign actors have been allowed into the sector, providing a lucrative source of revenue without creating issues for internal control. We consider the alternative explanation that the North Korean state lacks the capacity to prevent CPR depletion, but demonstrate its implausibility given the preponderance of available evidence, not least the response of the regime in Pyongyang to the COVID-19 pandemic, where it has demonstrated considerable capacity to control the country’s fishing fleet.
{"title":"Common-Pool Resource Depletion and Dictatorship","authors":"P. Ward, A. Lankov, Jiyoung Kim","doi":"10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.55.1.183","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.55.1.183","url":null,"abstract":"This article seeks to explain the dynamics of resource depletion in North Korea’s fishery. We utilize insights from the common-pool resource (CPR) literature and show how theories from comparative politics that explain why states sometimes do not formalize property rights but prefer their informal exercise can be fruitfully applied to North Korea’s fishery. Utilizing a process tracing methodology, we demonstrate that the North Korean state possesses the necessary capacity to limit resource depletion, but has largely failed to do so. We argue that broad access to the commons maintains relations of enmeshed dependence between the dictator and those utilizing the fishery, balancing regime social control concerns with the party-state’s need for revenue. Further, in recent times, foreign actors have been allowed into the sector, providing a lucrative source of revenue without creating issues for internal control. We consider the alternative explanation that the North Korean state lacks the capacity to prevent CPR depletion, but demonstrate its implausibility given the preponderance of available evidence, not least the response of the regime in Pyongyang to the COVID-19 pandemic, where it has demonstrated considerable capacity to control the country’s fishing fleet.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43702576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.55.1.131
Marcin Ślarzyński
Recent scholarship points to a growing political prominence of various non-liberal civil society organizations in many countries around the world. In Poland, this phenomenon is simultaneous with the emergence of political division in civil society driven by the policies of the United Right government. I argue that a wider historical perspective emphasizing reciprocal connections between civil society organizations and political parties helps to understand this recent surge. In Poland, the growing division in civil society builds upon the relationship between right-wing political parties and civil society organizations bound together since the beginning of the 1990s by the common vision of social memory. After taking power in 2015, the right-wing coalition in Poland centralized the supervision over the distribution of funds to civil society, providing financial support to organizations closer to its conservative agenda. At the same time, organizations that have been in frequent conflict with the right-wing government due to their main area of focus (human rights, anti-discrimination, women’s rights, environmental protection, and immigration) had limited access to government funding and were presented in a negative light by the government as well as its allied organizations and the state-controlled media. The argument in this article is based on secondary data about the organizational sphere of civil society and a case study of a set of right-wing civil society organizations, Gazeta Polska clubs.
{"title":"Transformation of Civil Society in Poland under the United Right Government","authors":"Marcin Ślarzyński","doi":"10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.55.1.131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.55.1.131","url":null,"abstract":"Recent scholarship points to a growing political prominence of various non-liberal civil society organizations in many countries around the world. In Poland, this phenomenon is simultaneous with the emergence of political division in civil society driven by the policies of the United Right government. I argue that a wider historical perspective emphasizing reciprocal connections between civil society organizations and political parties helps to understand this recent surge. In Poland, the growing division in civil society builds upon the relationship between right-wing political parties and civil society organizations bound together since the beginning of the 1990s by the common vision of social memory. After taking power in 2015, the right-wing coalition in Poland centralized the supervision over the distribution of funds to civil society, providing financial support to organizations closer to its conservative agenda. At the same time, organizations that have been in frequent conflict with the right-wing government due to their main area of focus (human rights, anti-discrimination, women’s rights, environmental protection, and immigration) had limited access to government funding and were presented in a negative light by the government as well as its allied organizations and the state-controlled media. The argument in this article is based on secondary data about the organizational sphere of civil society and a case study of a set of right-wing civil society organizations, Gazeta Polska clubs.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46049130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2022.1703993
Zhaniya Turlubekova
This article discusses the continuing influence of Soviet institutional legacies on police corruption in present-day Kazakhstan. Several conclusions are drawn from a qualitative analysis that featured semi-structured interviews with officials, drug entrepreneurs and other relevant actors, participant and nonparticipant observations, and qualitative content analysis of mass media reports and archival data. After Kazakhstan’s most senior political leaders recognized the urgency of anti-corruption reforms, many legal and institutional measures against drug-related corruption were introduced. These measures, however, did not fully produce the anticipated results. Data presented here indicate the causal effects of institutional legacies of the criminal justice system. Inherited from the Soviet era, these institutions continue to provide incentives for corrupt police officers from the Ministry of Internal Affairs to manipulate the legislation against heroin and marijuana trafficking. More importantly, the same informal institutional incentives seem to hinder the enforcement of newly introduced anti-corruption legislation.
{"title":"Pushed against the Wall","authors":"Zhaniya Turlubekova","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2022.1703993","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2022.1703993","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the continuing influence of Soviet institutional legacies on police corruption in present-day Kazakhstan. Several conclusions are drawn from a qualitative analysis that featured semi-structured interviews with officials, drug entrepreneurs and other relevant actors, participant and nonparticipant observations, and qualitative content analysis of mass media reports and archival data. After Kazakhstan’s most senior political leaders recognized the urgency of anti-corruption reforms, many legal and institutional measures against drug-related corruption were introduced. These measures, however, did not fully produce the anticipated results. Data presented here indicate the causal effects of institutional legacies of the criminal justice system. Inherited from the Soviet era, these institutions continue to provide incentives for corrupt police officers from the Ministry of Internal Affairs to manipulate the legislation against heroin and marijuana trafficking. More importantly, the same informal institutional incentives seem to hinder the enforcement of newly introduced anti-corruption legislation.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66884216","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2022.1713051
S. Creak, K. Barney
This article argues the Lao People’s Democratic Republic, or Laos, draws upon three key types of “resources” in consolidating regime durability. Intentionally broad, our conception of resources encompasses not just natural resources managed by the state on behalf of the national community, but also the ideological and institutional resources that underpin the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party (LPRP) program of industrial resourcification and modernization. Our argument focuses on the mutual constitution and coproduction of natural, ideological, and institutional regime resources using a triptychal model to understand their integrative contribution to regime durability in Laos. This approach illuminates an evolving and pragmatic form of “statist market socialism” that contrasts with the common view of Laos as an aspiring if imperfect market-based developing economy. After defining statist market socialism and the regime’s three key resources, the article presents a case study from Laos’ strategic hydropower sector, to demonstrate how the triptych of regime resources combine in practice to support and sustain LPRP rule.
{"title":"The Role of “Resources” in Regime Durability in Laos","authors":"S. Creak, K. Barney","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2022.1713051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2022.1713051","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues the Lao People’s Democratic Republic, or Laos, draws upon three key types of “resources” in consolidating regime durability. Intentionally broad, our conception of resources encompasses not just natural resources managed by the state on behalf of the national community, but also the ideological and institutional resources that underpin the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party (LPRP) program of industrial resourcification and modernization. Our argument focuses on the mutual constitution and coproduction of natural, ideological, and institutional regime resources using a triptychal model to understand their integrative contribution to regime durability in Laos. This approach illuminates an evolving and pragmatic form of “statist market socialism” that contrasts with the common view of Laos as an aspiring if imperfect market-based developing economy. After defining statist market socialism and the regime’s three key resources, the article presents a case study from Laos’ strategic hydropower sector, to demonstrate how the triptych of regime resources combine in practice to support and sustain LPRP rule.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66884850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.1705646
Ying-ho Kwong
Existing literature has long debated on religious beliefs and democracy. However, the implications of religious institutions, which shall internally interpret faith and socialize followers and externally decide its political positions with authorities, have yet to be comprehensively explored. By adopting an inter-religious comparison in Hong Kong, this article argues that religious institutions decided to take different positions in response to democratization: Eastern religious organizations, including Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism, act as “state defenders” to legitimate government decisions at critical political moments. However, Christian organizations, including Catholicism and Protestantism, act as “state critics” to promote political justice. The Anglican Church is located at “in-between status” with pro-regime leaders but with pro-democracy followers. Consequently, Eastern religious institutions maintain close relations with the authorities, Christian leaders face criticisms from pro-regime associations, and intra-religious tensions within the Anglican Church are intensified. Theoretically, this article moves beyond that, from a “belief-based” perspective on how faith facilitates/hinders democratization to an “organization-based” perspective on how religious institutions choose their political positions in a sub-national hybrid regime. Empirically, this study examines how historical development in the pre-handover era contributed to different religion–state interactions in the post-handover period.
{"title":"Political Positioning of Religious Institutions in Comparative Perspective","authors":"Ying-ho Kwong","doi":"10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.1705646","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.1705646","url":null,"abstract":"Existing literature has long debated on religious beliefs and democracy. However, the implications of religious institutions, which shall internally interpret faith and socialize followers and externally decide its political positions with authorities, have yet to be comprehensively explored. By adopting an inter-religious comparison in Hong Kong, this article argues that religious institutions decided to take different positions in response to democratization: Eastern religious organizations, including Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism, act as “state defenders” to legitimate government decisions at critical political moments. However, Christian organizations, including Catholicism and Protestantism, act as “state critics” to promote political justice. The Anglican Church is located at “in-between status” with pro-regime leaders but with pro-democracy followers. Consequently, Eastern religious institutions maintain close relations with the authorities, Christian leaders face criticisms from pro-regime associations, and intra-religious tensions within the Anglican Church are intensified. Theoretically, this article moves beyond that, from a “belief-based” perspective on how faith facilitates/hinders democratization to an “organization-based” perspective on how religious institutions choose their political positions in a sub-national hybrid regime. Empirically, this study examines how historical development in the pre-handover era contributed to different religion–state interactions in the post-handover period.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67179483","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2022.1544873
Stephen Deets
While Skopje 2014 intended to rebrand the city for international companies and tourists, the lack of local accountability over the project raises questions about what happened to the powerful local governance under Yugoslavia. Bringing local governance into analysis of the city’s physical changes helps show how its capacity weakened under neoliberalism and how municipalities shifted toward nationalist placemaking because of their inability to address other problems. These factors set the stage for Skopje 2014. In pushing Skopje 2014, the Gruevski government also exhibited patterns of authoritarian neoliberalism found in urban redevelopment in other post-communist states. Project opponents gaining control of the Centar Municipality was important in unraveling the project and regime, but building local citizenship remained a challenge as municipalities still lack the conditions to create and sustain their own agendas and legitimacy. By taking a longer historical view, the case helps distinguish mechanisms of local government capture in authoritarian neoliberal urban redevelopment from broader problems of urban governance and local citizen disempowerment under neoliberalism.
{"title":"Understanding Weak Local Governance in the Neoliberal City through the Case of Skopje 2014","authors":"Stephen Deets","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2022.1544873","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2022.1544873","url":null,"abstract":"While Skopje 2014 intended to rebrand the city for international companies and tourists, the lack of local accountability over the project raises questions about what happened to the powerful local governance under Yugoslavia. Bringing local governance into analysis of the city’s physical changes helps show how its capacity weakened under neoliberalism and how municipalities shifted toward nationalist placemaking because of their inability to address other problems. These factors set the stage for Skopje 2014. In pushing Skopje 2014, the Gruevski government also exhibited patterns of authoritarian neoliberalism found in urban redevelopment in other post-communist states. Project opponents gaining control of the Centar Municipality was important in unraveling the project and regime, but building local citizenship remained a challenge as municipalities still lack the conditions to create and sustain their own agendas and legitimacy. By taking a longer historical view, the case helps distinguish mechanisms of local government capture in authoritarian neoliberal urban redevelopment from broader problems of urban governance and local citizen disempowerment under neoliberalism.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66883776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2022.1712063
Ángel Torres-Adán, M. Gentile
Thirty years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, some historical legacies of the communist system still influence individual political attitudes. This article explores how historical legacies influence individual political and geopolitical preferences in three Ukrainian cities. We focus on the effects of parental and individual CPSU membership over individual support for EU/NATO membership, on perceptions of the Soviet period for Ukraine, and on the perceived legitimacy of the 11 May 2014 “Donetsk People’s Republic” independence referendum. Using survey data collected in Dnipro and Kharkiv in 2018, and in Mariupol in 2020, we show that (individual or parental) CPSU affiliation is positively correlated with pro-Western attitudes, indicating that many former members of the CPSU and their descendants have reoriented their geopolitical allegiances from East to West. Or, alternatively, that they are relatively politically adaptive and that their allegiance to communism wasn’t fully solid in the first place.
{"title":"A Least Expected Ally?","authors":"Ángel Torres-Adán, M. Gentile","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2022.1712063","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2022.1712063","url":null,"abstract":"Thirty years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, some historical legacies of the communist system still influence individual political attitudes. This article explores how historical legacies influence individual political and geopolitical preferences in three Ukrainian cities. We focus on the effects of parental and individual CPSU membership over individual support for EU/NATO membership, on perceptions of the Soviet period for Ukraine, and on the perceived legitimacy of the 11 May 2014 “Donetsk People’s Republic” independence referendum. Using survey data collected in Dnipro and Kharkiv in 2018, and in Mariupol in 2020, we show that (individual or parental) CPSU affiliation is positively correlated with pro-Western attitudes, indicating that many former members of the CPSU and their descendants have reoriented their geopolitical allegiances from East to West. Or, alternatively, that they are relatively politically adaptive and that their allegiance to communism wasn’t fully solid in the first place.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66884727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/cpcs.2022.1694085
Elvisa Drishti, Fiona Carmichael
Fear of the threat of job loss is likely to elicit negative thoughts that have adverse consequences for not only job satisfaction, but also all-around happiness and satisfaction with life. Using nationally representative cross-sectional data, this study provides evidence of the negative effect of perceived job insecurity on life satisfaction in post-communist Albania, an under-researched context. This adverse effect is found to be more pronounced for women and for blue-collar workers: being in a blue-collar job is associated with lower overall life satisfaction, but if this job is perceived as insecure, the negative effect on life satisfaction is magnified. In contrast, workers in well-paying jobs are more satisfied with their lives and, relatedly, higher education also has a positive impact, more so for males. Evidence of the quality-of-life effects of job insecurity can be used to inform workplace policy initiatives and practices, particularly as measures of life satisfaction, well-being, and happiness are increasingly considered appropriate indicators of social progress and the ultimate goal of public policy.
{"title":"Life Satisfaction and Job Insecurity","authors":"Elvisa Drishti, Fiona Carmichael","doi":"10.1525/cpcs.2022.1694085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2022.1694085","url":null,"abstract":"Fear of the threat of job loss is likely to elicit negative thoughts that have adverse consequences for not only job satisfaction, but also all-around happiness and satisfaction with life. Using nationally representative cross-sectional data, this study provides evidence of the negative effect of perceived job insecurity on life satisfaction in post-communist Albania, an under-researched context. This adverse effect is found to be more pronounced for women and for blue-collar workers: being in a blue-collar job is associated with lower overall life satisfaction, but if this job is perceived as insecure, the negative effect on life satisfaction is magnified. In contrast, workers in well-paying jobs are more satisfied with their lives and, relatedly, higher education also has a positive impact, more so for males. Evidence of the quality-of-life effects of job insecurity can be used to inform workplace policy initiatives and practices, particularly as measures of life satisfaction, well-being, and happiness are increasingly considered appropriate indicators of social progress and the ultimate goal of public policy.","PeriodicalId":51623,"journal":{"name":"Communist and Post-Communist Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66884015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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