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Patricia de Santana Pinho, Mapping Diaspora: African American Roots Tourism in Brazil (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2018), pp. xiii + 253, $29.95 pb. Patricia de Santana Pinho,绘制散居:非裔美国人在巴西的根源旅游(教堂山,北卡罗来纳州:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2018),pp. xiii + 253, $29.95 pb。
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X22000864
L. Sansone
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引用次数: 0
Thomas Ward, Coloniality and the Rise of Liberation Thinking during the Sixteenth Century (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2021), pp. 259, €99.00 hb. 托马斯·沃德,殖民和解放思想的兴起在16世纪(阿姆斯特丹:阿姆斯特丹大学出版社,2021年),第259页,€99.00 hb。
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022216x22000852
E. Mendieta
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引用次数: 0
Eve Hayes de Kalaf, Legal Identity, Race and Belonging in the Dominican Republic: From Citizen to Foreigner (London and New York: Anthem Press, 2021), pp. 146, £80.00 hb, £19.99 pb; $125.00 hb, $26.99 pb; E-book. 伊芙·海斯·德·卡拉夫,《多米尼加共和国的法律身份、种族和归属:从公民到外国人》(伦敦和纽约:Anthem出版社,2021年),第146页,每页80英镑,每页19.99英镑;hb $125.00, pb $26.99;电子书。
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X2200075X
Wendy Hunter
Legal Identity, Race and Belonging in the Dominican Republic: From Citizen to Foreigner analyses how thousands of persons of Haitian ancestry recently found themselves needing to re-establish or establish their legal Dominican identity when officials
多米尼加共和国的合法身份、种族和归属:从公民到外国人分析了数千名海地血统的人最近如何发现自己需要重新建立或确立合法的多米尼加身份
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引用次数: 0
Margarita Fajardo, The World that Latin America Created: The United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America in the Development Era (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2022), pp. 281, $39.95 hb; £31.95 hb. 玛格丽塔·法哈多,《拉丁美洲创造的世界:发展时代的联合国拉丁美洲经济委员会》(马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,2022年),第281页,39.95美元;hb£31.95。
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X22000736
Sofia Mercader
arrest in London in 1998 for internationally condemned human-rights crimes. Loxton frames his research questions broadly in terms of key debates regarding party-building and electoral politics in Latin America during the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. The four country case studies are based on an extensive examination of primary and secondary materials, and the author admirably supplements those materials with interviews with conservative party leaders (cited simply as ‘national UDI leader’, ‘former PAN leader’, and so forth) in Argentina, Chile, El Salvador and Guatemala. Labelling the interviewees more precisely would have avoided ambiguity concerning the number and the position of the individuals whose views Loxton solicited (did he interview the same ‘national UDI leader’ on the different dates cited, or do different dates indicate interviews with more than one national UDI leader?). The interviews are, nonetheless, invaluable for the insights they offer into party leaders’ motivations, their perceptions of foundational events in the histories of conservative ASPs, and the challenges that conservative political parties face when engaged in multiparty democratic electoral competition.
1998年在伦敦被捕,罪名是国际社会谴责的人权罪行。洛克斯顿在20世纪末和21世纪初关于拉丁美洲政党建设和选举政治的关键辩论方面广泛地构建了他的研究问题。这四个国家的案例研究是基于对主要和次要材料的广泛审查,作者令人钦佩地补充了对阿根廷、智利、萨尔瓦多和危地马拉的保守党领导人(简单地称为“UDI国家领导人”、“前国家行政权领导人”等等)的采访。更精确地给受访者贴上标签,可以避免对Loxton征求意见的个人的数量和立场产生歧义(他是在引用的不同日期采访了同一位“全国UDI领导人”,还是不同的日期表明采访了不止一位全国UDI领导人?)尽管如此,这些采访还是非常宝贵的,因为它们提供了对政党领导人动机的见解,他们对保守派asp历史上基本事件的看法,以及保守派政党在参与多党民主选举竞争时面临的挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Paulina L. Alberto, Black Legend: The Many Lives of Raúl Grigera and the Power of Racial Storytelling in Argentina (Cambridge and New York, 2022), pp. 510, £25.00 hb; $29.95 hb; E-book. 宝琳娜·l·阿尔贝托,《黑人传奇:Raúl格里格拉的许多人生和阿根廷种族叙事的力量》(剑桥和纽约,2022年),第510页,25.00英镑;hb 29.95美元;电子书。
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X22000840
Prisca Gayles
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引用次数: 0
Mechanised Pits and Artisanal Tunnels: The Incongruences and Complementarities of Mining Investment in the Peruvian Andes 机械化坑和手工隧道:秘鲁安第斯山脉矿业投资的不一致和互补
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-25 DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X22000670
Kieran Gilfoy
Abstract Conflict has become a central concept to understanding the recent expansion of mining across the Andes. Yet, while contestation can emerge and has done so, the continued extraction of minerals requires scholars to attend to how mining projects maintain viability. This article moves beyond analyses of conflict to elucidate the role of compromise in achieving temporary states of homeostasis. Using ethnographic data collected at the Las Bambas copper mine in the highlands of southern Peru, I explore the agential navigation of communities affected by mining and the projects they develop in pursuit of ‘a better life’. The article elucidates the challenges that industrial production presents for professional employment, the limitations of boomtown hustling (informal economic activity) for aspiring individuals, and the rise of artisanal mining as a project of social mobility. Ultimately, the acceptance of such ‘illegal’ mining by corporate proprietors demonstrates the complementary nature that informal and formal extraction play in allaying the momentum of conflict.
摘要冲突已成为理解最近安第斯山脉采矿业扩张的核心概念。然而,尽管争论可能会出现,而且已经出现,但矿物的持续开采需要学者关注采矿项目如何保持可行性。这篇文章超越了对冲突的分析,阐明了妥协在实现暂时稳态中的作用。利用在秘鲁南部高地Las Bambas铜矿收集的人种学数据,我探索了受采矿影响的社区的代理导航,以及他们为追求“更好的生活”而开发的项目。这篇文章阐述了工业生产对专业就业带来的挑战,对有抱负的个人来说,新兴城市的非正规经济活动的局限性,以及手工采矿作为社会流动项目的兴起。最终,公司所有者接受这种“非法”采矿表明了非正式和正式开采在缓解冲突势头方面的互补性。
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引用次数: 1
No Taxation without Efficiency? Elite Perceptions of Redistribution and Progressivity in Chile 没有效率就没有税收?智利精英阶层对再分配和进步的看法
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-21 DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X22000700
Jorge Atria
Abstract Even though a vast literature has addressed perceptions and beliefs on taxes, progressivity and redistribution, few studies have specifically studied the perceptions of economic elites in this regard. This group is relevant for its affluence and influence, and therefore elites’ ideas and preferences have a major impact on tax-policy configuration. This study analyses the perceptions of the economic elite on redistribution and progressivity in Chile. Based on in-depth interviews and historical documents, such notions are examined by mixing concrete evaluations of income tax and value-added tax (VAT) and more general attitudes towards the role of the tax system in economic development. Results show that redistribution is negatively evaluated, which coexists with a strong willingness to contribute to poverty relief through social initiatives outside the state. Additionally, progressivity is sidelined while highlighting growth, tax neutrality, and incentives to entrepreneurship as the main priorities of tax design. The historical analysis shows that although the Chilean tax regime has always been based on indirect taxes and levies on natural resources, neoliberal reforms and ideological renovation during the Pinochet dictatorship narrowed the general framework of tax ideas among business and political sectors and reversed progressive advances in inequality reduction and direct taxation that had been made during the previous decades.
尽管大量的文献讨论了对税收、累进性和再分配的看法和信念,但很少有研究专门研究了经济精英在这方面的看法。这个群体的富裕程度和影响力是相关的,因此精英们的想法和偏好对税收政策的配置有重大影响。本研究分析了智利经济精英对再分配和累进的看法。在深入访谈和历史文献的基础上,这些概念通过混合所得税和增值税(VAT)的具体评估和对税收制度在经济发展中的作用的更一般的态度来检验。结果表明,再分配的负面评价与通过国家以外的社会举措为扶贫做出贡献的强烈意愿并存。此外,累进性被边缘化,同时强调增长、税收中立和激励创业作为税收设计的主要优先事项。历史分析表明,尽管智利税收制度一直以间接税和对自然资源征税为基础,但皮诺切特独裁统治期间的新自由主义改革和意识形态革新缩小了商业和政治部门之间税收观念的总体框架,并逆转了过去几十年在减少不平等和直接税方面取得的进步。
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引用次数: 0
Charisma's Birth from the Bottom Up: Lula, ABC's Metalworkers’ Strikes and the Social History of Brazilian Politics 魅力自下而上的诞生:卢拉、美国广播公司金属工人罢工与巴西政治社会史
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X22000694
J. French
Abstract If David Bell in his book Men on Horseback (2020) focuses on what is political charisma, how it functions, and what it means ‘to write its history’, this article examines how Brazil's ex-President Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (‘Lula’) acquired charisma during the dramatic 1978–80 metalworkers’ strikes in the industrial ABC region of São Paulo, Brazil. While generating a vast literature, scholars of the ABC strikes have evaded the question of how Lula, the gifted organiser, emerged as a recognisably charismatic figure. This article explains where, when and why this happened and how a charismatic bond was forged as 100,000 stigmatised, fearful, self-doubting ‘peons’ came to constitute themselves as a locally articulated social actor, a group in fusion, whose boldness and creativity led to extraordinary feats of organisation and mobilisation. Arguing against conflating charisma and populism, it also establishes the utility of the theorisation of group-making advanced in the Critique of Dialectical Reason (1960) by Jean-Paul Sartre.
摘要如果大卫·贝尔(David Bell)在其著作《马背上的男人》(2020)中关注什么是政治魅力,它是如何发挥作用的,以及“书写历史”意味着什么,本文将探讨巴西前总统路易斯·伊纳西奥·卢拉·达席尔瓦(Luís inácio Lula da Silva,“Lula”)是如何在1978年至80年巴西圣保罗ABC工业区金属工人的戏剧性罢工中获得魅力的。美国广播公司罢工的学者们在撰写大量文献的同时,回避了天才组织者卢拉是如何成为公认的魅力人物的问题。这篇文章解释了这种情况发生的地点、时间和原因,以及当10万名被污名化、恐惧、自我怀疑的“人”开始将自己塑造成一个当地的社会行动者时,一个融合中的团体,其大胆和创造力导致了非凡的组织和动员壮举。它反对将魅力主义和民粹主义混为一谈,还确立了让-保罗·萨特在《辩证理性批判》(1960)中提出的群体制造理论的效用。
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引用次数: 0
The Social Dynamics of Violence and Respect: State, Crime and Church in a Brazilian Favela 暴力与尊重的社会动态:巴西贫民窟的国家、犯罪和教会
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-11 DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X22000682
A. Beraldo
Abstract Drawing on extensive ethnographic fieldwork carried out in a large favela of Belo Horizonte, this study argues that there are three logics at play when it comes to regulating violence in poor Brazilian urban areas: that of crime, that of the state, and that of religion. These three logics act as normative regimes which, connected by the shared notion of ‘respect’, form symbolical relationships among themselves alternating between dissonance and coordination. This everyday interaction produces a normative triangle that determines which lives are more and which are less valuable and, therefore, the likeliest target of violence.
在贝洛奥里藏特一个大型贫民窟进行的广泛的民族志田野调查中,这项研究认为,在巴西贫穷的城市地区,有三种逻辑在起作用:犯罪逻辑、国家逻辑和宗教逻辑。这三种逻辑作为规范性制度,通过“尊重”的共同概念联系在一起,形成了它们之间在不和谐和协调之间交替的象征关系。这种日常的互动产生了一个规范的三角关系,它决定了哪些生命更有价值,哪些更没有价值,因此,它们最有可能成为暴力的目标。
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引用次数: 1
Cuba, Soviet Oil, and the Sanctions that Never Were: An Archival Investigation of Socialist Relations 古巴、苏联石油和从未有过的制裁:对社会主义关系的档案调查
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-19 DOI: 10.1017/s0022216x22000505
O. Sanchez-Sibony
Abstract In the winter of 1968, tensions between Cuba and the Soviet Union boiled over as the Cuban leadership's mouthpiece, Granma, accused the Soviet Union of imposing oil sanctions on the island in order to subjugate it. Those accusations went on to become inscribed into the historiography of Soviet–Cuban relations. This intervention into that historiography is two-fold: on the one hand it uses recently declassified documents from the Soviet archives to show that there were no oil sanctions on Cuba, but rather a continuum of logistical and infrastructural challenges that created delays and tensions in the relations between these two socialist allies. On the other hand, the article contextualises the relationship within the capitalist institutions of exchange that in effect mediated it, finding in these not only part of the reason for the setbacks and tensions, but also a wider framework for better understanding the Soviet–Cuban economic relationship.
1968年冬天,古巴和苏联之间的紧张关系达到白热化程度,古巴领导人的喉舌格拉玛(Granma)指责苏联为了征服古巴而对古巴实施石油制裁。这些指控后来被载入了苏联与古巴关系的史册。这种对历史的干预有两个方面:一方面,它使用了最近从苏联档案中解密的文件,表明对古巴没有石油制裁,而是后勤和基础设施方面的连续挑战,造成了这两个社会主义盟友之间关系的拖延和紧张。另一方面,这篇文章将资本主义交换制度中的关系置于背景中,这种制度实际上起到了中介作用,不仅在其中找到了挫折和紧张局势的部分原因,而且还找到了更好地理解苏联-古巴经济关系的更广泛框架。
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引用次数: 0
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