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The Conservative Wave and Corporate Practices in Brazil: The Controversy over LGBTQ in Marketing 保守主义浪潮与巴西企业实践:市场营销中的LGBTQ争议
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X2300024X
Simone da Silva Ribeiro Gomes, R. Cantu
Abstract This article explores the impact conservative criticism has had on companies’ behaviour in Brazil. We investigate whether Natura and Boticário − the two largest Brazilian cosmetics companies − have maintained or reversed LGBTQ-oriented marketing and advertising when confronted with criticism from conservative groups. We draw on interviews with stakeholders, company investors and LGBTQ activists, in addition to complaints filed with the Conselho Nacional de Autorregulamentação Publicitária (National Council for Advertising Self-Regulation, CONAR), and companies’ documents on finance and social responsibility. Overall, even when faced with a negative backlash from conservative opinion, companies have persisted in their commitment to diversity issues and LGBTQ inclusion in marketing. However, firms have also employed evasive strategies, such as targeted communication and less controversial forms of retail design, signalling compromises with conservative stakeholders and customers.
摘要本文探讨了保守主义批评对巴西公司行为的影响。我们调查了巴西最大的两家化妆品公司Natura和Boticário在面临保守团体的批评时,是否维持或扭转了以LGBTQ为导向的营销和广告。我们利用了对利益相关者、公司投资者和LGBTQ活动家的采访,以及向国家广告自律委员会(CONAR)提交的投诉,以及公司关于财务和社会责任的文件。总的来说,即使面临保守派意见的负面反弹,公司也坚持致力于多样性问题和LGBTQ在营销中的包容性。然而,公司也采用了回避策略,如有针对性的沟通和争议较小的零售设计形式,表明与保守的利益相关者和客户达成了妥协。
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引用次数: 0
The Criminal Governance of Tourism: Extortion and Intimacy in Medellín 旅游业的刑事治理:麦德林的勒索与亲密关系
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-27 DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X23000019
Patrick Naef
Abstract This article provides a picture of the political economy of tourism and violence in Medellín. It analyses the way criminal actors and tourism entrepreneurs share a territory, by shedding light on the extortion of tour guides, street performers and business owners in some of its barrios populares (poor neighbourhoods). The main objective is to demonstrate how intimate relationships – between and among kin, friends, long-term acquaintances – impact what is considered the criminal governance of tourism. This contribution shows that extortion in Medellín meets only limited resistance from tourism entrepreneurs. It also emphasises how criminals, tourism actors and tourists themselves contribute to the creation of fragile secured spaces in the developing touristscapes of Colombia's second city.
摘要本文介绍了麦德林旅游业和暴力的政治经济学。它分析了犯罪分子和旅游企业家共享一片领土的方式,揭示了在一些贫困社区对导游、街头艺人和企业主的勒索。主要目的是展示亲属、朋友、长期熟人之间的亲密关系如何影响旅游业的刑事治理。这一贡献表明,麦德林的敲诈勒索只受到旅游业企业家的有限抵制。它还强调了犯罪分子、旅游行为体和游客自己是如何在哥伦比亚第二大城市不断发展的旅游景观中为创造脆弱的安全空间做出贡献的。
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引用次数: 1
The Cultural Battle for the Chilean Model: Intellectual Elites in Times of Politicisation (2010–17) 智利模式的文化之战:政治化时代的知识精英(2010-17)
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-03 DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X23000032
Tomás Undurraga, Manuel Gárate Chateau, Alfredo Joignant, Mario Fergnani, Felipe Márquez
The Chilean economic model has been widely studied both as a pioneering experiment in neoliberal policies and in regard to the growing social mobilisation against inequalities it has provoked. Insufficient attention has been paid, however, to the role of intellectuals in justifying and criticising the model. This article examines cultural battles over the economic model among the country's main columnists between 2010 and 2017, analysing debates as to the model's virtues and vices, achievements and failures. It shows how debate surrounding the model is highly reactive to current political events, yet occurs in somewhat of an elite bubble, centred on conceptual discussions and daily political events that tend to be dissociated from popular concerns.
智利的经济模式被广泛研究,因为它既是新自由主义政策的先驱实验,也是它所引发的反对不平等的日益增长的社会动员。然而,知识分子在为这种模式辩护和批评时所起的作用却没有得到足够的重视。本文考察了2010年至2017年间,该国主要专栏作家围绕经济模式展开的文化斗争,分析了该模式的优点与缺点、成就与失败。它显示了围绕该模型的辩论是如何对当前的政治事件产生高度反应的,但却发生在某种程度上的精英泡沫中,集中于概念讨论和日常政治事件,往往与大众关注的问题分离。
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引用次数: 1
Jihye Kim, From Sweatshop to Fashion Shop: Korean Immigrant Entrepreneurship in the Argentine Garment Industry (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2021), 200 pp. Jihye Kim,从血汗工厂到时装店:韩国移民在阿根廷服装业的创业(兰哈姆,MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2021), 200页。
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X23000111
Chisu Teresa Ko
Argentine history. While the destape was a distinct event that shifted the cultural life of Argentina in the 1980s, the trend of increasing politicisation of intimacy and sexuality has become central to the current debates about the nature of Argentine democracy. In the twenty-first century, feminist and LGBTQI+ movements foster debates about how sexual freedom and material equality are substantial components of the everyday experience of democracy. During this short century, these movements have pushed major legal and cultural transformations – from legalisation on the termination of pregnancy to that expanding trans rights such as ‘selfidentify’ gender recognition. As many of the stories that Natalia Milanesio showcases in her book, these changes don’t necessarily move in any single direction; there are usually conflictive experiences – in which Argentines are defining their lived experience with democracy in their public spaces, homes and beds.
阿根廷历史。虽然在20世纪80年代,这种破坏是改变阿根廷文化生活的一个独特事件,但亲密关系和性行为日益政治化的趋势已成为当前关于阿根廷民主性质的辩论的核心。在21世纪,女权主义和LGBTQI+运动促进了关于性自由和物质平等如何成为民主日常体验的重要组成部分的辩论。在这短短的一个世纪里,这些运动推动了重大的法律和文化变革——从终止妊娠的合法化到扩大跨性别权利,如“自我认同”性别承认。正如Natalia Milanesio在书中展示的许多故事一样,这些变化不一定朝着任何单一的方向发展;通常会有冲突的经历,阿根廷人在公共空间、家里和床上定义他们与民主的生活经历。
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引用次数: 0
Rejecting the Social Contract: Criminal Governance, Agrarian Inequalities and the Autodefensa Movement in Michoacán, Mexico 拒绝社会契约:犯罪治理,土地不平等和自动防御运动Michoacán,墨西哥
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X22000918
J. Herrera
Abstract In many developing countries where formal institutions fail to guarantee rule of law, criminal organisations have emerged as intermediaries between citizens and the state. In some cases, these armed non-state actors adopt repressive strategies to govern their territories and local populations. This study asks under what circumstances local actors mobilise against criminal governance. Focusing on the case of Michoacán, Mexico, I argue that the emergence of vigilante groups, known as autodefensas, was prompted by the breaching of a social contract – a set of formal and informal agreements and obligations – between organised crime and civil society. As criminal governance spread in Michoacán, so did predatory behaviour against local communities, which gave way to an elite-organised social movement structured by rural inequalities.
摘要在许多正规机构无法保证法治的发展中国家,犯罪组织已经成为公民和国家之间的中介。在某些情况下,这些武装的非国家行为者采取镇压策略来管理其领土和当地人口。这项研究询问了地方行动者在什么情况下动员起来反对刑事治理。以墨西哥米却肯州为例,我认为,被称为自卫队的私刑团体的出现是由于有组织犯罪和民间社会之间违反了社会契约——一套正式和非正式的协议和义务。随着刑事治理在米却肯的蔓延,针对当地社区的掠夺行为也在蔓延,这让位于由农村不平等构成的精英组织的社会运动。
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引用次数: 0
Daniel Ozarow, The Mobilization and Demobilization of Middle-Class Revolt: Comparative Insights from Argentina (New York and London: Routledge, 2019, xiv + 271 pp. 丹尼尔·奥扎罗:《中产阶级反抗的动员和复员:来自阿根廷的比较见解》(纽约和伦敦:劳特利奇出版社,2019年版,第14 + 271页)。
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022216x23000184
María Mercedes di Virgilio
at the Argentine middle class and questioning its practices and behaviour is challenging for any
质疑阿根廷中产阶级的做法和行为对任何人来说都是一种挑战
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引用次数: 0
David Rock, The British in Argentina: Commerce, Settlers and Power, 1800–2000 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019), xxi + 424 pp. 大卫·洛克,《英国人在阿根廷:商业、移民和权力,1800-2000》(贝辛斯托克:帕尔格雷夫·麦克米伦出版社,2019),21 + 424页。
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022216x23000093
Matthew D. Brown
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引用次数: 0
Unlikely Expropriators: Why Right-Wing Parties Implemented Agrarian Reform in Democratic Brazil 不太可能的征用者:为什么右翼政党在民主的巴西实施土地改革
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X23000044
Matias López
Abstract What motivated right-wing and conservative parties to endorse a policy of land expropriation and redistribution in Brazil? I argue that urban-dominated right-wing parties endorsed agrarian reform in order to: (i) reduce crime in wealthier metropolises by reversing rural–urban migration; and (ii) gain competitive advantage against left-wing challengers. To test this argument I conduct process tracing, analysing over 500 elite statements about agrarian reform, drawn from archival, interview and survey data. In addition, I model land expropriations at the municipal level and show how right-wing administrations disproportionately expropriated land in the states of origin of migrants and, within those, in localities where the Left was more competitive. My results portray how two externalities of inequality – crime and competition with the Left – motivated conservative support for agrarian reform in Brazil.
是什么促使右翼和保守派政党支持巴西的土地征收和再分配政策?我认为,以城市为主导的右翼政党支持土地改革,是为了:(I)通过扭转城乡移民来减少富裕大都市的犯罪;(2)获得对抗左翼挑战者的竞争优势。为了验证这一论点,我进行了过程追踪,分析了500多份关于土地改革的精英声明,这些声明来自档案、访谈和调查数据。此外,我还对市级的土地征收进行了建模,并展示了右翼政府如何不成比例地在移民的原籍州征收土地,以及在这些州中,在左翼更具竞争力的地方征收土地。我的研究结果描绘了不平等的两个外部性——犯罪和与左翼的竞争——如何促使巴西保守派支持土地改革。
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引用次数: 0
LAS volume 55 issue 1 Cover and Back matter LAS第55卷第1期封面和封底
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022216x23000226
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引用次数: 0
Natalia Milanesio, ¡Destape! Sex, Democracy, and Freedom in Postdictatorial Argentina (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2019), x + 326 pp. Natalia Milanesio,“Destape!《后独裁时代的阿根廷的性、民主和自由》(宾夕法尼亚州匹兹堡:匹兹堡大学出版社,2019),x+326页。
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X2300010X
P. Simonetto
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拉丁美洲研究
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