拉丁美洲研究最新文献

英文中文

Environmental Injustice, Tree Canopy Cover, and Academic Proficiency at Utah Public Primary Schools. 犹他州公立小学的环境不公、树冠覆盖率和学业水平。

IF 2 2区历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES

拉丁美洲研究

Pub Date : 2024-02-01 Epub Date: 2022-12-23 DOI: 10.1089/env.2021.0113

Sara E Grineski, Angel Griego, Casey Mullen, Timothy W Collins, Shawna Nadybal, Aparna Mangadu

Background: Tree canopy cover has mental and physical health benefits for children, yet distributional environmental injustices in tree canopy cover near schools are rarely investigated. Some evidence suggests that tree canopy coverage positively influences aggregated school-level children's academic proficiency metrics. There is a lack of research if canopy cover moderates the negative effect of particulate matter on academic proficiency.

Methods: We linked data on schools from the National Center for Education Statistics, Utah's Student Assessment of Growth and Excellence, the National Land Cover Database, and the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. We used generalized estimating equations, which account for non-normally distributed data and clustering, to analyze data from the 2015 to 2016 school year.

Results: Greater school social disadvantage (higher percentages of students qualifying for free/reduced price meals and higher percentages of racial/ethnic minority students) was significantly associated with reductions in tree canopy cover within 1000 m and 500 m of the school. Greater tree canopy coverage at 1000 m and 500 m was significantly associated with a lower percentage of students testing below proficient on year-end math and language arts exams. Additional days of peak fine particulate matter were associated with higher percentages of students testing below proficient in math.

Discussion: Socially disadvantaged primary schools in Utah were surrounded by less canopy cover. There was a protective effect of tree canopy cover on academic proficiency in math and language arts.

Conclusion: Findings suggest targeting carefully designed tree planting efforts at socially disadvantaged schools and testing interventions involving tree planting and changes in academic proficiency.

背景：树冠覆盖率对儿童的身心健康有益，但学校附近树冠覆盖率的分布环境不公平问题却很少得到调查。一些证据表明，树冠覆盖率对学校一级的儿童学业水平综合指标有积极影响。至于树冠覆盖是否会缓和颗粒物对学业水平的负面影响，目前还缺乏研究：我们将国家教育统计中心、犹他州学生成长与卓越评估、国家土地覆盖数据库和美国环境保护署提供的学校数据联系起来。我们使用考虑了非正态分布数据和聚类的广义估计方程来分析2015至2016学年的数据：结果：学校的社会不利条件越严重（符合免费/减价膳食条件的学生比例越高，种族/少数民族学生比例越高），学校周围 1000 米和 500 米范围内的树冠覆盖率就越低。1000 米和 500 米范围内更大的树冠覆盖率与年终数学和语言艺术考试成绩低于良好水平的学生比例较低有明显关系。细颗粒物峰值天数越多，数学成绩不及格的学生比例越高：讨论：犹他州社会处境不利的小学周围的树冠覆盖较少。树冠覆盖对数学和语言艺术的学业水平有保护作用：结论：研究结果表明，应在社会处境不利的学校开展精心设计的植树活动，并测试植树干预措施和学业水平的变化。

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Housing and Patrimonial (Property) Violence against Women: The Reproduction of Gender Asset Inequalities in Brazil 针对妇女的住房和世袭（财产）暴力：巴西性别资产不平等现象的再现

IF 1.1 2区历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES

拉丁美洲研究

Pub Date : 2023-12-21 DOI: 10.1017/s0022216x23000962

Raquel Ludermir

Accessing and retaining adequate housing can be a major challenge for low-income city residents, particularly women trying to escape domestic abuse. Focusing on housing struggles amidst urban poverty, this article explores a specific kind of gender-based violence – violation of women's property rights – recognised by Latin American legal systems as ‘patrimonial violence against women’. Drawing on qualitative research in Brazil, this article shows how women are likely to experience gendered evictions and dispossession, and why patrimonial violence against women remains largely misunderstood and underreported, despite legal progress. The discussion expands current understandings of the interplay between gender, violence (explicit or otherwise) and the reproduction of asset inequalities.

对于城市低收入居民，尤其是试图摆脱家庭虐待的妇女来说，获得和保留适当住房可能是一项重大挑战。本文以城市贫困中的住房问题为重点，探讨了一种特殊的性别暴力--侵犯妇女财产权--被拉丁美洲法律体系认定为 "针对妇女的世袭暴力"。本文利用在巴西进行的定性研究，说明了妇女如何可能经历性别化的驱逐和剥夺，以及为什么尽管在法律上取得了进步，但针对妇女的世袭暴力在很大程度上仍被误解和报告不足。讨论拓展了当前对性别、暴力（明确或其他）和资产不平等再生产之间相互作用的理解。

引用次数: 0

Narratives of Authoritarianism in Times of Crisis: Democracy and Limitations of Progressive Politics in Plurinational Bolivia 危机时期的专制叙事：多民族玻利维亚的民主与进步政治的局限性

IF 1.1 2区历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES

拉丁美洲研究

Pub Date : 2023-12-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0022216x23000950

Eija Ranta

In Bolivia, expectations for a decolonised society turned into a political crisis in the autumn of 2019. Discussing the limitations of progressive politics in cultivating democracy, this article identifies three narratives of authoritarianism – liberal democratic, developmentalist and colonial – which the opponents of Evo Morales use to frame their disillusionment with his rule. It argues that these multiple narratives lend meaning to contradictory experiences in a context in which hopes for a major decolonising state-transformation process have devolved into a deep polarisation of Bolivian society. The events in Bolivia are discussed in the context of rising authoritarianism throughout Latin America.

在玻利维亚，人们对非殖民化社会的期望在2019年秋天演变成一场政治危机。本文在讨论进步政治在培育民主方面的局限性时，指出了三种专制主义叙事--自由民主、发展主义和殖民主义--埃沃-莫拉莱斯的反对者利用这些叙事来表达他们对其统治的失望。文章认为，这些多重叙事为玻利维亚社会的矛盾经历赋予了意义，在这种情况下，对国家转型进程的重大非殖民化希望已演变为玻利维亚社会的深刻两极分化。在整个拉丁美洲专制主义抬头的背景下讨论了玻利维亚发生的事件。

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Political Polarisation in Uruguay in the Early 1960s: The Role of Luis Batlle Berres and Lista 15 20 世纪 60 年代初乌拉圭的政治两极分化：路易斯-巴特列-贝雷斯和利斯塔的作用 15

IF 1.1 2区历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES

拉丁美洲研究

Pub Date : 2023-12-13 DOI: 10.1017/s0022216x23000937

Felipe Monestier

The historiography on Uruguay during the Cold War has identified the period 1959–62 as a key juncture in the process of political polarisation that culminated in the fall of democracy in 1973. Based on the analysis of press articles and other documentary sources, I describe the role played by the main fraction of the Partido Colorado (Red Party) led by Luis Batlle Berres in promoting polarisation of the Uruguayan political system in those years. My findings contradict the conventional depiction of Batlle Berres as a moderate who tried to prevent the polarisation provoked by other agents.

冷战时期的乌拉圭史学界将 1959-62 年视为政治两极分化进程的关键时刻，而这一进程最终导致了 1973 年民主制度的垮台。基于对报刊文章和其他文献资料的分析，我描述了路易斯-巴特列-贝雷斯领导的科罗拉多党（红党）的主要部分在这些年促进乌拉圭政治体制两极分化的过程中所扮演的角色。我的研究结果与传统的描述相矛盾，即巴特列-贝雷斯是一个温和派，他试图阻止由其他代理人挑起的两极分化。

引用次数: 0

Foreign Trade Policy in the Argentine Automotive Industry: An Analysis of the Business Power of its Actors and their Influence over the State (2002–15) 阿根廷汽车工业的对外贸易政策:对其行动者的商业权力及其对国家的影响的分析(2002-15)

2区历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES

拉丁美洲研究

Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1017/s0022216x2300072x

Bruno Perez Almansi

Abstract The article aims to analyse how the business power of actors in the Argentine automotive industry influenced the foreign trade policies relevant to the sector between 2002 and 2015. The research methods employed combine documentary sources, interviews with key informants and descriptive statistics. The overall findings show how automakers achieved considerable power in the first stage of the period, obtaining clear benefits in terms of foreign trade policy. However, macroeconomic and political changes in Argentina after 2008 had a negative impact on their business power, leading to their enjoying a reduced number of trade policy concessions.

本文旨在分析2002年至2015年间阿根廷汽车行业参与者的商业力量如何影响与该行业相关的对外贸易政策。所采用的研究方法结合了文献资料、对关键线人的采访和描述性统计。总体结果显示，汽车制造商在这一时期的第一阶段获得了相当大的权力，在对外贸易政策方面获得了明显的利益。然而，2008年后阿根廷的宏观经济和政治变化对他们的商业实力产生了负面影响，导致他们享受的贸易政策让步数量减少。

引用次数: 0

After the Gang: Desistance, Violence and Occupational Options in Nicaragua 黑帮之后:尼加拉瓜的抵抗、暴力和职业选择

2区历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES

拉丁美洲研究

Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1017/s0022216x23000718

Dennis Rodgers

Abstract Gangs are widely considered major contributors to the high levels of violence afflicting Latin America, including in particular Central America. At the same time, however, the vast majority of individuals who join a gang will also leave it and, it is assumed, become less violent. Having said this, the mechanisms underlying this ‘desistance’ process are not well understood, and nor are the determinants of individuals’ post-gang trajectories, partly because gang desistance tends to be seen as an event rather than a process. Drawing on long-term ethnographic research carried out in barrio Luis Fanor Hernández, a poor neighbourhood in Nicaragua's capital city Managua, and more specifically a set of ‘archetypal’ gang member life histories that illustrate the occupational options open to former gang members, this article offers a longitudinal perspective on desistance and its consequences, with specific reference to the determinants of individuals’ continued engagement with violence (or not).

帮派被广泛认为是造成拉丁美洲，特别是中美洲地区暴力事件频发的主要原因。然而，与此同时，绝大多数加入帮派的人也会离开，据推测，他们会变得不那么暴力。话虽如此，这种“戒断”过程背后的机制还没有被很好地理解，也不是个人后帮派轨迹的决定因素，部分原因是帮派戒断倾向于被视为一个事件而不是一个过程。根据在尼加拉瓜首都马那瓜的贫困社区barrio Luis Fanor Hernández进行的长期人种学研究，以及更具体地说，一组“原型”帮派成员的生活历史，说明了前帮派成员的职业选择，本文提供了一个纵向的视角来研究抵抗及其后果，具体提到了个人继续参与暴力(或不参与暴力)的决定因素。

引用次数: 0

The Nexus between Protest and Electoral Participation: Explaining Chile's Exceptionalism 抗议与选举参与之间的关系:解释智利的例外论

2区历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES

拉丁美洲研究

Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1017/s0022216x23000706

Rodrigo M. Medel, Nicolás M. Somma, Sofía Donoso

Abstract The literature on political participation has consistently found that protest positively and significantly correlates with voting. However, Chile can be considered a deviant case to this pattern. During the last decade, Chileans who participated in street demonstrations were unlikely to participate in elections. What explains this anomaly? We argue that this rupture between participation in protest and in elections results from an effective distancing between social-movement organisations (SMOs) and institutional politics. However, this distancing of SMOs from party politics has not been homogeneous. To examine this heterogeneity, we conduct a comparative design of two cases: the labour and student movements. Based on a mixed-methods study that combines interviews with movement leaders and surveys of protest participants in marches, we seek to highlight the mediating role of SMOs in the promotion of different forms of political participation.

有关政治参与的文献一致发现，抗议与投票呈显著正相关。然而，智利可以被认为是这种模式的一个例外。在过去十年中，参加街头示威的智利人不太可能参加选举。如何解释这种反常现象?我们认为，参与抗议和参加选举之间的这种断裂是由于社会运动组织(SMOs)和制度政治之间的有效距离。然而，SMOs与政党政治的这种距离并不是同质的。为了检验这种异质性，我们对两个案例进行了比较设计:劳工运动和学生运动。基于一项混合方法研究，结合了对运动领导人的采访和对游行抗议参与者的调查，我们试图强调SMOs在促进不同形式的政治参与方面的中介作用。

引用次数: 0

Debunking the Myth of Nicaraguan Exceptionalism: Crime, Drugs and the Political Economy of Violence in a ‘Narco-state’ 揭穿尼加拉瓜例外主义的神话:“毒品国家”的犯罪、毒品与暴力的政治经济

2区历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES

拉丁美洲研究

Pub Date : 2023-09-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0022216x23000676

José Luis Rocha, Dennis Rodgers, Julienne Weegels

Abstract Nicaragua is often held up as an exception within the Central American panorama of criminal violence, widely presented as the safest country in the region due to its particular revolutionary legacies, the (supposed) absence of transnational gangs and drug-trafficking organisations, and the National Police's representation as an efficient and professional force. This commentary proposes an alternative reading of Nicaragua's contemporary political economy of violence in order to reveal the profoundly misleading nature of this prevalent view. In particular, it highlights how Nicaragua is governed through a particular political ‘settlement’ underpinned by drug trafficking, police and judicial corruption, as well as ‘mafia state’ governance. These factors have coalesced to establish a highly efficient and engrained ‘narco-state’ whose undoing is unlikely in the short term.

尼加拉瓜经常被认为是中美洲犯罪暴力的一个例外，由于其特殊的革命遗产，(被认为)没有跨国帮派和贩毒组织，以及国家警察作为高效和专业力量的代表，尼加拉瓜被广泛认为是该地区最安全的国家。这篇评论提出了尼加拉瓜当代暴力政治经济的另一种解读，以揭示这种普遍观点的深刻误导性质。它特别强调了尼加拉瓜是如何通过贩毒、警察和司法腐败以及“黑手党国家”治理的特殊政治“解决方案”来治理的。这些因素加在一起，形成了一个高效率、根深蒂固的“毒品国家”，短期内不太可能被摧毁。

引用次数: 1

Conditional Freedoms: Non-State Labour in Cuba between Institutional Delegitimisation and Civic Recognition 有条件的自由:古巴非国有劳工在制度非合法化和公民承认之间

2区历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES

拉丁美洲研究

Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1017/s0022216x2300069x

Louis Thiemann, Claudia González Marrero

Abstract During the height of its power over everyday life, between 1968 and 1993, the Cuban Communist Party outlawed virtually all non-state labour and exchange. Since then, however, its continuity in power has increasingly depended on devolution: shifting responsibility for the provision of basic goods and services from failing state enterprises back to the self-employed. The latter now produce the majority of food and basic products; receive most of the national income from tourism, remittances and foreign investment; and generate most new jobs. Nevertheless, they subsist under a subaltern regime of fragile and conditional freedoms. The article adapts James Scott's consideration for the subaltern's ‘hidden transcripts’ and agencies to contemporary Cuba. It analyses the unavoidability of informal and illegal practices for daily subsistence; their naturalisation in society in contrast with their delegitimisation as opportunistic self-enrichment in party-controlled media; and how the self-employed resist such judgements in favour of more conciliatory civic visions.

在1968年至1993年期间，古巴共产党在日常生活中的权力达到顶峰，几乎取缔了所有非国有劳动和交换。然而，从那以后，它的权力连续性越来越依赖于权力下放:将提供基本商品和服务的责任从失败的国有企业转移回个体经营。后者现在生产大部分食品和基本产品;大部分国民收入来自旅游业、汇款和外国投资;并创造大部分新的就业机会。然而，他们生活在一种脆弱的、有条件的低等自由制度之下。这篇文章将詹姆斯·斯科特(James Scott)对次官的“隐藏文本”和机构的思考改编为当代古巴。分析了非正规和非法行为的必然性;他们在社会上的归化与他们在共产党控制的媒体上作为机会主义的自我充实而被剥夺的合法性形成鲜明对比;以及个体经营者如何抵制这样的判断，以支持更和解的公民愿景。

引用次数: 0

Identity, Conflict and Discourse: Understanding Military Contestation in Brazil 认同、冲突与话语:对巴西军事冲突的理解

IF 1.1 2区历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES

拉丁美洲研究

Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1017/s0022216x23000664

Ned Littlefield, Douglas Block

The Brazilian military has recently executed an unexpected return to politics by engaging more actively in domestic policymaking and implementation both before and during the Bolsonaro government, thus jeopardising democratic consolidation. To help understand this development, we examine why the military openly challenges civilian authority over some issues, while remaining silent on others. Whereas prior work emphasises external factors like civilians’ threats to military prerogatives, we argue that contestation of civilian authority stems in no small part from internal military conflict over how to utilise power. The military uses contestation to coordinate prerogatives with civilians and to communicate within the armed forces to increase cohesion. We illustrate this argument with case studies of military contestation surrounding political leadership selection and internal security, using the Army Commander's discourse via Twitter posts and public statements, plus key informant interviews and military publications.

巴西军方最近出人意料地重返政坛，在博索纳罗政府执政之前和执政期间更积极地参与国内政策制定和实施，从而危及民主巩固。为了帮助理解这一事态发展，我们研究了为什么军方在某些问题上公开挑战文官权威，而在其他问题上保持沉默。尽管先前的工作强调了外部因素，如平民对军事特权的威胁，但我们认为，对文官权力的争夺在很大程度上源于如何利用权力的内部军事冲突。军方利用争夺来协调与平民的特权，并在武装部队内部进行沟通，以增强凝聚力。我们通过围绕政治领导层选择和内部安全的军事争论的案例研究来说明这一论点，使用陆军指挥官通过推特帖子和公开声明的话语，以及关键线人的采访和军事出版物。

引用次数: 0

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