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Of Scribes and Tribes: Progressive Politics and the Populist Challenge 《文士与部落:进步政治与民粹主义挑战》
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2019.1671682
B. Yack
ABSTRACT What has made progressives—self-styled champions of the people—the principal targets of populist resentment in contemporary politics? Perhaps it is progressives’ ambivalence about democracy, not merely the racist, sexist and nationalist passions that progressives prefer to blame. Indeed, one of the reasons that progressives find themselves under attack as out-of-touch elitists may be that they are out of touch with the nature and extent of their elitism. So long as progressives remain committed to enlightening the people as well as empowering them, to bringing about social improvement as well as social justice, they are bound to express some discomfort with democracy, no matter how sincerely they may praise it. If they want to mount a more effective response to the populist challenge to progressive politics, then, they need first to acknowledge and address the sources of their ambivalence about democracy.
摘要:是什么让进步派——自封的人民拥护者——成为当代政治中民粹主义怨恨的主要目标?也许是进步派对民主的矛盾心理,而不仅仅是进步派更喜欢指责的种族主义、性别歧视和民族主义情绪。事实上,进步派发现自己被攻击为脱离现实的精英主义者的原因之一可能是他们脱离了精英主义的性质和程度。只要进步派仍然致力于启发人民并赋予他们权力,实现社会进步和社会正义,他们肯定会对民主表示一些不满,无论他们多么真诚地赞扬民主。如果他们想对民粹主义对进步政治的挑战做出更有效的回应,那么,他们首先需要承认并解决他们对民主矛盾心理的根源。
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引用次数: 0
Trump: New Populist or Old Democrat? 特朗普:新民粹主义还是老民主党?
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2019.1713628
Stephanie Muravchik, J. Shields
ABSTRACT Donald Trump’s victory depended on the defection of hundreds of longstanding Democratic communities. Trump appealed to these communities partly because he behaves like some of their most beloved politicians. Like the president, these politicians are brazen, thin skinned, nepotistic, and offer an older, boss-centered vision of politics. Trump—the anti-establishment outsider—appealed to voters in these communities because he resembles the local insiders. This appeal widens an old fault line inside the Democratic Party.
唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)的胜利取决于数百个长期民主党社区的叛逃。特朗普之所以吸引这些群体,部分原因是他的行为举止像他们最喜爱的一些政治家。和总统一样,这些政客厚颜无耻、脸皮薄、任人唯亲,对政治的看法更老、更以老板为中心。特朗普——反建制的局外人——吸引了这些社区的选民,因为他与当地的圈内人相似。这一呼吁扩大了民主党内部旧有的裂痕。
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引用次数: 1
Populism in America: Christopher Lasch, bell hooks, and the Persistence of Democratic Possibility 美国的民粹主义:克里斯托弗·拉希、贝尔·胡克斯和民主可能性的持久性
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2019.1713632
William T. Barndt
ABSTRACT Debates about “populism” in recent years have used thin understandings of the term, which conceal theoretically richer possibilities. This essay explores the thicker understanding of populism developed in Christopher Lasch’s The True and Only Heaven and bell hooks’s belonging. In so doing, the essay suggests other roads forward for arguments about populism in America.
近年来关于“民粹主义”的争论使用了对这个术语的单薄理解,这掩盖了理论上更丰富的可能性。本文探讨了克里斯托弗·拉希的《真实而唯一的天堂》和贝尔·胡克斯的《归属》中对民粹主义更深刻的理解。在这样做的过程中,这篇文章为有关美国民粹主义的争论提出了其他的前进道路。
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引用次数: 2
Populists as Technocrats 民粹主义者是技术官僚
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2019.1788804
Jeffrey S. Friedman
ABSTRACT An intellectually charitable understanding of populism might begin by recognizing that, since populist citizens tend to be politically uninformed and lacking in higher education, populist ideas are likely to be inarticulate reproductions of the tacit assumptions undergirding non-populist or “mainstream” culture rather than stemming from explicit theoretical constructs, such as an apotheosis of the unity or the will of “the people.” What features of our ambient culture, then, could explain the simplistic and combative approach that populists seem to take to politics and policy, their impatience with political debate and deliberation, their willingness to set aside democratic legal forms and political norms, their nationalism, their personalization of politics, their inclination toward conspiracy theorizing, their fondness for fringe sources of information, and their suspicion of political, scientific, and media elites? Using focus group and survey data, we can understand these populist traits as reflections of the culture of “democratic technocracy”: a regime in which we, the people, are assumed capable of rendering sound judgments about how to solve our social and economic problems. Whether or not this assumption is warranted, its cultural dominance seems likely to generate the ideas that populist citizens apparently take for granted.
对民粹主义的理性理解可能首先要认识到,由于民粹主义公民往往在政治上不知情,缺乏高等教育,民粹主义思想很可能是对非民粹主义或“主流”文化的隐性假设的含糊不清的复制,而不是源于明确的理论建构,例如对团结或“人民”意志的崇拜。那么,我们周围文化的哪些特征可以解释民粹主义者似乎对政治和政策采取的简单化和好斗的方法,他们对政治辩论和审议的不耐烦,他们愿意撇开民主的法律形式和政治规范,他们的民族主义,他们的政治个性化,他们倾向于阴谋论,他们喜欢边缘信息来源,以及他们对政治、科学和媒体精英的怀疑?利用焦点小组和调查数据,我们可以将这些民粹主义特征理解为“民主技术官僚”文化的反映:在这种政体中,我们——人民——被认为能够对如何解决我们的社会和经济问题做出合理的判断。无论这种假设是否合理,它的文化主导地位似乎很可能产生民粹主义公民显然认为理所当然的想法。
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引用次数: 9
Naturalism and Its Inadvertent Defenders 自然主义及其无意的捍卫者
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2019.1730592
M. Bevir, Jason Blakely
ABSTRACT The interpretive turn in the social sciences, although much discussed, has effectively stalled and even begun to backslide. With the publication of Interpretive Social Science: An Anti-Naturalist Approach, we provide a systematic defense of interpretive inquiry intended to help reinvigorate this mode of study across the human sciences. This defense, unfortunately, needs to be deployed not only against social scientists who unwittingly adopt naturalistic philosophical assumptions, but against interpretivist fellow travelers such as Michel Foucault, who occasionally do the same thing; and even against interpretivists who assume that their philosophical position is secured by using only qualitative methods, and that quantitative methods are inherently unsuitable to interpretivist purposes.
摘要社会科学中的解释性转向,尽管讨论很多,但实际上已经停滞,甚至开始倒退。随着《解释性社会科学:反自然主义方法》的出版,我们为解释性探究提供了系统的辩护,旨在帮助重振人类科学的这种研究模式。不幸的是,这种辩护不仅需要针对那些无意中采用自然主义哲学假设的社会科学家,还需要针对米歇尔·福柯等偶尔也会做同样事情的解释主义同行;甚至反对解释主义者,他们认为自己的哲学地位是通过只使用定性方法来确保的,而定量方法本质上不适合解释主义的目的。
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引用次数: 0
Anti-Naturalism and Structure in Interpretive Social Science 反自然主义与解释社会科学的结构
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2019.1730591
L. Wedeen
ABSTRACT Mark Bevir and Jason Blakely’s Interpretive Social Science: An Anti-Naturalist Approach successfully points out the problems with various forms of philosophical naturalism, demonstrating how essentialism, synchrony, and an effort to establish lawlike generalizations bedevil social science on both sides of the interpretive/positivist divide. The authors do an excellent job of identifying the philosophical roots and debates that are tied to the interpretive turn, while offering a thought-provoking critique of Michel Foucault. However, Bevir and Blakely overstate the degree to which Foucault’s work succumbs to forms of naturalism more typical of empiricist social science. Although this is certainly a problem in Foucault’s work, the book too readily dismisses his important analysis of deep social structures, which cannot be reduced to individuals’ ideas. Interpretive Social Science also overlooks relevant debates in feminist theory and existing criticisms of political culturalism, raising questions about the book’s intended audience.
马克·贝维尔和杰森·布莱克利的《解释社会科学:一种反自然主义的方法》一书成功地指出了各种形式的哲学自然主义的问题,展示了本质主义、共时性和建立类似法则的概括的努力如何困扰着解释主义和实证主义两派的社会科学。作者出色地识别了与阐释转向相关的哲学根源和辩论,同时对米歇尔·福柯提出了发人深省的批评。然而,Bevir和Blakely夸大了福柯的工作屈从于自然主义形式的程度,这种形式更典型的经验主义社会科学。虽然这当然是福柯作品中的一个问题,但这本书太容易忽视了他对深层社会结构的重要分析,这种分析不能简化为个人的想法。解释性社会科学也忽略了女权主义理论和现有的政治文化主义批评的相关辩论,提出了关于这本书的目标受众的问题。
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引用次数: 1
The Border Wall as a Populist Challenge 边境墙是民粹主义的挑战
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2019.1717742
Paulina Ochoa Espejo
ABSTRACT Most critics of the U.S.-Mexico border wall assume that it represents the xenophobic nationalism typical of right populism. However, the populist message of exclusion is directed not at migrants but at the liberal democrats who compose the traditional mainstream of politics. The wall’s populist message is meant to expose a contradiction: liberal democrats do not know how to reconcile borders with their official commitment to universal inclusion. Right populism and left populism, too exploit this contradiction. Liberal democracy could effectively respond to the populist challenge, however, by using the wall’s symbolic connection to geography and the environment.
摘要大多数美墨边境墙的批评者认为,它代表了右翼民粹主义的仇外民族主义。然而,民粹主义的排斥信息不是针对移民,而是针对构成传统政治主流的自由民主党人。隔离墙的民粹主义信息旨在暴露一个矛盾:自由民主党人不知道如何调和边界与他们对普遍包容的官方承诺。右翼民粹主义和左翼民粹主义也利用了这一矛盾。然而,自由民主可以通过利用隔离墙与地理和环境的象征性联系,有效应对民粹主义的挑战。
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引用次数: 1
Brexit, Positional Populism, and the Declining Appeal of Valence Politics 英国脱欧、位置民粹主义与价值政治吸引力的下降
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2019.1722531
C. Hay, C. Benoît
ABSTRACT A factor that may account for the largely unanticipated victory of Brexit in 2016 is the difference in engagement, mobilization, and, ultimately, turnout between those for whom the question of Brexit was a valence issue (a dry and almost technical question of determining the policies by which uncontroversial shared ends can be achieved) and those for whom it was a positional issue (a question of raw, almost visceral, political preference). The declining appeal of valence politics may reveal a phenomenon that goes beyond Brexit and Britain: a change in the nature and character of contemporary electoral competition that may help to explain the newly resurgent populism characteristic of Western liberal democracies.
2016年英国脱欧在很大程度上出人意料地取得了胜利,其中一个因素可能是在参与、动员和最终投票率方面的差异,对于那些将英国脱欧问题视为一个价价问题(一个决定政策的干涩和几乎技术性的问题,通过这些政策可以实现无争议的共同目标)的人来说,这是一个立场问题(一个原始的、几乎发自内心的政治偏好问题)。价格政治吸引力的下降可能揭示了一种超越英国脱欧和英国的现象:当代选举竞争的性质和特征发生了变化,这可能有助于解释西方自由民主国家民粹主义特征的新复苏。
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引用次数: 4
Beyond Social Science Naturalism: The Case for Ecumenical Interpretivism 超越社会科学的自然主义:普世解释主义的案例
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2020.1729482
Cornel Ban
ABSTRACT The epistemological and methodological wars that bedevil social science often pit those who follow in the footsteps of natural science and those who favor a more holistic, interpretive approach. Into this war-torn landscape, Mark Bevir and Jason Blakley have dropped a plea for interpretive social science that will surely serve as a touchstone for years to come. However, their anti-naturalism is of the methodologically ecumenical kind, with the qualitative toolkit cohabiting with mass surveys, large-N statistics, and other quantitative methods under well-specified conditions. The book’s insights therefore dovetail with emerging ecumenical trends in international political economy and even economics.
困扰社会科学的认识论和方法论之争,往往使那些追随自然科学脚步的人与那些倾向于更全面、更解释性方法的人陷入困境。在这片饱受战争蹂躏的土地上,马克·贝维尔(Mark Bevir)和杰森·布莱克利(Jason Blakley)提出了对解释性社会科学的呼吁,这无疑将成为未来几年的试金石。然而,他们的反自然主义是方法论上的普世主义,在明确规定的条件下,定性工具与大规模调查、大n统计和其他定量方法共存。因此,这本书的见解与国际政治经济学甚至经济学中出现的普世主义趋势相吻合。
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引用次数: 1
Index to Vol. 31 (2019) 第31卷指数(2019年)
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2019.1809222
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引用次数: 0
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Critical Review
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