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Why Do Experts Disagree? 为什么专家意见不一?
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2020.1872948
J. Reiss
ABSTRACT Jeffrey Friedman’s Power Without Knowledge argues forcefully that there are inherent limitations to the predictability of human action, due to a circumstance he calls “ideational heterogeneity.” However, our resources for predicting human action somewhat reliably in the light of ideational heterogeneity have not been exhausted yet, and there are no in-principle barriers to progress in tackling the problem. There are, however, other strong reasons to think that disagreement among epistocrats is bound to persist, such that it will be difficult to decide who has “the right answer” to a given technocratic problem. These reasons have to do with competing visions of the good society, fact/value entanglement, and the fragility of the facts of the social sciences.
杰弗里·弗里德曼的《无知识的权力》有力地论证了人类行为的可预测性存在固有的局限性,这是由于一种他称之为“观念异质性”的情况。然而,根据观念的异质性,我们预测人类行为的资源还没有耗尽,而且在解决这个问题方面没有原则上的障碍。然而,还有其他强有力的理由让我们认为,贵族之间的分歧肯定会持续下去,因此,很难决定谁对给定的技术官僚问题有“正确答案”。这些原因与良好社会的相互竞争的愿景、事实/价值纠缠以及社会科学事实的脆弱性有关。
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引用次数: 18
What Follows from the Problem of Ignorance? 无知的问题会带来什么?
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2020.1846309
Zeynep Pamuk
ABSTRACT In Power Without Knowledge, Jeffrey Friedman develops a critique of social science to argue that current technocratic practices are prone to predictive failures and unintended consequences. However, he does not provide evidence that the cause he singles out—“ideational heterogeneity”—is in fact a non-negligible source of technocratic limitations, more than or alongside better-known problems such as missing data, measurement issues, interpretive difficulties, and researcher bias. Even if we grant ideational heterogeneity, Friedman’s preferred institutional solution of exitocracy does not necessarily follow. His critical epistemology would also be compatible with radical forms of collective action.
摘要杰弗里·弗里德曼(Jeffrey Friedman)在《无知识的权力》(Power Without Knowledge)一书中对社会科学进行了批判,认为当前的技术官僚做法容易出现预测性的失败和意想不到的后果。然而,他并没有提供证据表明,他所指出的原因——“概念异质性”——实际上是技术官僚局限性的一个不可忽视的来源,除了或与更为知名的问题一起,如数据缺失、测量问题、解释困难和研究者偏见。即使我们赋予概念异质性,弗里德曼偏好的流亡制度解决方案也不一定遵循。他的批判认识论也将与激进的集体行动形式相兼容。
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引用次数: 5
Social Science and the Problem of Interpretation: A Pragmatic Dual(ist) Approach 社会科学与阐释问题:一种语用双重方法
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2020.1840856
Adam B. Lerner
ABSTRACT In Power Without Knowledge, Jeffrey Friedman contends that ideational complexity can stymie social-scientific understanding and prevent the reliable predictive knowledge required of a well-functioning technocracy. However, even this somewhat pessimistic outlook may understate the problem. Ideational complexity has both cognitive and phenomenal dimensions, each of which poses unique dilemmas. Further, due to its methodological individualism, Friedman’s vision may neglect emergent layers of knowledge produced through social interaction, creating yet another source of unknowns. Given these two factors, social science should embrace a pluralism regarding levels of analysis. This would recognize the multifaceted limitations on social-science knowledge production, furthering epistemic humility about the potential role of social science in technocratic policymaking.
摘要在《无知识的权力》一书中,杰弗里·弗里德曼认为,概念复杂性会阻碍社会科学理解,并阻碍一个运作良好的技术官僚所需的可靠预测知识。然而,即使是这种有点悲观的前景也可能低估了这个问题。理想复杂性既有认知维度,也有现象维度,每一个维度都会带来独特的困境。此外,由于其方法论上的个人主义,弗里德曼的愿景可能会忽视通过社会互动产生的新兴知识层,从而创造出另一个未知的来源。考虑到这两个因素,社会科学应该在分析水平上采取多元化。这将认识到社会科学知识生产的多方面局限性,进一步加深对社会科学在技术官僚决策中潜在作用的认识谦逊。
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引用次数: 3
Exit, Voice and Technocracy 退出、声音与技术统治
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2020.1838800
Jonathan Benson
ABSTRACT In Power Without Knowledge, Jeffrey Friedman develops a critique of technocracy and in doing so makes an epistemic case for exit over voice. He argues that a technocracy that fails to take people’s ideational heterogeneity into account is unlikely to possess the knowledge required to solve social problems, and that the alternative of “exitocracy” may, in some cases, overcome these limits. By creating the conditions under which individuals can exit from undesirable social situations, an exitocracy may allow people to escape their social ills without knowing their society-wide causes or solutions. As Friedman recognizes, however, an exitocracy still requires technocratic knowledge, and this paper explores these requirements in further detail. First, it investigates the limits of exit as a solution to social problems, and the extent to which technocratic policies can be substituted for exit. Second, it considers the need for technocratic knowledge in the promotion of exit opportunities, and how this undermines Friedman’s defense of exitocracy.
摘要在《无知识的权力》一书中,杰弗里·弗里德曼对技术官僚进行了批判,并在批判中提出了超越声音退出的认识论理由。他认为,一个没有考虑到人们思想异质性的技术官僚不太可能拥有解决社会问题所需的知识,在某些情况下,“流亡”的替代方案可能会克服这些限制。通过创造条件,使个人能够摆脱不良的社会状况,流亡可能会让人们在不知道其全社会原因或解决方案的情况下逃离社会弊病。然而,正如弗里德曼所认识到的,流亡仍然需要技术官僚知识,本文将进一步详细探讨这些要求。首先,它调查了作为社会问题解决方案的退出的局限性,以及技术官僚政策在多大程度上可以取代退出。其次,它考虑了在促进退出机会方面对技术官僚知识的需求,以及这如何破坏弗里德曼对流亡的辩护。
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引用次数: 2
Disagreement, Epistemic Paralysis, and the Legitimacy of Technocracy 分歧、认知麻痹和技术官僚的合法性
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2020.1838743
É. Brown, Zoe Williams
ABSTRACT Jeffrey Friedman convincingly argues that technocrats may often lack the knowledge required to enact public policies that will effectively promote their consequentialist goals. Friedman’s argument is strong enough to produce technocratic paralysis, in many cases, but “epistemic gambles” may present a way out of this problem. His discussion of exitocracy also raises the question of how to square his internal form of technocratic critique with the question of democratic legitimacy.
杰弗里·弗里德曼令人信服地指出,技术官僚可能往往缺乏制定公共政策所需的知识,而这些政策将有效地促进他们的结果主义目标。在许多情况下,弗里德曼的论点足以造成技术官僚的瘫痪,但“认知赌博”可能提供了一条解决这个问题的途径。他对exit - ocracy的讨论也提出了一个问题,即如何将他的技术官僚批判的内部形式与民主合法性的问题结合起来。
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引用次数: 1
The Spiral of Responsibility and the Pressure to Conflict 责任的螺旋和冲突的压力
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2020.1841387
Eric MacGilvray
ABSTRACT This essay calls attention to two blind spots in Power Without Knowledge. First, the book has little to say about the role that political institutions can play in promoting effective democratic governance. Drawing on the “mixed government” tradition, I argue that properly designed institutions can correct for the epistemic deficits that Friedman describes by creating what I call the “pressure to conflict.” Second and more importantly, the book has nothing to say about the role of responsible leadership in a democratic technocracy. Drawing on Max Weber’s analysis of the ethics of responsibility and the ethics of conviction, I argue that responsible leadership can promote judicious technocracy in a dynamic that I call the “spiral of responsibility.” The responsible leader recognizes that to recuse oneself from the exercise of technocratic power is to empower the unscrupulous and irresponsible. According to Weber, any theory of politics that fails to embrace the ethics of responsibility will therefore occupy an uneasy middle ground between quietism and enthusiasm. This, I fear, is where Power Without Knowledge may leave us.
摘要:本文关注《无知识的权力》中的两个盲点。首先,这本书对政治机构在促进有效的民主治理方面可以发挥的作用只字未提。借鉴“混合政府”的传统,我认为,设计得当的制度可以通过制造我所说的“冲突压力”来纠正弗里德曼所描述的认识缺陷。其次,也是更重要的一点,这本书对负责任的领导在民主技术官僚中的作用只字未提。根据马克斯·韦伯对责任伦理和信念伦理的分析,我认为负责任的领导可以在我称之为“责任螺旋”的动态中促进明智的技术官僚。负责任的领导人认识到,回避行使技术官僚权力就是赋予肆无忌惮和不负责任的人权力。根据韦伯的说法,任何不包含责任伦理的政治理论都将因此在安静主义和热情之间占据一个令人不安的中间地带。我担心,这就是没有知识的力量可能留给我们的地方。
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引用次数: 2
Technocracy, Governmentality, and Post-Structuralism 技术官僚、治理和后结构主义
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2020.1842004
O. Larsson
ABSTRACT The technocratic dimension of government—its reliance upon knowledge claims, usually in scientific guise—is of great importance if we wish to understand modern power and governance. In Power Without Knowledge: A Critique of Technocracy, Jeffrey Friedman investigates the often-overlooked question of the relationship between technocratic knowledge/power and ideas. Friedman’s contribution to our understanding of technocracy can therefore be read as a contribution to governmentality studies, one that introduces the possibility of adding normative solutions to this critical tradition.
如果我们希望理解现代权力和治理,政府的技术官僚维度——它对知识主张的依赖,通常以科学的名义——是非常重要的。在《无知识的权力:对技术统治的批判》一书中,杰弗里·弗里德曼研究了一个经常被忽视的问题,即技术统治的知识/权力与思想之间的关系。因此,弗里德曼对我们理解技术统治的贡献可以被解读为对治理学研究的贡献,他为这一批判传统引入了规范性解决方案的可能性。
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引用次数: 2
Political Epistemology, Technocracy, and Political Anthropology: Reply to a Symposium on Power Without Knowledge 政治认识论、技术政治学和政治人类学——对一次“无知识的权力”研讨会的回应
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2020.1891708
Jeffrey S. Friedman
ABSTRACT A political epistemology that enables us to determine if political actors are likely to know what they need to know must be rooted in an ontology of the actors and of the human objects of their knowledge; that is, a political anthropology. The political anthropology developed in Power Without Knowledge envisions human beings as creatures whose conscious actions are determined by their interpretations of what seem to them to be relevant circumstances; and whose interpretations are, in turn, determined by webs of belief built from somewhat heterogeneous streams of incoming ideas. This anthropology, then, has two components. Ideational heterogeneity undermines the aspiration of technocracy to predict human behavior and the aspiration of social science to arrive at lawlike generalizations about it. Ideational determinism, however, which is less important than ideational heterogeneity to the critique of technocracy, may be more important to generating epistemological approaches to other forms of politics, all of which involve the actions of human beings who, as such, are largely at the mercy of the fallible ideas to which they have been exposed.
摘要使我们能够确定政治行动者是否可能知道他们需要知道的东西的政治认识论必须植根于行动者及其知识的人类对象的本体论;即政治人类学。在《无知识的力量》中发展起来的政治人类学将人类视为一种生物,其意识行为是由他们对相关环境的解释决定的;反过来,他们的解释是由从某种程度上异质的思想流中建立起来的信念网决定的。因此,这种人类学有两个组成部分。观念异质性破坏了技术官僚预测人类行为的愿望,也破坏了社会科学对人类行为进行法律概括的愿望。然而,对于技术官僚的批判来说,观念决定论不如观念异质性重要,但对于产生其他形式政治的认识论方法来说,所有这些都涉及到人类的行为,因此,人类在很大程度上受制于他们所接触到的易犯错误的思想。
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引用次数: 2
Power, Knowledge, and Anarchism 权力、知识和无政府主义
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2020.1872946
Robin B. Reamer
ABSTRACT While Jeffrey Friedman’s Power Without Knowledge offers a welcome corrective to the technocratic statism that dominates modern politics, Wittgenstein’s view of language suggests that the problem of ideational heterogeneity is less worrisome than Friedman maintains. In addition, Friedman’s “exitocracy” is as epistemically demanding as ordinary technocracy and thus cannot provide an alternative to it. Anarchism, however, might provide a more consistent alternative to technocracy.
虽然杰弗里·弗里德曼的《无知识的权力》为主导现代政治的技术官僚国家主义提供了一种受欢迎的纠正,但维特根斯坦的语言观点表明,概念异质性的问题并不像弗里德曼所认为的那样令人担忧。此外,弗里德曼的“出口统治”在认识论上和普通的技术统治一样苛刻,因此无法提供替代方案。然而,无政府主义可能会为技术官僚提供一个更一致的选择。
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引用次数: 3
Political Epistemology Beyond Democratic Theory: Introduction to Symposium on Power Without Knowledge 超越民主理论的政治认识论——无知权力研讨会导论
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/08913811.2020.1889125
P. Gunn
ABSTRACT Jeffrey Friedman’s Power Without Knowledge builds a critical epistemology of technocracy, rather than a democratic argument against it. For its democratic critics, technocracy is illegitimate because it amounts to the rule of cognitive elites, violating principles of mutual respect and collective self-determination. For its proponents, technocracy’s legitimacy depends on its ability to use reliable knowledge to solve social and economic problems. But Friedman demonstrates that to meet the proponents' “internal,” epistemic standard of legitimacy, technocrats would have to reckon with the heterogeneity of people’s ideas, which he presents as one of two aspects of a political anthropology of ideational beings. The other aspect is ideational determinism: the shaping of our conscious actions by our interpretations, and of our interpretations by “ideational exposures” (which are, to some extent, heterogeneous). For the most part, our symposiasts agree with this anthropology or leave it uncontested, but they fall back on democratic theory to point toward alternatives to technocracy. This raises the question, which Friedman does not ask, of whether his political anthropology undermines a certain brand of democratic theory: the liberal brand that attaches respect to people’s opinions as products of “free reflection,” i.e., as underdetermined.
摘要:杰弗里·弗里德曼的《无知识的力量》建立了一种对技术官僚的批判认识论,而不是反对它的民主论点。对其民主批评者来说,技术官僚是非法的,因为它相当于认知精英的统治,违反了相互尊重和集体自决的原则。对其支持者来说,技术官僚的合法性取决于其利用可靠知识解决社会和经济问题的能力。但弗里德曼证明,为了满足支持者的“内部”合法性认识标准,技术官僚必须考虑人们思想的异质性,他将其作为概念存在的政治人类学的两个方面之一。另一个方面是概念决定论:通过我们的解释来塑造我们的意识行为,并通过“概念暴露”(在某种程度上,这是异质的)来形成我们的解释。在大多数情况下,我们的专题讨论会同意这一人类学,或者让它没有争议,但他们回到民主理论,指向技术官僚的替代方案。这提出了一个弗里德曼没有问的问题,即他的政治人类学是否破坏了民主理论的某种品牌:自由主义品牌将尊重人们的意见视为“自由反思”的产物,即不确定。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Critical Review
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