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Belgium’s “Truth Commission” on its overseas colonial legacy: An expressivist analysis of transitional justice in consolidated democracies 比利时关于其海外殖民遗产的“真相委员会”:对巩固民主国家过渡正义的表现主义分析
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2042220
Tine Destrooper
Abstract In the summer of 2020, the Belgian Parliament established a Special Parliamentary Commission tasked with launching an enquiry into Belgium’s overseas colonial legacy and reflecting on appropriate reparations. It was the first consolidated democracy to establish a truth commission to investigate the historical and ongoing injustices related to overseas colonialism. In this article, I argue in favor of treating this commission as a truth commission and focus on the extra-legal and expressivist functions of truth commissions to understand potential long-term and indirect effects of this initiative. The central premise is that justice processes can shape and create meaning systems that gain the status of “truth” and can come to dominate how we understand and organize ourselves and our social world. In the descriptive section, I use primary sources to examine the genesis, mandate, composition, first steps, and reception of the commission’s work, foregrounding critical voices. In the analytical section, I examine whether the commission is indeed furthering a thick kind of accountability or whether, instead, it risks cementing and contributing to epistemic injustices. As such, the article provides a detailed overview of a commission that has been scantly covered in academic literature, as well as contributing to the debate about potentially unforeseen effects of using transitional justice processes such as truth commissions in consolidated democracies.
摘要2020年夏天,比利时议会成立了一个特别议会委员会,负责调查比利时的海外殖民遗产,并反思适当的赔偿。它是第一个建立真相委员会来调查与海外殖民主义有关的历史和持续的不公正现象的巩固民主国家。在这篇文章中,我主张将该委员会视为真相委员会,并关注真相委员会的法外和表达功能,以了解这一举措的潜在长期和间接影响。核心前提是,正义过程可以塑造和创造意义系统,从而获得“真理”的地位,并可以支配我们如何理解和组织自己和我们的社会世界。在描述部分,我使用主要来源来研究委员会工作的起源、任务、组成、第一步和接受情况,突出批评声音。在分析部分,我考察了委员会是否真的在推进一种严格的问责制,或者相反,它是否有巩固和助长认识上的不公正的风险。因此,这篇文章详细概述了学术文献中很少涉及的一个委员会,并为关于在巩固民主国家中使用过渡司法程序(如真相委员会)可能产生的不可预见的影响的辩论做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Criminal justice in Ghana as experienced by people with disabilities: An analysis of the availability, accessibility, acceptability, and quality of services 加纳残疾人经历的刑事司法:服务的可得性、可及性、可接受性和质量分析
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2037410
G. Owusu, M. Opoku, J. Dogbe, W. Mprah, William Nketsia, Vincent Opoku Karikari
Abstract Despite the immense exploitation, violence, abuse, prejudice, and neglect experienced by persons with disabilities, little is known about the accessibility of the criminal justice system to them in sub-Saharan African contexts. We adapted the availability, accessibility, acceptability, and quality of Services model (AAAQ model) of the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to explore the participation of persons with disabilities in the criminal justice system. We used a semistructured interview guide to collect data from a sample of 20 participants: 10 with disabilities and 10 key informants. Based on all the levels of indicators (of the AAAQ model), we found that the criminal justice system was unfriendly toward persons with disabilities due to factors such as lack of funds, inaccessible physical environments, language and communication barriers, and negative attitudes toward persons with disabilities. We also discuss the need for governments to demonstrate commitment toward providing public legal institutions with adaptable facilities as well as to recruiting qualified persons who are knowledgeable about disability issues.
摘要尽管残疾人遭受了巨大的剥削、暴力、虐待、偏见和忽视,但在撒哈拉以南非洲地区,人们对他们能否利用刑事司法系统知之甚少。我们调整了联合国人权事务高级专员办事处(人权高专办)的可用性、无障碍性、可接受性和服务质量模式(AAAQ模式),以探索残疾人参与刑事司法系统的问题。我们使用半结构化访谈指南从20名参与者的样本中收集数据:10名残疾人和10名 关键线人。根据(AAAQ模型)的所有指标,我们发现,由于缺乏资金、无法进入的物理环境、语言和沟通障碍以及对残疾人的负面态度等因素,刑事司法系统对残疾人不友好。我们还讨论了政府是否有必要承诺为公共法律机构提供适应性强的设施,以及招聘了解残疾问题的合格人员。
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引用次数: 0
Naming and shaming, government messaging, and backlash effects: Experimental evidence from the Convention Against Torture 点名和羞辱、政府信息和反弹效应:来自《禁止酷刑公约》的实验证据
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-04 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2021.2011710
Brian Greenhill, Dan Reiter
Abstract Conventional thinking proposes that naming and shaming pushes publics to oppose government policies that are claimed to violate human rights. We explore the extent to which international organizations’ (IOs’) efforts to name and shame target governments can be frustrated by the target governments’ efforts to advance a counter-narrative. We test this using a survey-based experiment that focuses on the use of prolonged solitary confinement in US prisons. The results suggest that government messaging has powerful effects on public opinion. These effects are more readily discernible than the effects of IO signals. We also find some limited evidence to suggest that messages from international nongovernmental organizations can, by themselves, elicit a backlash among the respondents. Surprisingly, we found similar effects among both Democrats and Republicans. This demonstrates important limitations to IOs’ naming and shaming tactics.
传统思想认为,点名羞辱会促使公众反对政府声称侵犯人权的政策。我们探讨了国际组织点名羞辱目标政府的努力在多大程度上会因目标政府提出反叙事的努力而受挫。我们使用一项基于调查的实验来测试这一点,该实验侧重于美国监狱中长期单独监禁的使用。研究结果表明,政府信息对公众舆论有着强大的影响。这些影响比IO信号的影响更容易辨别。我们还发现一些有限的证据表明,来自国际非政府组织的信息本身可能会引起受访者的强烈反对。令人惊讶的是,我们在民主党和共和党中都发现了类似的效果。这表明了IO的点名羞辱策略的重要局限性。
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引用次数: 2
Negotiated rights: UN treaty negotiation, socialization, and human rights 谈判权利:联合国条约谈判、社会化和人权
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2021.2014794
Audrey L. Comstock
Abstract International relations scholars have noted the importance of negotiations and socialization in shaping state human rights. So far, we know surprisingly little about how negotiation participation shapes human rights practices. I argue that human rights treaty negotiations socialize states in important ways through repeated interactions in a formal institutional structure. Focusing on the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, I test whether negotiating states improved, worsened, or made no changes in their rights practices. Using data on UN negotiation participation, I found states negotiating the treaties contributed to positive human rights practices. This finding was the strongest around 10 years after treaty creation, although it was significant decades after treaty creation. The finding held against robustness checks. This research contributes to the study of human rights law, compliance, and socialization within international organizations.
国际关系学者注意到谈判和社会化在塑造国家人权方面的重要性。到目前为止,我们对参与谈判如何影响人权实践知之甚少。我认为,人权条约谈判通过在正式制度结构中反复互动,以重要方式使国家社会化。以《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》和《消除对妇女一切形式歧视公约》为重点,我测试了谈判国在权利实践方面是有所改善、恶化还是没有改变。利用联合国谈判参与的数据,我发现谈判条约的国家对积极的人权实践做出了贡献。这一发现在条约创建后的10年左右最为明显,尽管它在条约创建后的几十年里意义重大。这一发现不利于稳健性检查。这项研究有助于研究国际组织内的人权法、遵守和社会化问题。
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引用次数: 4
“Legal exhaustion” and the crisis of human rights: Tracing legal mobilization against sexual violence and torture of Kurdish women in state custody in Turkey since the 1990s “法律的穷竭”和人权危机:追溯1990年代以来土耳其国家拘留中库尔德妇女反对性暴力和酷刑的法律动员
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2030206
N. Göksel, Jaimie Morse
Abstract Throughout the 1990s and 2000s, Kurdish women reported sexual violence in state custody during intense conflicts between the Turkish military and the guerrilla organization PKK. Drawing on archival research and in-depth interviews with lawyers and activists in Turkey, we trace the development of legal mobilization by human rights lawyers and activists who characterized state-led sexual violence in the Kurdish region as a war crime against women and brought cases before domestic courts and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). Inspired by the work of Kerem Altıparmak, we develop the concept of “legal exhaustion” to characterize the emotional and relational aspects of legal mobilization in the context of war and counterterrorism politics. Bringing together scholarship in sociolegal studies and critical approaches to human rights, we argue that legal exhaustion is productive—not just an unproductive and constraining state—prompting human rights lawyers to sustain legal mobilization in/outside courts and critique national and international laws.
摘要在整个20世纪90年代和21世纪初,库尔德妇女报告称,在土耳其军方与游击队组织库尔德工人党之间的激烈冲突中,她们在国家拘留所遭受性暴力。根据档案研究和对土耳其律师和活动家的深入采访,我们追踪了人权律师和活动家法律动员的发展,他们将库尔德地区国家领导的性暴力定性为针对妇女的战争罪,并向国内法院和欧洲人权法院提起诉讼。受Kerem Altıparmak工作的启发,我们提出了“法律疲惫”的概念,以描述战争和反恐政治背景下法律动员的情感和关系方面。将社会法律研究的学术和人权批判方法结合起来,我们认为,法律疲惫是富有成效的——而不仅仅是一种没有成效和约束的状态——促使人权律师在法院内外保持法律动员,并批评国家和国际法。
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引用次数: 0
New frontiers in international human rights: Actionable nonactionables and the (non)performance of perpetual becoming 国际人权的新领域:可采取行动的不可修正案和永久性的(非)表现
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2040357
K. Clarke
Abstract This article explores the emergence of various international justice narratives that operate as legal nonperformatives, making the law and law making seem liberatory. It shows that the ratification of a treaty may not qualify as a form of state expression or a speech act advocating human rights. Instead, it can be interpreted through semiotics as sending a signal about a stance. By examining this proleptic space, we can begin to make sense of what we cannot yet see, and perhaps begin to forecast whether the core tenets of international human rights will soon be reinvented or merely perpetuated.
摘要本文探讨了作为法律非履行行为的各种国际司法叙事的出现,使法律和法律制定似乎具有解放性。它表明,批准一项条约可能不符合国家表达形式或倡导人权的言论行为的条件。相反,它可以通过符号学解释为发送有关立场的信号。通过研究这一预见空间,我们可以开始理解我们尚未看到的东西,也许还可以开始预测国际人权的核心原则是否会很快被重新发明或仅仅是延续下去。
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引用次数: 1
The future of human rights: A research agenda 人权的未来:研究议程
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2030209
Alison Brysk
In turbulent times, we stand at the leading edge of human rights. The previous generation of human rights scholarship debated the balance between a rising tide and an end times of human rights. From where we stand, we can discern both directions — and looking ahead, rising issues in the distance. Our research can only glimpse the social problems and power relations emerging at the horizon. These phenomena pose challenges to the continuing construction of human rights as a movement to expand norms and practices of who is human , what is right , and who is responsible . The human rights agenda sits at the crossroads of historic progress and hard times. On the one hand, the arc of history bends through consequential advocacy campaigns — from antislavery to anti-apartheid, expanding rights frames, and a growing interactive regime of global, regional, national, local, and transnational institutions for monitoring, advocacy, socialization, capacity building, and accountabil-ity — that culminates in an unprecedented justice cascade. On the other hand, historic governance gaps threaten the lives, liberties, and well-being of people displaced from their homes, livelihoods, and identi-ties by global forces beyond their control — from conflict to disaster to distorted development — while gender-based violence affects an estimated one of three women and girls worldwide. On every contin-ent, illiberal ethnonationalists degrade democratic institutions, minorities and migrants, women ’ s rights, sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) rights, and global governance, often posing counternorms to rights based in religious or populist claims: notably, in the United States, India, Turkey, Brazil, Hungary, Poland, the Philippines, and Israel. analytic to the This and rights-bearing
在动荡时期,我们站在人权的前沿。上一代人权学者就人权的兴起和终结之间的平衡进行了辩论。从我们的立场来看,我们可以看到两个方向——展望未来,远处不断出现的问题。我们的研究只能窥见地平线上出现的社会问题和权力关系。这些现象对人权的持续建设构成了挑战,这是一场扩大谁是人、什么是权利和谁负责的规范和实践的运动。人权议程正处于历史进步和困难时期的十字路口。一方面,历史的弧线通过相应的宣传运动而弯曲——从反奴隶制到反种族隔离,扩大权利框架,以及由全球、地区、国家、地方和跨国机构组成的日益互动的监督、宣传、社会化、能力建设和问责制度——最终形成了前所未有的司法级联。另一方面,历史性的治理差距威胁着被他们无法控制的全球力量(从冲突到灾难再到扭曲的发展)从家园、生计和身份关系中流离失所的人的生命、自由和福祉,而基于性别的暴力影响着全世界约三分之一的妇女和女孩。在每一个大陆上,不自由的民族主义者都贬低民主制度、少数民族和移民、妇女权利、性取向和性别认同(SOGI)权利以及全球治理,经常对基于宗教或民粹主义主张的权利提出反规范:尤其是在美国、印度、土耳其、巴西、匈牙利、波兰、菲律宾和以色列。对此与权利承担的分析
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引用次数: 1
The boundaries of religion in international human rights law 国际人权法中的宗教界限
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2040356
S. Corner
Abstract Intergovernmental institutions constitute “ecological” settings in which international human rights laws and norms are developed and shaped over time. Yet understandings of these settings remain limited. Notable feminist scholars of international law have argued that uncritical reliance on gendered dichotomies—such as objective/subjective, legal/political, and binding/nonbinding—has stunted knowledge of these spaces. I extend this critique by arguing reliance on yet another gendered dichotomy—the secular/religious—has further limited knowledge in this area. Moving past this unreflective reliance provides needed space to identify previously unrecognized ways supposedly local and global factors intersect to shape human rights norm-making within intergovernmental legal institutions. I demonstrate this using data collected as part of a qualitative study that examined how UN officials who work with women’s rights conceptualize the meaning of religion and its relationship to the human rights legal standards they work to interpret, monitor, and advance.
政府间机构构成了“生态”环境,国际人权法律和规范在其中逐渐发展和形成。然而,对这些环境的理解仍然有限。著名的国际法女权主义学者认为,不加批判地依赖性别二分法——比如客观/主观、法律/政治、有约束力/无约束力——阻碍了对这些空间的认识。我扩展了这一批评,认为依赖另一种性别二分法——世俗/宗教——进一步限制了这一领域的知识。摆脱这种不经思考的依赖提供了必要的空间,以确定以前未被认识到的方式,据称是当地因素和全球因素交织在一起,影响政府间法律机构内的人权规范制定。我用一项定性研究收集的数据来证明这一点,该研究考察了从事妇女权利工作的联合国官员如何概念化宗教的含义及其与他们努力解释、监督和推进的人权法律标准的关系。
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引用次数: 0
The evolution of the global movement to end child marriage 全球终止童婚运动的演变
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2030208
A. Vilán
Abstract Although international and domestic laws prohibit child marriage, millions of girls are married every year worldwide, a trend only aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Since the turn of the century, the global advocacy movement to end child marriage has gained momentum by standardizing its framing, using testimonies and symbols to generate empathy and mobilize solidarity, and engaging with policymakers to end the practice. In this article, I draw on newspaper articles, advocacy reports, and interviews with activists in the United States and Latin America to identify the reasons behind its success. I also discuss several challenges activists are grappling with as the movement evolves, including intra-network dynamics regarding the centrality of sexuality and the forms child marriage adopts around the world.
摘要尽管国际和国内法律禁止童婚,但全球每年有数百万女孩结婚,新冠肺炎疫情加剧了这一趋势。自本世纪之交以来,结束童婚的全球倡导运动通过使其框架标准化、使用证词和符号来产生同理心和动员团结,以及与政策制定者接触以结束这种做法而获得了势头。在这篇文章中,我引用了报纸文章、宣传报道以及对美国和拉丁美洲活动家的采访,以确定其成功背后的原因。我还讨论了随着运动的发展,活动家们正在努力应对的几个挑战,包括关于性的中心性和世界各地童婚形式的网络内动态。
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引用次数: 2
Introduction to human rights on the edge: The future of international human rights law and practice 《边缘人权概论:国际人权法与实践的未来》
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2030210
T. Hepner, Heather Smith-Cannoy
Abstract We convened a conference funded by the National Science Foundation at Arizona State University in April 2021. The 40 papers presented at the conference, a subset of which form this special issue, together demonstrated that, far from collapsing in the face of duress, law is a malleable tool that is deployed in novel ways to promote human rights. Collectively, the conference participants illustrated that the power of human rights lies not in their essentialized transcendence of time, culture, and context, but in their enduring promise that a more just world can emerge from sustained and creative struggle through, against, and at the margins of states, laws, and institutions. Ultimately, the key questions to emerge are not whether human rights law and practice will survive, but rather, what are the forces that continue to sustain, revitalize, and transform them? And what are human rights in the process of becoming?
我们于2021年4月在亚利桑那州立大学召开了一次由美国国家科学基金会资助的会议。在会议上发表的40篇论文(其中的一部分构成了本期特刊)共同表明,面对胁迫,法律远没有崩溃,而是一种可塑的工具,可以以新颖的方式用于促进人权。与会者共同表明,人权的力量不在于其对时间、文化和背景的本质超越,而在于其持久的承诺,即通过与国家、法律和制度进行、反对或处于边缘的持续和创造性的斗争,可以产生一个更公正的世界。最终,出现的关键问题不是人权法律和实践能否继续存在,而是什么力量继续维持、振兴和改变人权法律和实践?人权正在变成什么?
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Human Rights
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