Pub Date : 2022-07-24DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2102615
A. Chalari
ABSTRACT This study investigates the factors that might have affected the implementation of the mask-wearing measure in Greek society from March 2020 to November 2021. To do so, this study utilizes a critical review of dominant characteristics of modern Greek society followed by a systematic review of the most recent literature on mask-wearing attitudes. The data in this study is derived from official Greek governmental announcements regarding the mask-wearing measure during the pandemic and the depiction of attitudes towards mask-wearing through Greek digital media, including digital newspapers, informative magazines and websites, and digital news sites. The article argues that the main preventive factors relate to distrust towards authority, including specific identified barriers according to relevant literature. More importantly, this study reinforces the significance of the adequate appreciation of the historical, cultural and social context within which political measures are implemented regardless of their global scale and universal necessity.
{"title":"Why resist?: opposition to mask-wearing during the Covid-19 pandemic in Greece","authors":"A. Chalari","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2102615","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2102615","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study investigates the factors that might have affected the implementation of the mask-wearing measure in Greek society from March 2020 to November 2021. To do so, this study utilizes a critical review of dominant characteristics of modern Greek society followed by a systematic review of the most recent literature on mask-wearing attitudes. The data in this study is derived from official Greek governmental announcements regarding the mask-wearing measure during the pandemic and the depiction of attitudes towards mask-wearing through Greek digital media, including digital newspapers, informative magazines and websites, and digital news sites. The article argues that the main preventive factors relate to distrust towards authority, including specific identified barriers according to relevant literature. More importantly, this study reinforces the significance of the adequate appreciation of the historical, cultural and social context within which political measures are implemented regardless of their global scale and universal necessity.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"251 - 274"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45409392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-19DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2096203
Burcu Değerli Çifçi, T. Baycan
ABSTRACT This paper aims to (i) investigate the crucial role of marine trade, (ii) reveal the main characteristics and the integrating role of ports, (iii) analyze the networks of ports serving at the international level, produce route maps, and examine transportation corridors affecting the BSEC region that constitutes a significant part of Southeast Europe. In this context, we have carried out the social network analysis (SNA), which allows an understanding of the network structure, social dynamics, trends, and the actors’ effects in the network. According to SNA, Romania – Constanta Port, Bulgaria – Burgas Port, Ukraine – Chornomorsk Port, Russian Federation – Novorossiysk Port, Georgia – Batumi Port, and Turkey – Samsunport are the most prominent ports of the region. Due to the features they have and their involvement in international transportation projects, the ports are a tool for directing/accelerating foreign trade and marine traffic and developing economic cooperation between countries in the Black Sea Region.
{"title":"Marine trade and analysis of the ports in the Black Sea economic cooperation region","authors":"Burcu Değerli Çifçi, T. Baycan","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2096203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2096203","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper aims to (i) investigate the crucial role of marine trade, (ii) reveal the main characteristics and the integrating role of ports, (iii) analyze the networks of ports serving at the international level, produce route maps, and examine transportation corridors affecting the BSEC region that constitutes a significant part of Southeast Europe. In this context, we have carried out the social network analysis (SNA), which allows an understanding of the network structure, social dynamics, trends, and the actors’ effects in the network. According to SNA, Romania – Constanta Port, Bulgaria – Burgas Port, Ukraine – Chornomorsk Port, Russian Federation – Novorossiysk Port, Georgia – Batumi Port, and Turkey – Samsunport are the most prominent ports of the region. Due to the features they have and their involvement in international transportation projects, the ports are a tool for directing/accelerating foreign trade and marine traffic and developing economic cooperation between countries in the Black Sea Region.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"61 - 88"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47777069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-13DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2101188
Ion Marandici
ABSTRACT Under what conditions does conflict resolution fail? This article identifies several undertheorized factors hindering conflict resolution. It argues that structural bias, inadequate leverage and a polarized mediation format render negotiations ineffective, undermining the peace process. Durable peace settlements are unlikely when mediators become parties to the conflict, patronize the rebels, shape the domestic politics of the parent-states, and promote resolution plans advancing their security interests. The concepts of structural bias and polarized mediation are further explored by employing a structured focused comparison of the conflict management strategies in Transnistria (Moldova) and Donbas (Ukraine). The comparative examination revealed that Russia, as a power mediator, displayed a structural bias towards the rebel side but lacked sufficient leverage to impose a settlement on both parties. It attempted to increase its influence over Ukraine by getting entangled in the Donbas conflict, recognizing the secessionist regions and launching a conventional war against Kyiv.
{"title":"Structural bias, polarized mediation and conflict resolution failure: a comparative examination of the disputes in Transnistria and Donbas","authors":"Ion Marandici","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2101188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2101188","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Under what conditions does conflict resolution fail? This article identifies several undertheorized factors hindering conflict resolution. It argues that structural bias, inadequate leverage and a polarized mediation format render negotiations ineffective, undermining the peace process. Durable peace settlements are unlikely when mediators become parties to the conflict, patronize the rebels, shape the domestic politics of the parent-states, and promote resolution plans advancing their security interests. The concepts of structural bias and polarized mediation are further explored by employing a structured focused comparison of the conflict management strategies in Transnistria (Moldova) and Donbas (Ukraine). The comparative examination revealed that Russia, as a power mediator, displayed a structural bias towards the rebel side but lacked sufficient leverage to impose a settlement on both parties. It attempted to increase its influence over Ukraine by getting entangled in the Donbas conflict, recognizing the secessionist regions and launching a conventional war against Kyiv.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"89 - 113"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41990910","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-12DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2101187
Victor Roudometof
new funding models that emerged in recent years and are based on international and national governmental or non-governmental organizations. Although these donor-supported models seem to guarantee editorial independence, she points to the various concerns that they raised and discusses whether they can effectively remedy contemporary media problems. The issue of misinformation on social media is also addressed in this book, by recording the party’s initiatives and their possible impact on independent voices online. Also, the author talks about the impact of the COVID19 pandemic on critical reporting. Drawing on various publications by Press Freedom organizations, she argues that independent journalism was severely impacted as various outlets were forced to shut down and many journalists ended up in prison as the government used the pandemic as a pretext to impose even harder restrictions that essentially were aimed at suffocating free speech. Ultimately, as the author points out, writing about Turkey is a challenging task, owing to the ever-shifting nature of the political context. However, she has managed to rise to the occasion and deliver a holistic view of the transformation of the media system under AKP. Based on research that was conducted over a span of 15 years, various case studies, and 50 interviews, this book sheds a light on the ever-changing relationship between media, politics, and citizenship and can be considered not only a great contribution to the field but also a necessary tool for anyone interested in the impact of Turkey’s authoritarianism on media and citizenship.
{"title":"The invention of Byzantium in early modern Europe","authors":"Victor Roudometof","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2101187","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2101187","url":null,"abstract":"new funding models that emerged in recent years and are based on international and national governmental or non-governmental organizations. Although these donor-supported models seem to guarantee editorial independence, she points to the various concerns that they raised and discusses whether they can effectively remedy contemporary media problems. The issue of misinformation on social media is also addressed in this book, by recording the party’s initiatives and their possible impact on independent voices online. Also, the author talks about the impact of the COVID19 pandemic on critical reporting. Drawing on various publications by Press Freedom organizations, she argues that independent journalism was severely impacted as various outlets were forced to shut down and many journalists ended up in prison as the government used the pandemic as a pretext to impose even harder restrictions that essentially were aimed at suffocating free speech. Ultimately, as the author points out, writing about Turkey is a challenging task, owing to the ever-shifting nature of the political context. However, she has managed to rise to the occasion and deliver a holistic view of the transformation of the media system under AKP. Based on research that was conducted over a span of 15 years, various case studies, and 50 interviews, this book sheds a light on the ever-changing relationship between media, politics, and citizenship and can be considered not only a great contribution to the field but also a necessary tool for anyone interested in the impact of Turkey’s authoritarianism on media and citizenship.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"454 - 457"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49371811","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-06DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2095703
Ayhan Kaya, Amina Drhimeur
ABSTRACT This article aims to analyse the importance of diaspora politics and Islam in Turkey and Morocco. The main premise of the article is that both states have increasingly relied on diaspora politics and religious diplomacy to attain both domestic and foreign policy gains. Using a Most Different Systems Design (MDSD), this article first examines each country’s political framework to determine how diaspora politics and foreign policies are outlined. Then, it demonstrates how both states use diaspora politics and religious diplomacy to access their diaspora groups in European countries, enhance their regional and global influence, and alter domestic political arrangements to amass power.
{"title":"Diaspora politics and religious diplomacy in Turkey and Morocco","authors":"Ayhan Kaya, Amina Drhimeur","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2095703","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2095703","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article aims to analyse the importance of diaspora politics and Islam in Turkey and Morocco. The main premise of the article is that both states have increasingly relied on diaspora politics and religious diplomacy to attain both domestic and foreign policy gains. Using a Most Different Systems Design (MDSD), this article first examines each country’s political framework to determine how diaspora politics and foreign policies are outlined. Then, it demonstrates how both states use diaspora politics and religious diplomacy to access their diaspora groups in European countries, enhance their regional and global influence, and alter domestic political arrangements to amass power.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"317 - 337"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42714920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-05DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2095790
Nona Nenovska
ABSTRACT The main objective of this article is to study the local governance dynamics around natural resources in the delimitated Marine reserve Kaliakra, on the Bulgarian Black Sea coast. Our research focuses mainly on formal/informal institutional arrangements for that zone. This article aims to achieve several objectives. First, it seeks to contribute to the common pool resources (CPR) theories, applying Ostrom’s socio-ecological framework and broaden its scope to the larger institutional context. Second, it will focus specifically on one marine protected area and the harvesting of the invasive species Rapana Venosa in the Bulgarian Black Sea. Although formal institutions are important in setting the rules for natural resource governance, this study finds that informal institutions, specific to the country’s context, tend to shape the results and objectives of this governance and reflects the socio-economic characteristics of the macro context in which it is embedded.
{"title":"Natural resource governance in the Bulgarian Black Sea: Identifying context-sensitive institutional arrangements","authors":"Nona Nenovska","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2095790","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2095790","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The main objective of this article is to study the local governance dynamics around natural resources in the delimitated Marine reserve Kaliakra, on the Bulgarian Black Sea coast. Our research focuses mainly on formal/informal institutional arrangements for that zone. This article aims to achieve several objectives. First, it seeks to contribute to the common pool resources (CPR) theories, applying Ostrom’s socio-ecological framework and broaden its scope to the larger institutional context. Second, it will focus specifically on one marine protected area and the harvesting of the invasive species Rapana Venosa in the Bulgarian Black Sea. Although formal institutions are important in setting the rules for natural resource governance, this study finds that informal institutions, specific to the country’s context, tend to shape the results and objectives of this governance and reflects the socio-economic characteristics of the macro context in which it is embedded.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"41 - 60"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45573213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2095698
Hüsna Taş Yetim, Ayşe Hazar
ABSTRACT The United States Congress enacted CAATSA in 2017 to impose various restrictions on traditional rivals of the United States, which, however, was also imposed on a long-term strategic ally, Turkey. How can the application of sanctions designated for strategic rivals and enemies on an ally be explained? This article incorporates the hierarchy theory with Kai He’s negative balancing strategy notion, which provides a solid theoretical explanation for patron states’ punitive measures against their allies. We argue that CAATSA is part of the United States’ current negative balancing strategy, which aims to undermine the power of rising challengers, Russia and China, by preventing (Western) secondary states, including Turkey, from getting (nuclear) weapons from these two countries. In this context, the US used CAATSA sanctions to punish Turkey’s non-compliant and autonomous foreign policy behaviour when Russia and China rivalled the US-led order.
{"title":"S400s, sanctions and defiance: explaining Turkey’s quest for strategic autonomy and the US response","authors":"Hüsna Taş Yetim, Ayşe Hazar","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2095698","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2095698","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The United States Congress enacted CAATSA in 2017 to impose various restrictions on traditional rivals of the United States, which, however, was also imposed on a long-term strategic ally, Turkey. How can the application of sanctions designated for strategic rivals and enemies on an ally be explained? This article incorporates the hierarchy theory with Kai He’s negative balancing strategy notion, which provides a solid theoretical explanation for patron states’ punitive measures against their allies. We argue that CAATSA is part of the United States’ current negative balancing strategy, which aims to undermine the power of rising challengers, Russia and China, by preventing (Western) secondary states, including Turkey, from getting (nuclear) weapons from these two countries. In this context, the US used CAATSA sanctions to punish Turkey’s non-compliant and autonomous foreign policy behaviour when Russia and China rivalled the US-led order.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"179 - 199"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47723623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-30DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2095696
H. Nikoghosyan
make decisions and lead electoral campaigns, largely irrespective of party organizational constraints. In Slovenia, early on strong politicians were central to the processes of transition to democracy and the foundation and development of parties. The authors of the chapter on Slovenia (Danica Fink-Hafner and Alenka Krašovec) make a useful distinction between the presidentialisation of older parties and the personalization of leadership in new parties, which sounds like a completely unbound form of presidentialisation. In Serbia’s constitutional design, checks and balances are not solid. The authors (Dušan Spasojević and Zoran Stojiljković) found that there is a lot of room for strong party leaders to claim personal political legitimacy (e.g., through a direct election to the Presidency) and to treat political institutions, including their own parties, as malleable structures. The parliamentary regimes of Albania and Kosovo also create conditions conducive for the presidentialisation of parties. As the chapter on Albania shows, there is a gap between what formal regulations stipulate and what practical circumstances facilitate. Afrim Krasniqi argues that Albania’s parliamentary regime has quasi-presidentialist features and party leaders wield much more power than the legal framework provides. In Kosovo, Albert Krasniqi explores how the presidentialisation of parties has been facilitated by legacies of war (during which party leaders were military leaders), the mode of party financing, which is controlled by party leaders, and the empowerment of party leaders by the international community in order to promote political stability in a war-torn society. One wonders whether other explanatory variables have played a role in making West Balkan parties as presidential as the volume’s contributors argue. For example, research in Europe and the USA has shown how recent electoral campaigns are run not so much by political party organizations, but by professional media experts, relying on attractive, personal traits of party leaders. Another independent variable is the size of the parties under study. Even the largest West Balkan parties are essentially small organizations. The structure and daily functioning of parties, in which often everyone knows everyone else in person, is bound to be personalistic. Such criticisms notwithstanding, the book’s readers obtain an informed analysis and opinion about major domestic political developments in West Balkan democracies. Passarelli and his research associates integrate the cases of West Balkan party systems and parties into the international literature of European comparative politics, helping to make the latter richer in terms of case variation. Finally, the volume is so well-informed and wellwritten that it could also serve as a textbook on domestic Western Balkan politics.
{"title":"Black garden aflame: the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in the Soviet and Russian Press","authors":"H. Nikoghosyan","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2095696","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2095696","url":null,"abstract":"make decisions and lead electoral campaigns, largely irrespective of party organizational constraints. In Slovenia, early on strong politicians were central to the processes of transition to democracy and the foundation and development of parties. The authors of the chapter on Slovenia (Danica Fink-Hafner and Alenka Krašovec) make a useful distinction between the presidentialisation of older parties and the personalization of leadership in new parties, which sounds like a completely unbound form of presidentialisation. In Serbia’s constitutional design, checks and balances are not solid. The authors (Dušan Spasojević and Zoran Stojiljković) found that there is a lot of room for strong party leaders to claim personal political legitimacy (e.g., through a direct election to the Presidency) and to treat political institutions, including their own parties, as malleable structures. The parliamentary regimes of Albania and Kosovo also create conditions conducive for the presidentialisation of parties. As the chapter on Albania shows, there is a gap between what formal regulations stipulate and what practical circumstances facilitate. Afrim Krasniqi argues that Albania’s parliamentary regime has quasi-presidentialist features and party leaders wield much more power than the legal framework provides. In Kosovo, Albert Krasniqi explores how the presidentialisation of parties has been facilitated by legacies of war (during which party leaders were military leaders), the mode of party financing, which is controlled by party leaders, and the empowerment of party leaders by the international community in order to promote political stability in a war-torn society. One wonders whether other explanatory variables have played a role in making West Balkan parties as presidential as the volume’s contributors argue. For example, research in Europe and the USA has shown how recent electoral campaigns are run not so much by political party organizations, but by professional media experts, relying on attractive, personal traits of party leaders. Another independent variable is the size of the parties under study. Even the largest West Balkan parties are essentially small organizations. The structure and daily functioning of parties, in which often everyone knows everyone else in person, is bound to be personalistic. Such criticisms notwithstanding, the book’s readers obtain an informed analysis and opinion about major domestic political developments in West Balkan democracies. Passarelli and his research associates integrate the cases of West Balkan party systems and parties into the international literature of European comparative politics, helping to make the latter richer in terms of case variation. Finally, the volume is so well-informed and wellwritten that it could also serve as a textbook on domestic Western Balkan politics.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"202 - 205"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43496556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-17DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2087852
Hasan Tekgüç, Ezgi B. Ünsal, Erinc Yeldan
ABSTRACT To counterbalance the deep systemic global crisis triggered by the COVID-19, many countries introduced a vast arsenal of fiscal policy instruments coupled with monetary accommodation. Yet, Turkey’s response had almost exclusively relied on credit expansion and loan guarantees while minimizing the role of fiscal policy. Within that context, this article has three interrelated objectives. Firstly, we evaluate the effects of the crisis and the implemented policies on poverty and income distribution. Second, we measure the macroeconomic impacts of COVID-19 on the Turkish economy through a general equilibrium model. We find that these policies had a limited impact on reducing crisis-induced poverty. Finally, we propose alternatives to mitigate the effects of the COVID-19 crisis, which are compatible with fiscal constraints. Our results suggest that by pursuing a targeted fiscal income transfer programme covering wage earners and small-sized enterprises, Turkey could have achieved a more egalitarian and effective response to the Covid-19 crisis.
{"title":"Poverty and income distribution incidence of the COVID-19 outbreak: investigating socially responsible policy alternatives for Turkey","authors":"Hasan Tekgüç, Ezgi B. Ünsal, Erinc Yeldan","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2087852","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2087852","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT To counterbalance the deep systemic global crisis triggered by the COVID-19, many countries introduced a vast arsenal of fiscal policy instruments coupled with monetary accommodation. Yet, Turkey’s response had almost exclusively relied on credit expansion and loan guarantees while minimizing the role of fiscal policy. Within that context, this article has three interrelated objectives. Firstly, we evaluate the effects of the crisis and the implemented policies on poverty and income distribution. Second, we measure the macroeconomic impacts of COVID-19 on the Turkish economy through a general equilibrium model. We find that these policies had a limited impact on reducing crisis-induced poverty. Finally, we propose alternatives to mitigate the effects of the COVID-19 crisis, which are compatible with fiscal constraints. Our results suggest that by pursuing a targeted fiscal income transfer programme covering wage earners and small-sized enterprises, Turkey could have achieved a more egalitarian and effective response to the Covid-19 crisis.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"339 - 363"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43503122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-14DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2088647
Murat Akser, Banu Baybars
ABSTRACT This article examines the historical roots of the role of successive Turkish governments’ fear of media and Turkish media’s fear of government authority with respect to the development of press freedom over the long run and closely analyzes the historical pressures imposed on journalists through legal and informal means. We focus particularly on the economic and political pressure on the media in Turkey and offer three arguments regarding the fear in Turkish media: (1) Media fear is historical rather than a rupture that happened during the Justice and Development Party era; (2) out of fear of losing power, the governments use structural, legislative and extra-legal factors to the advantage of the ruling party to support a friendly media-ecology; and (3) the repressed media attempt to come out of this ecology of fear by utilizing new tactics of reporting, such as alternative media and citizen journalism.
{"title":"Repressed media and illiberal politics in Turkey: the persistence of fear","authors":"Murat Akser, Banu Baybars","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2088647","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2088647","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the historical roots of the role of successive Turkish governments’ fear of media and Turkish media’s fear of government authority with respect to the development of press freedom over the long run and closely analyzes the historical pressures imposed on journalists through legal and informal means. We focus particularly on the economic and political pressure on the media in Turkey and offer three arguments regarding the fear in Turkish media: (1) Media fear is historical rather than a rupture that happened during the Justice and Development Party era; (2) out of fear of losing power, the governments use structural, legislative and extra-legal factors to the advantage of the ruling party to support a friendly media-ecology; and (3) the repressed media attempt to come out of this ecology of fear by utilizing new tactics of reporting, such as alternative media and citizen journalism.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"159 - 177"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47455859","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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