Pub Date : 2022-09-09DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2121250
Adnan Muminovic, A. Efendic
ABSTRACT This article examines the long-term effects of war exposure on generalized trust and risk attitudes 20 years after the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Our study goes beyond the destruction of physical and human capital and investigates the effects of war exposure on psychological preferences and beliefs, as well as their mutual relationship and determinants. Our empirical strategy employs a nationally representative survey and an endogenous Seemingly Unrelated Model. We discover that individuals living in municipalities with greater war fatalities report significantly higher distrust in people and simultaneously express greater risk aversion. Moreover, there is a mutually endogenous and strong positive relationship between the two dependent variables, whereby greater trust is associated with greater risk-seeking. Consequently, our results demonstrate that the tragic consequences of war are not only confined to negative socio-economic outcomes but also leave a lasting impact on the psychological preferences of people that experienced it.
{"title":"The long-term effects of war exposure on generalized trust and risk attitudes: evidence from post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina","authors":"Adnan Muminovic, A. Efendic","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2121250","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2121250","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the long-term effects of war exposure on generalized trust and risk attitudes 20 years after the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Our study goes beyond the destruction of physical and human capital and investigates the effects of war exposure on psychological preferences and beliefs, as well as their mutual relationship and determinants. Our empirical strategy employs a nationally representative survey and an endogenous Seemingly Unrelated Model. We discover that individuals living in municipalities with greater war fatalities report significantly higher distrust in people and simultaneously express greater risk aversion. Moreover, there is a mutually endogenous and strong positive relationship between the two dependent variables, whereby greater trust is associated with greater risk-seeking. Consequently, our results demonstrate that the tragic consequences of war are not only confined to negative socio-economic outcomes but also leave a lasting impact on the psychological preferences of people that experienced it.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"299 - 316"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45817989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-08DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2121251
Salome Minesashvili
ABSTRACT While the war in Ukraine undoubtedly boosted Ukrainian national identification and prompted rapid alienation from Russia, another salient identity question prominent since Ukraine’s independence has been the country’s belonging to Europe, often challenged by the alternatives of Eurasian and Slavic supranational identities. This article explores different identity constructions in the Ukrainian national mass media and their interpretation of the war with Russia from the dawn of the conflict in 2014 to 2015. Respectively, the article maps immediate developments in the content and contestation of the European identity discourse as the crisis hits these identity constructions. This study found that the war has dramatically strengthened the influence of the identity construction that fully embraced Europeanness while increasingly muting its alternatives. In contrast, identity content was less prone to change; this significant decrease in contestation evidences the robust effect of ‘big-bang’ events in identity discourses.
{"title":"Before and after 2014: Russo-Ukrainian conflict and its impact on European identity discourses in Ukraine","authors":"Salome Minesashvili","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2121251","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2121251","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While the war in Ukraine undoubtedly boosted Ukrainian national identification and prompted rapid alienation from Russia, another salient identity question prominent since Ukraine’s independence has been the country’s belonging to Europe, often challenged by the alternatives of Eurasian and Slavic supranational identities. This article explores different identity constructions in the Ukrainian national mass media and their interpretation of the war with Russia from the dawn of the conflict in 2014 to 2015. Respectively, the article maps immediate developments in the content and contestation of the European identity discourse as the crisis hits these identity constructions. This study found that the war has dramatically strengthened the influence of the identity construction that fully embraced Europeanness while increasingly muting its alternatives. In contrast, identity content was less prone to change; this significant decrease in contestation evidences the robust effect of ‘big-bang’ events in identity discourses.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"461 - 487"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44631056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-28DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2114197
Anıl Kahvecioğlu, Tijen Demirel-Pegg, İ. Aytürk
ABSTRACT The repression-protest nexus in authoritarian regimes has attracted scholarly attention of contention scholars for a long time. However, studies have generally overlooked pro-government actors’ role in contentious dynamics. This article introduces an original event dataset on protests, repression, and pro-government rallies in Turkey under the rule of the Justice and Development Party during a period in which authoritarianism has increased in intensity. Using protest event analysis, this dataset includes actions of governments, pro-government actors, and dissidents hand-coded from two newspapers between 1 January 2013, and 31 December 2016. The dataset enables researchers to study pro-government rallies (PGRs), anti-government protests, and state actions during a heightened period of contention in Turkey.
专制政权中的镇压-抗议关系长期以来一直受到学者们的关注。然而，研究普遍忽视了亲政府行为体在争议动态中的作用。本文介绍了在土耳其正义与发展党(Justice and Development Party)统治下的抗议、镇压和亲政府集会的原始事件数据集，这一时期威权主义加剧。使用抗议事件分析，该数据集包括政府、亲政府行为者和持不同政见者的行动，这些行动来自2013年1月1日至2016年12月31日期间的两份报纸。该数据集使研究人员能够研究土耳其在争论加剧期间的亲政府集会(pgr)，反政府抗议和国家行动。
{"title":"Introducing the Turkey Protest, Repression, and Pro-Government Rally Dataset (TPRPGRD)","authors":"Anıl Kahvecioğlu, Tijen Demirel-Pegg, İ. Aytürk","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2114197","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2114197","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The repression-protest nexus in authoritarian regimes has attracted scholarly attention of contention scholars for a long time. However, studies have generally overlooked pro-government actors’ role in contentious dynamics. This article introduces an original event dataset on protests, repression, and pro-government rallies in Turkey under the rule of the Justice and Development Party during a period in which authoritarianism has increased in intensity. Using protest event analysis, this dataset includes actions of governments, pro-government actors, and dissidents hand-coded from two newspapers between 1 January 2013, and 31 December 2016. The dataset enables researchers to study pro-government rallies (PGRs), anti-government protests, and state actions during a heightened period of contention in Turkey.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"385 - 408"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60026056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-25DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2111111
H. Nikoghosyan, Vahram Ter‐Matevosyan
ABSTRACT Since April 2018, Armenia has gone through a series of dramatic events. Convinced of its ‘democratic invincibility,’ the regime that emerged after ‘the Velvet Revolution’ espoused the view that Armenia’s new, democratic facade must secure increased support from Brussels and Washington and continued loyalty from its security provider – the Kremlin. Nevertheless, the perennial security issues, chief among them the unresolved Nagorno Karabakh conflict, were overlooked by the new elite. This article examines the sources of the foreign policy-making style of the populist regime in Armenia and explores the extent to which they have affected the decision-making process and its ‘resultants.’ The article argues that the incoherent and erratic nature of the new regime’s policy formulation and enactment, which underestimated acute security challenges and degraded existing institutional checks and balances, caused unprecedented wreckage to Armenia’s national security architecture.
{"title":"From ‘revolution’ to war: deciphering Armenia’s populist foreign policy-making process","authors":"H. Nikoghosyan, Vahram Ter‐Matevosyan","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2111111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2111111","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since April 2018, Armenia has gone through a series of dramatic events. Convinced of its ‘democratic invincibility,’ the regime that emerged after ‘the Velvet Revolution’ espoused the view that Armenia’s new, democratic facade must secure increased support from Brussels and Washington and continued loyalty from its security provider – the Kremlin. Nevertheless, the perennial security issues, chief among them the unresolved Nagorno Karabakh conflict, were overlooked by the new elite. This article examines the sources of the foreign policy-making style of the populist regime in Armenia and explores the extent to which they have affected the decision-making process and its ‘resultants.’ The article argues that the incoherent and erratic nature of the new regime’s policy formulation and enactment, which underestimated acute security challenges and degraded existing institutional checks and balances, caused unprecedented wreckage to Armenia’s national security architecture.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"207 - 227"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48858059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-24DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2115698
Hüseyin Kalaycı
ABSTRACT While many studies examine Erdoğan’s growing control over the Turkish media sector, there are hardly any studies that look at how post-truth affects the low-income urban consumers of partisan media in Turkey, which this article aims to do. This focus group study reveals that the partisan media has a significant impact on the views and behaviour of the relatively less educated urban poor, but personal experiences prove a significant factor in the success of post-truth politics. If interviewees are locked into a relation of interest with Justice and Development Party organizations, particularly if they are recipients of social aid, their loyalty to Erdoğan and inclination to believe fake news from partisan media are stronger. However, when their personal experiences are diametrically different from the claims made in fake news, these individuals are harder to be persuaded by partisan media.
{"title":"When Fake News and Personal Experience Contradict: Limits to Post-Truth in Turkey","authors":"Hüseyin Kalaycı","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2115698","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2115698","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While many studies examine Erdoğan’s growing control over the Turkish media sector, there are hardly any studies that look at how post-truth affects the low-income urban consumers of partisan media in Turkey, which this article aims to do. This focus group study reveals that the partisan media has a significant impact on the views and behaviour of the relatively less educated urban poor, but personal experiences prove a significant factor in the success of post-truth politics. If interviewees are locked into a relation of interest with Justice and Development Party organizations, particularly if they are recipients of social aid, their loyalty to Erdoğan and inclination to believe fake news from partisan media are stronger. However, when their personal experiences are diametrically different from the claims made in fake news, these individuals are harder to be persuaded by partisan media.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"589 - 605"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44619754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-24DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2114194
Nilgün Eliküçük Yıldırım, G. Yılmaz
ABSTRACT Crony capitalism as a type of capitalism entailing the close relations of political authorities and business circles based on mutual profit maximization is not a new phenomenon in Turkey. However, crony relations have accelerated with the Justice and Development Party (Adalet Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) rule. Despite growing scholarly work on crony relations in the AKP era, the literature remains inward-oriented without analysing the external dimension of crony capitalism, which this article intends to alleviate by providing an analysis of crony capitalism and bringing back the external dimension through an analysis of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)-related crony relations. It argues that the case of Turkey demonstrates how the BRI is used to feed instrumental cronyism without the promotion of China and how recipient countries use and misuse Chinese BRI investments to create alternative resources for the government’s cronies.
裙带资本主义作为一种资本主义形式，在土耳其并不是一种新现象，它包含了政治当局和商界基于相互利益最大化的密切关系。然而，随着正义与发展党(Adalet Kalkınma Partisi - AKP)的执政，裙带关系加速发展。尽管关于AKP时代裙带关系的学术研究越来越多，但文献仍然是内向的，没有分析裙带资本主义的外部维度，本文旨在通过对裙带资本主义的分析，并通过对“一带一路”相关裙带关系的分析，将外部维度带回来，从而缓解这一问题。它认为，土耳其的案例表明，在没有中国推动的情况下，“一带一路”如何被用来助长工具性裙带关系，以及受援国如何利用和滥用中国的“一带一路”投资，为政府的裙带关系创造替代资源。
{"title":"Use/misuse of Chinese BRI investment? BRI-related crony capitalism in Turkey","authors":"Nilgün Eliküçük Yıldırım, G. Yılmaz","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2114194","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2114194","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Crony capitalism as a type of capitalism entailing the close relations of political authorities and business circles based on mutual profit maximization is not a new phenomenon in Turkey. However, crony relations have accelerated with the Justice and Development Party (Adalet Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) rule. Despite growing scholarly work on crony relations in the AKP era, the literature remains inward-oriented without analysing the external dimension of crony capitalism, which this article intends to alleviate by providing an analysis of crony capitalism and bringing back the external dimension through an analysis of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)-related crony relations. It argues that the case of Turkey demonstrates how the BRI is used to feed instrumental cronyism without the promotion of China and how recipient countries use and misuse Chinese BRI investments to create alternative resources for the government’s cronies.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"365 - 383"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41786755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-21DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2106622
Lambrini Papadopoulou
{"title":"The Transformation of the Media System in Turkey Citizenship, Communication, and Convergence","authors":"Lambrini Papadopoulou","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2106622","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2106622","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"46 4","pages":"453 - 454"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41301215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-18DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2111803
G. Grgić, Đuro Kolar, Maja Bašić
ABSTRACT Different manifestations of infrastructure diplomacy have been used as a prime example of how major powers dissatisfied with their position in the international system have been using economic tools to pursue their national objectives. On the other hand, the status quo powers have attempted to counter these moves by implementing their own versions of infrastructure diplomacy. This article explores the said dynamics within the context of the Three Seas Initiative (TSI). Merging insights from international relations, international economics and strategic project management, this article interrogates how the heightened geopolitical competition spills over to regional economies through infrastructure diplomacy and major infrastructure projects and whether and how policymakers deploy economic tools in major infrastructure projects to promote geopolitical interests within the TSI. Our findings imply that while informal state-to-state signalling is a predecessor to corporate-to-corporate signalling, formal state-to-state signals also support corporate-to-corporate actions.
{"title":"Infrastructure diplomacy and strategic signalling within the Three Seas Initiative","authors":"G. Grgić, Đuro Kolar, Maja Bašić","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2111803","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2111803","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Different manifestations of infrastructure diplomacy have been used as a prime example of how major powers dissatisfied with their position in the international system have been using economic tools to pursue their national objectives. On the other hand, the status quo powers have attempted to counter these moves by implementing their own versions of infrastructure diplomacy. This article explores the said dynamics within the context of the Three Seas Initiative (TSI). Merging insights from international relations, international economics and strategic project management, this article interrogates how the heightened geopolitical competition spills over to regional economies through infrastructure diplomacy and major infrastructure projects and whether and how policymakers deploy economic tools in major infrastructure projects to promote geopolitical interests within the TSI. Our findings imply that while informal state-to-state signalling is a predecessor to corporate-to-corporate signalling, formal state-to-state signals also support corporate-to-corporate actions.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"229 - 249"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46043280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-07DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2106049
Nick Drydakis
ABSTRACT This study examines whether an association exists between parental unemployment and health-related quality of life and mental health for adolescents aged 15–18 in Athens, Greece. The gathered dataset covers the same upper high schools in two periods, 2011–2013 and 2017–2019. The study finds that parental unemployment bears an association with decreased health-related quality of life and increased adverse mental health symptoms for adolescents. Moreover, the 2011–2013 period, a period of increased parental unemployment, saw a decrease in health-related quality of life and increased adverse mental health symptoms for adolescents. In addition, parental unemployment proved more detrimental to adolescents’ health-related quality of life and mental health in 2011–2013 than in 2017–2019. The present research ranks among the first studies to examine whether parental unemployment could be associated with worse health-related quality of life and mental health for adolescents during periods of increased parental unemployment.
{"title":"Economic recession, parental unemployment and adolescents’ health-related quality of life and mental health outcomes in Greece","authors":"Nick Drydakis","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2106049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2106049","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study examines whether an association exists between parental unemployment and health-related quality of life and mental health for adolescents aged 15–18 in Athens, Greece. The gathered dataset covers the same upper high schools in two periods, 2011–2013 and 2017–2019. The study finds that parental unemployment bears an association with decreased health-related quality of life and increased adverse mental health symptoms for adolescents. Moreover, the 2011–2013 period, a period of increased parental unemployment, saw a decrease in health-related quality of life and increased adverse mental health symptoms for adolescents. In addition, parental unemployment proved more detrimental to adolescents’ health-related quality of life and mental health in 2011–2013 than in 2017–2019. The present research ranks among the first studies to examine whether parental unemployment could be associated with worse health-related quality of life and mental health for adolescents during periods of increased parental unemployment.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"275 - 298"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42371660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-07DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2022.2109828
Mustafa Kutlay, H. E. Karaoguz
ABSTRACT The literature on trading states has advanced our understanding of foreign economic policy dynamics, but what constitutes a proper trading state and determines its resilience remains somewhat unclear. This article contributes to the literature by developing a political economy framework to assess the role of ‘state capacity’ in conditioning Turkey’s foreign economic policies. Using Turkey as a case, we argue that states are more likely to show suboptimal economic engagement in case of weak state capacity, as (i) they fail to pursue effective industrial policy resulting in low exit costs, (ii) business elites cannot put pressure on the political leadership for the preservation of existing trade ties in the event of an external shock, and (iii) weak financial support mechanisms lead to insufficient assistance to national firms operating abroad.
{"title":"The ties that don’t bind: trading state debates and role of state capacity in Turkish foreign policy","authors":"Mustafa Kutlay, H. E. Karaoguz","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2022.2109828","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2022.2109828","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The literature on trading states has advanced our understanding of foreign economic policy dynamics, but what constitutes a proper trading state and determines its resilience remains somewhat unclear. This article contributes to the literature by developing a political economy framework to assess the role of ‘state capacity’ in conditioning Turkey’s foreign economic policies. Using Turkey as a case, we argue that states are more likely to show suboptimal economic engagement in case of weak state capacity, as (i) they fail to pursue effective industrial policy resulting in low exit costs, (ii) business elites cannot put pressure on the political leadership for the preservation of existing trade ties in the event of an external shock, and (iii) weak financial support mechanisms lead to insufficient assistance to national firms operating abroad.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"409 - 429"},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41782362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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