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Who Killed Arjun Singh? 谁杀了阿琼·辛格?
IF 0.7 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/1089201x-9987853
William R. Pinch
In this essay William R. Pinch probes whether and how we might understand early Hindi poetry as a form of history, a theme that Allison Busch explored in a series of essays. His focus is on two late eighteenth-century poems that Allison, Dalpat Rajpurohit, and Pinch translated between 2009 and 2017, especially on the climactic event of the poems: the killing and beheading of the Rajput Arjun Singh by Anupgiri Gosain (a.k.a. Himmat Bahadur). In the course of the essay Pinch describes two visits to eastern Bundelkhand in search of traces of the events and personalities described in the poems. These journeys revealed convincing evidence, in the form of oral tradition, that Arjun was killed by his kinsmen (and not by Anupgiri). Though this necessarily complicates a straightforward reading of early Hindi poetry as history, it also prompts further reflection on why the poets depicted the killing of Arjun in the manner they did—and on the implications for the multilayered historical truth claims of Hindi poetry.
在这篇文章中,William R.Pinch探讨了我们是否以及如何将早期印地语诗歌理解为一种历史形式,Allison Busch在一系列文章中探讨了这一主题。他的重点是Allison、Dalpat Rajpurohit和Pinch在2009年至2017年间翻译的两首18世纪末的诗歌,尤其是关于诗歌的高潮事件:Anupgiri Gosain(又名Himmat Bahadur)杀害和斩首Rajput Arjun Singh。在这篇文章中,平奇描述了两次前往邦德尔坎德东部的旅行,以寻找诗歌中所描述的事件和人物的痕迹。这些旅程以口头传统的形式揭示了令人信服的证据,证明阿琼是被他的亲属杀害的(而不是被阿努普吉里杀害的)。尽管这必然会使早期印地语诗歌作为历史的直接解读变得复杂,但它也促使人们进一步思考为什么诗人们以这样的方式描绘了阿琼被杀的故事,以及对印地语诗歌多层历史真相主张的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Decolonizing History 他们的历史
IF 0.7 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/1089201x-9987944
Olivia C. Harrison
The borders between North and South quickly erode when we study the history of anti-colonial revolutions. This is perhaps especially true of France, where the Palestinian revolution has been a rallying cry in the struggle for migrant rights for the past half century. This article investigates the reactivation of anti-colonialism in the postcolonial era, tracing the decades-long “postcolonial anti-colonial” movements born in migrant circles in France, from the 1970s to the present. What happens to the notion of anti-colonial revolution when it is brought back to the metropole? How does it change when it is brought to bear on the migrant question? First posed by the Palestine committees forged by migrant workers, foreign students, and Maoist militants in the wake of the September 1970 massacre of Palestinians in Jordan, these questions have shaped discourses around migrant rights in France for the past fifty years. In conclusion, this article revisits the archive of the migrant theater collective Al Assifa as it is remediated in Bouchra Khalili's 2017 film The Tempest Society, and speculates on the current place of migration in world historical discourses of decolonization.
当我们研究反殖民革命的历史时,南北之间的边界很快就被侵蚀了。法国可能尤其如此,在过去的半个世纪里,巴勒斯坦革命一直是争取移民权利斗争的集结号。本文考察了后殖民时代反殖民主义的复活,追溯了从20世纪70年代到现在,法国移民圈中诞生的长达数十年的“后殖民反殖民”运动。当反殖民革命的概念被带回大都市时,它会发生什么?当它涉及到移民问题时,它会发生什么变化?这些问题最初是由移民工人、外国学生和毛派武装分子在1970年9月约旦大屠杀后成立的巴勒斯坦委员会提出的,在过去50年里,这些问题塑造了法国关于移民权利的讨论。最后,本文回顾了移民剧团Al Assifa的档案,因为它在Bouchra Khalili 2017年的电影《暴风雨社会》中得到了修复,并推测了世界非殖民化历史话语中移民的当前位置。
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引用次数: 1
The Transcultural Eros of the Manchester Cāndāyana 曼彻斯特的跨文化爱欲Cāndāyana
IF 0.7 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/1089201x-9987749
M. Aitken, Allison Busch
Abstract:This essay explores a single illustrated manuscript of Maulana Daud’s Sufi narrative the Cāndāyana from the Rylands Library, Manchester, to help make sense of how Sufi poets and the sultanate- period painters who illustrated their verses realized the indigenous aesthetics of eros and the nāyikā.
摘要:本文探讨了一份来自曼彻斯特莱兰兹图书馆的毛拉·达乌德苏非叙事的插图手稿Cāndāyana,以帮助理解苏非诗人和苏丹王朝时期的画家是如何实现爱神和nāyikā的本土美学的。
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引用次数: 0
Worldly Marxism 世俗的马克思主义
IF 0.7 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/1089201x-9987970
Noaman G. Ali, S. Raza
How can Marxism, a theory and practice that emerged from the European experience, speak to contexts outside that experience? Recent scholarship has returned to the moment of the 1960s and 1970s to examine how political movements in the global South that embraced Marxism grappled with this question, aiming to reformulate Marxist theories and categories of analysis for postcolonial realities. Whereas this scholarship focuses on the writings of intellectuals, in this article, the authors supplement prose with oral history and ethnography to also identify the theory immanent in practice. They show how the translation of Marxist theory for political practice in the peripheries instantiated what the authors call a worldly Marxism: that is, a Marxism that is constantly renewed as it exceeds its origins in Europe and attends to the specificities of settler-colonies, (post-)colonies and metropoles. Worldly Marxism thus entails theorizing in the conjuncture, that is, from a particular historical moment, and involves arranging multiple conceptual elements to clarify and understand the political task at hand. The authors illustrate how such worldly Marxism was produced in Pakistan by examining the Mazdoor Kisan Party (MKP), the country's historically largest communist party, as it engaged with agrarian transitions, religion, and gender.
马克思主义,一个从欧洲经验中产生的理论和实践,如何能在欧洲经验之外的背景下说话呢?最近的学术研究已经回到20世纪60年代和70年代,研究拥抱马克思主义的全球南方政治运动如何应对这个问题,旨在重新制定马克思主义理论和后殖民现实的分析类别。虽然这种学术研究侧重于知识分子的著作,但在本文中,作者用口述历史和民族志来补充散文,以确定实践中的内在理论。他们展示了马克思主义理论在外围政治实践中的翻译如何体现了作者所谓的世俗马克思主义:也就是说,一种马克思主义,它超越了它在欧洲的起源,并关注移民殖民地、(后)殖民地和大都市的特殊性,不断得到更新。因此,世俗的马克思主义需要在一个特定的历史时刻进行理论化,并涉及安排多个概念要素来澄清和理解手头的政治任务。两位作者通过考察巴基斯坦历史上最大的共产党Mazdoor Kisan党(MKP)与土地转型、宗教和性别问题的关系,阐述了这种世俗的马克思主义是如何在巴基斯坦产生的。
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引用次数: 0
“Our 1789” “我们的1789”
IF 0.7 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/1089201x-9987957
N. George
Were the events of 1975–77 in Lebanon, commonly thought of today as an internecine sectarian war between Christians and Muslims, more comparable to the furies of revolution and counterrevolution? This article reframes the Lebanese National Movement's (LNM) “Transitional Program” as a revolutionary, anti-colonial, and radical republican challenge that sought to implement a new constitutional order based on popular sovereignty. Internally, it severed the link between sectarian affiliation and political representation that was the hallmark of the Lebanese regime. Externally, the program announced a commitment to popular struggle against imperially sustained settler colonialism in Palestine while calling into question the authoritarian practices of most regional regimes. Drawing from periodicals, memoirs, diplomatic sources, and interviews, this article considers the efforts of the LNM-PLO alliance to push the Transitional Program in the political sphere and on the battlefield. In turn, it demonstrates how the United States, Syria, Israel, and Lebanese counterrevolutionaries worked in concert to ensure that the sectarian regime would be preserved at the moment of its greatest challenge. Against a historiography that either dismisses the venture as predestined to fail or considers the period only within the shackles of post-defeat melancholia, it reevaluates the history of one of the most explicit emancipatory challenges to the Arab order.
1975年至77年在黎巴嫩发生的事件,今天通常被认为是基督徒和穆斯林之间的自相残杀的宗派战争,是否更像是革命和反革命的愤怒?本文将黎巴嫩民族运动的“过渡计划”重新定义为一项革命、反殖民和激进的共和挑战,旨在实施基于民众主权的新宪法秩序。在内部,它切断了黎巴嫩政权标志性的宗派关系和政治代表性之间的联系。在外部,该项目宣布致力于反对巴勒斯坦持续存在的定居者殖民主义,同时对大多数地区政权的独裁做法提出质疑。本文通过期刊、回忆录、外交消息来源和采访,思考了LNM-PLO联盟在政治领域和战场上推动过渡计划的努力。反过来,它展示了美国、叙利亚、以色列和黎巴嫩反革命分子是如何协同工作的,以确保宗派政权在面临最大挑战的时刻得到维护。史学界要么将这一冒险视为注定要失败,要么认为这一时期只处于战败后忧郁症的枷锁之下,它重新评估了对阿拉伯秩序最明确的解放挑战之一的历史。
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引用次数: 0
Moving Past Models 过去的模型
IF 0.7 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/1089201x-9988074
Fadi A. Bardawil
This essay makes the case for moving away from a genre of writing about revolutions that elevates particular ones to the status of models and exemplars, which then become the touchstone of all subsequent revolutionary processes. This way of looking at emancipatory movements risks excising some from the domain of revolutionary practice for not fitting a model, and relegating others to the status of belated and derivative ones that repeat the stages of the earlier model. Instead, the author suggests moving past models to pay attention to the practices of translation that revolutionaries engage in and that inform their intellectual and political traditions. Sidelining the conceptual universe of models and centering translation enables a reckoning with difference and the emergence of newness. It is also crucial for rethinking a politics of solidarity across difference in, and for, our present.
这篇文章提出了一种关于革命的写作体裁,这种写作体裁将特定的革命提升到典范和典范的地位,然后成为所有后续革命进程的试金石。这种看待解放运动的方式冒着将一些不符合模型的革命实践领域剔除的风险,并将其他人降级到重复早期模型阶段的迟来的和衍生的状态。相反,作者建议将过去的模式转移到关注革命者从事的翻译实践,以及他们的思想和政治传统。把模式的概念世界撇在一边,以翻译为中心,可以使我们认识到差异和新颖性的产生。这对于重新思考一种跨越差异的团结政治也是至关重要的。
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引用次数: 0
The Use of Brajbhasha in Sikh Contexts 婆罗门在锡克教语境中的运用
IF 0.7 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/1089201x-9987840
Julie Vig
This article connects the Sikh tradition to wider cultural and literary worlds by examining how gurbilās literature—written from the end of the seventeenth century into the nineteenth—is tied to the wider Braj literary world and more specifically to Braj martial poetry. Gurbilās literature—or “the play or pastimes of the Guru”—refers to a collection of biographies of the Sikh Gurus emphasizing the narration of life stories of Guru Gobind Singh and his heroic deeds. This essay focuses on the portrayal of an important battle widely narrated in Sikh history, the battle of Bhangani (dated to 1688), in three gurbilās texts. Its goal is to examine two main issues: first, how these three narratives, and gurbilās literature more broadly, interact along multiple poles with the wider world of Braj literary traditions, specifically with Braj martial poetry; and second, how these texts provide us with material to think about the context of performance of these texts. It concludes with a broad reflection on how these three narratives represent a textual microcosm that reveals the many connections gurbilās literature—and more broadly the Sikh cultural world—has with other genres and traditions.
这篇文章将锡克教传统与更广泛的文化和文学世界联系起来,研究了gurbilās文学——从17世纪末到19世纪——是如何与更广泛的布拉吉文学世界联系起来的,更具体地说,是与布拉吉武诗联系在一起的。Gurbilās文学——或“古鲁的戏剧或消遣”——指的是锡克教大师的传记合集,强调古鲁戈宾德·辛格的生活故事和他的英雄事迹的叙述。这篇文章的重点是在三个gurbilās文本中对锡克教历史上广泛叙述的一场重要战役的描绘,即班加尼战役(可追溯到1688年)。它的目标是研究两个主要问题:首先,这三种叙事,以及更广泛的gurbilās文学,是如何与更广阔的巴西文学传统世界,特别是与巴西武诗,在多极上相互作用的;第二,这些文本如何为我们提供材料来思考这些文本的表现背景。文章最后对这三种叙述如何代表了一个文本的微观世界进行了广泛的反思,揭示了gurbilās文学以及更广泛的锡克教文化界与其他体裁和传统的许多联系。
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引用次数: 0
Waiting for Revolution 等待革命
IF 0.7 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/1089201x-9987983
Taushif Kara
Abstract:This essay takes as its point of departure the conceptual problem posed by intezar, or waiting, in revolutionary Iran. Kara suggests that this problem mirrors the suspension or deferral of sovereignty implied by the logic of historicism, and thus the wider state of belatedness faced across what was once called the “third world.” Though confronted by the problem of waiting in different ways, the author shows how thinkers from revolutionary Iran and colonial India—namely Ali Shariati (1933–77) and Muhammad Iqbal (1877–1938)—may have arrived at similar conclusions. Rather than reject the principle of waiting, their thought sought to augment it, mainly by discarding the future as the focus of the political in order to render an invisible present visible. But if the conceptual possibilities condensed in colonial India and Iran’s revolution reveal a shared genealogy of waiting, the resonance of this problem today is confined neither to the geography nor to the condition of coloniality that produced it. Kara concludes by suggesting that the struggle against anticipation in the twentieth century may have prefigured the planetary condition of waiting that characterizes the political in the twenty-first, a condition accentuated and elevated by the climate crisis.
摘要:本文以伊朗革命中的“等待”概念问题为出发点。卡拉认为,这个问题反映了历史主义逻辑所暗示的主权的暂停或推迟,从而反映了曾经被称为“第三世界”的国家所面临的更广泛的迟来状态。尽管面临着以不同方式等待的问题,作者展示了革命的伊朗和殖民地印度的思想家——即阿里·沙里亚蒂(1933–77)和穆罕默德·伊克巴尔(1877–1938)——可能得出了类似的结论。他们的思想并没有拒绝等待的原则,而是试图增强它,主要是通过放弃未来作为政治焦点,使一个看不见的现在变得可见。但是,如果殖民地印度和伊朗革命中浓缩的概念可能性揭示了一个共同的等待谱系,那么今天这个问题的共鸣既不局限于地理,也不局限于产生它的殖民主义条件。卡拉最后指出,二十世纪与预期的斗争可能预示了二十一世纪政治的全球等待状况,气候危机加剧了这种状况。
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引用次数: 0
Remembering and Removing Aurangzeb 记住并移除奥朗则布
IF 0.7 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/1089201x-9987827
S. Pillai
Inspired by Allison Busch's pioneering scholarship on Bhasha (Old Hindi) literature associated with the Mughal court, this article explores the manuscript history of a seventeenth-century Bhasha text that repeatedly praises the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb (r. 1658–1707). Sabalsingh Chauhan's seventeenth-century Mahabharat is a bhakti (devotional) retelling of the Mahabharata epic. In the prologue of the sixteenth book of his Mahabharat, Chauhan describes himself performing his poem in Delhi before Aurangzeb and a king named Mitrasen. He also praises Mitrasen in the prologue of the seventh book and extolls Aurangzeb in the prologues of the sixth, eighth, ninth, and seventeenth books. While these five separate references to Aurangzeb are found in the majority of the manuscripts of the Bhasha Mahabharat, these allusions to the Mughal emperor are noticeably absent in three manuscripts from 1758, 1836, and 1845. This article examines how the specific political, temporal, and geographical contexts in which each of these three manuscripts were produced could have resulted in their copyists excising Aurangzeb. This piece also builds on recent studies by Busch and other scholars that have begun to seriously complicate modern perceptions of Aurangzeb as a violent Muslim tyrant who persecuted Hindus.
受Allison Busch关于与莫卧儿宫廷相关的巴沙(古印度语)文学的开创性奖学金的启发,本文探索了17世纪巴沙文本的手稿历史,该文本反复赞扬莫卧儿皇帝奥朗则布(1658-1707)。Sabalsingh Chauhan的17世纪《摩诃婆罗多》是对《摩诃婆罗多》史诗的虔诚重述。在《摩诃婆罗多》第十六本书的序言中,乔汉描述了他在奥朗则布和一位名叫米特拉森的国王之前在德里表演他的诗。他还在第七本书的序言中赞美了米特拉森在第六,第八,第九和第十七本书的序言中赞美了奥朗则布。虽然在《巴沙·摩诃婆罗特》的大部分手稿中都能找到这五处单独提到奥朗则布的地方,但在1758年、1836年和1845年的三份手稿中,这些对莫卧儿皇帝的典故却明显缺失。本文探讨了这三份手稿产生的具体政治、时间和地理背景如何导致抄写者删去了奥朗则布。这篇文章还建立在Busch和其他学者最近的研究基础上,这些研究已经开始严重复杂化奥朗则布作为一个迫害印度教徒的暴力穆斯林暴君的现代观念。
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引用次数: 0
Reflections on Reconciliation and Revolution 关于和解与革命的思考
IF 0.7 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/1089201x-9988022
Arzoo Osanloo
Abstract:The essay reflects on the politics and politicization of pardons in post-conflict, post-revolutionary contexts. Drawing from immediate post-revolutionary moments in 1979 Iran and 2021 Afghanistan, Osanloo explores how pardons can be mobilized both to assert and legitimize power. As the same time, in a post-conflict setting, pardons can provide some recourse to justice for parties that have experienced loss and offer a possible path to broad societal reconciliation. The use of pardons, even in post-conflict dispute resolutions, however, may highlight power imbalances. In such contexts, the refusal to request a pardon by seemingly weaker parties may itself be a show of force, a righteous resolve to resist power and refuse legitimation.
摘要:本文反思了后冲突、后革命背景下赦免的政治性和政治性。Osanloo从1979年伊朗和2021年阿富汗革命后的直接时刻出发,探讨了如何动员赦免来维护权力并使其合法化。与此同时,在冲突后的环境中,赦免可以为遭受损失的各方提供一些伸张正义的途径,并为广泛的社会和解提供可能的途径。然而,即使在冲突后争端解决中使用赦免,也可能突显权力失衡。在这种情况下,看似较弱的政党拒绝请求赦免本身可能是一种武力展示,是一种抵制权力和拒绝合法化的正义决心。
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引用次数: 0
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Comparative Studies of South Asia Africa and the Middle East
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