Pub Date : 2024-01-15DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2023.2299222
Izuu Nwankwọ
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Pub Date : 2023-10-16DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2023.2265856
Damilare Bello
ABSTRACTThis article makes the case for confessional genre as a contemporary African literary form afforded by the intersection of politics, affect and mediatory conventions. I argue that contemporary Nigerian youths, through intimate and sincere revelatory writing practices, model heterotopic structures as correctives to normative orders, and that such Foucauldian spaces, contentiously expressed as space-within-a-space, are realised in, and materialise as, digital literary anthologies. Rethinking the literary anthology as heterotopia discloses seeming incompatible valences in confessional praxis and genre as constituting the kernel of a resistive commune. I tease out such valences by drawing on existing conceptions of publics and heterotopia and reading Thursday’s Children (Adeosun & Bello Citation2019), a digital anthology of personal essays, as confessional public. The article thinks through genre’s capture by technological regimes, capital and multiple economies of circulation to render confessional public’s techniques of mobilisation. These incompatibilities comprise the anthology’s materiality as negotiating a fusion of aesthetics, feelings-based subjectivity, intimacy and vulnerability. Troubling the ethics of a captured genre renders the paradoxical manoeuvres in writerly practices that hold up shared affective codes of belonging as baselines for agonistic literacies. The article theorises confessional writing as registers of predicaments and emotions whose constitutive contradictions bond writers and their audience to create feelings of intimacy and public.KEYWORDS: confessionalintimate publicnew sincerityheterotopiapersonal essay AcknowledgementsAn earlier version of this article was presented as a lecture at the National Association of Students of English and Literary Studies Prize for Literature Symposium, University of Ibadan, January 2020. Thanks to the anonymous reviewers for their insightful feedback. A special thanks goes to Adanna L. Ogbonna-Oluikpe who read earlier drafts of this article and offered valuable suggestions.Disclosure statementNo conflict of interest was declared by the author.Notes1 Ekeh’s scholarship on the matter of publics in Africa, for which he identifies two types – primordial and civic publics – paints such realms as responsive to the configurational energies of colonialism. The distinction between both calcifies in how much they are estranged from what he considers the ‘moral imperatives of private spaces’ as zones of ‘primordial groupings, sentiments and activities’ or immersed in the pockets of civil affiliations supported by colonial orders (Ekeh Citation1975, 92). The dialectics between both publics as spaces of kinship or sentimental ties and constitutional orders hold value for thinking the morphology and relationality of counter-publics as bookended enclaves in African spaces.2 By one assessment, internet penetration in Nigeria as of 2021 stood at 50 per cent (104.4 million internet users), with 33
摘要本文论述了忏悔体裁作为一种当代非洲文学形式，在政治、情感和调解惯例的交叉作用下呈现出来。我认为，当代尼日利亚青年通过亲密和真诚的启示性写作实践，将异位结构作为规范秩序的纠正，而这种福柯式的空间，有争议地表达为空间中的空间，在数字文学选集中实现并具体化。重新思考作为异托邦的文学选集揭示了忏悔实践和体裁中看似不相容的价值，它们构成了一个抵抗性公社的核心。我通过利用现有的公众和异托邦概念，以及阅读个人散文的数字选集《周四的孩子》(Adeosun & Bello Citation2019)，作为忏悔的公众，梳理出这些价。本文从技术体制、资本和多重流通经济对流派的俘获出发，思考忏悔大众的动员技术。这些不相容构成了选集的物质性，作为美学、基于情感的主观性、亲密性和脆弱性的融合。对一种被捕获类型的道德规范提出质疑，使得作家实践中的矛盾手法，将共享的情感归属代码作为竞争文学的基线。本文将忏悔写作理论化为困境和情感的记录，其构成的矛盾将作者和读者联系在一起，创造出亲密和公共的感觉。本文的早期版本在伊巴丹大学2020年1月举行的全国英语与文学研究学生协会文学研讨会上作为讲座发表。感谢匿名评论者的深刻反馈。特别感谢Adanna L. Ogbonna-Oluikpe，她阅读了本文的早期草稿并提出了宝贵的建议。披露声明作者未声明存在利益冲突。注1 Ekeh关于非洲公众问题的研究，他将其分为两种类型——原始公众和公民公众——将这些领域描绘为对殖民主义的配置能量作出反应。两者之间的区别在于，它们在多大程度上脱离了他所认为的“私人空间的道德要求”，即“原始群体、情感和活动”的区域，或者沉浸在殖民秩序支持的民间关系的腰包中(Ekeh citation1975,92)。作为亲属关系或情感联系空间的公众与宪法秩序之间的辩证法，对于思考非洲空间中作为封闭飞地的反公众的形态和关系具有价值根据一项评估，截至2021年，尼日利亚的互联网普及率为50%(互联网用户为1.044亿)，其中3300万社交媒体用户占社交媒体普及率的13%。2022年，印度互联网和社交媒体用户数分别上升至1.092亿(51.0%)和3290万(15.4%)，但与该国2.141亿人口相比，这些数字仍然微不足道。这些数字表明，从事这些活动的人很少——这提醒了人们获取非洲文学的问题我在这篇文章中提到的单一空间或公共，通过成为一个由公民和国家结构的必要性所主导的空间，与反公共或异位公共疏远开来。也就是说，控制策略和服从技术的空间，为国家服务，并受国家指导。我认为这与Ekeh的公民公众有关，它肯定了殖民秩序的监管能量，以维持在后殖民国家中被接受的公共生活。这里使用的术语也倾向于大卫·马歇尔(Citation2016, 7)将其作为描述民族国家的领域非小说作为一种具有明确的非虚构和传记内容的超高级写作类别。创造性非虚构是它的文学类型，而不是圣徒传记等等。所暗示的区别建议将个人文章作为一种创造性非小说类文章。在创造性非小说和个人散文之间的这种区别重叠的地方，注意一般的实践。如果明确讨论个人散文，我指的是作为创造性非小说的一种特定类型的形式。
{"title":"Sincere Intimacy, Genre and Heterotopology of a Confessional Public","authors":"Damilare Bello","doi":"10.1080/00020184.2023.2265856","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2023.2265856","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article makes the case for confessional genre as a contemporary African literary form afforded by the intersection of politics, affect and mediatory conventions. I argue that contemporary Nigerian youths, through intimate and sincere revelatory writing practices, model heterotopic structures as correctives to normative orders, and that such Foucauldian spaces, contentiously expressed as space-within-a-space, are realised in, and materialise as, digital literary anthologies. Rethinking the literary anthology as heterotopia discloses seeming incompatible valences in confessional praxis and genre as constituting the kernel of a resistive commune. I tease out such valences by drawing on existing conceptions of publics and heterotopia and reading Thursday’s Children (Adeosun & Bello Citation2019), a digital anthology of personal essays, as confessional public. The article thinks through genre’s capture by technological regimes, capital and multiple economies of circulation to render confessional public’s techniques of mobilisation. These incompatibilities comprise the anthology’s materiality as negotiating a fusion of aesthetics, feelings-based subjectivity, intimacy and vulnerability. Troubling the ethics of a captured genre renders the paradoxical manoeuvres in writerly practices that hold up shared affective codes of belonging as baselines for agonistic literacies. The article theorises confessional writing as registers of predicaments and emotions whose constitutive contradictions bond writers and their audience to create feelings of intimacy and public.KEYWORDS: confessionalintimate publicnew sincerityheterotopiapersonal essay AcknowledgementsAn earlier version of this article was presented as a lecture at the National Association of Students of English and Literary Studies Prize for Literature Symposium, University of Ibadan, January 2020. Thanks to the anonymous reviewers for their insightful feedback. A special thanks goes to Adanna L. Ogbonna-Oluikpe who read earlier drafts of this article and offered valuable suggestions.Disclosure statementNo conflict of interest was declared by the author.Notes1 Ekeh’s scholarship on the matter of publics in Africa, for which he identifies two types – primordial and civic publics – paints such realms as responsive to the configurational energies of colonialism. The distinction between both calcifies in how much they are estranged from what he considers the ‘moral imperatives of private spaces’ as zones of ‘primordial groupings, sentiments and activities’ or immersed in the pockets of civil affiliations supported by colonial orders (Ekeh Citation1975, 92). The dialectics between both publics as spaces of kinship or sentimental ties and constitutional orders hold value for thinking the morphology and relationality of counter-publics as bookended enclaves in African spaces.2 By one assessment, internet penetration in Nigeria as of 2021 stood at 50 per cent (104.4 million internet users), with 33 ","PeriodicalId":51769,"journal":{"name":"African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136114719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-10DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2023.2264240
Patience Chadambuka, Kirk Helliker
ABSTRACTIn the year 2000, the nation-wide land occupations and the ensuing Fast Track Land Reform Programme displaced tens of thousands of farm labourers from white commercial farms in Zimbabwe. Many of these farm labourers were of foreign origin, including from Malawi and Mozambique, though they had lived in Zimbabwe for extended periods. While farm labourers with Zimbabwean ancestry found it relatively easy, but not without problems in many cases, to move into communal areas subsequent to displacement, foreign farm labourers typically failed to do so because of their alien status. Nevertheless, some ex-farm labourers of foreign status did move into communal lands successfully, and sought to construct a project of belonging in doing so. Based on semi-ethnographic fieldwork conducted in the Shamva District’s Bushu communal areas in Mashonaland Central Province, this article examines the many challenges faced by Africans of foreign origin in accessing communal land and how their ‘foreign’ identity continues to limit their tenure security while living alongside indigenous communal villagers.KEYWORDS: landZimbabwebelongingforeign farmworkerscommunal areasShamva Disclosure statementNo conflict of interest has been declared by the authors.AcknowledgementsThe authors wish to thank all those who participated in this study.Notes1 Though we use the term ‘autochthonous Zimbabweans’, we also problematise it throughout the article. In particular, claims about being an autochthonous Zimbabwean entail a project of belonging that is possibly subject to contestation from others. Overall, an autochthonous status is socially-constructed and dynamic, rather than a fixed identity.2 Fast track resulted in the creation of a two-tier land-redistribution model comprising smaller, villagised A1 farms, and the larger commercial A2 farms.Additional informationNotes on contributorsPatience ChadambukaPatience Chadambuka is acting head of the department of community studies at Midlands State University in Zimbabwe.Kirk HellikerKirk Helliker is a research professor and head of the unit of Zimbabwean studies at Rhodes University in South Africa.
{"title":"Communal Land and Belonging Among Foreign Former Farmworkers in Zimbabwe","authors":"Patience Chadambuka, Kirk Helliker","doi":"10.1080/00020184.2023.2264240","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2023.2264240","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn the year 2000, the nation-wide land occupations and the ensuing Fast Track Land Reform Programme displaced tens of thousands of farm labourers from white commercial farms in Zimbabwe. Many of these farm labourers were of foreign origin, including from Malawi and Mozambique, though they had lived in Zimbabwe for extended periods. While farm labourers with Zimbabwean ancestry found it relatively easy, but not without problems in many cases, to move into communal areas subsequent to displacement, foreign farm labourers typically failed to do so because of their alien status. Nevertheless, some ex-farm labourers of foreign status did move into communal lands successfully, and sought to construct a project of belonging in doing so. Based on semi-ethnographic fieldwork conducted in the Shamva District’s Bushu communal areas in Mashonaland Central Province, this article examines the many challenges faced by Africans of foreign origin in accessing communal land and how their ‘foreign’ identity continues to limit their tenure security while living alongside indigenous communal villagers.KEYWORDS: landZimbabwebelongingforeign farmworkerscommunal areasShamva Disclosure statementNo conflict of interest has been declared by the authors.AcknowledgementsThe authors wish to thank all those who participated in this study.Notes1 Though we use the term ‘autochthonous Zimbabweans’, we also problematise it throughout the article. In particular, claims about being an autochthonous Zimbabwean entail a project of belonging that is possibly subject to contestation from others. Overall, an autochthonous status is socially-constructed and dynamic, rather than a fixed identity.2 Fast track resulted in the creation of a two-tier land-redistribution model comprising smaller, villagised A1 farms, and the larger commercial A2 farms.Additional informationNotes on contributorsPatience ChadambukaPatience Chadambuka is acting head of the department of community studies at Midlands State University in Zimbabwe.Kirk HellikerKirk Helliker is a research professor and head of the unit of Zimbabwean studies at Rhodes University in South Africa.","PeriodicalId":51769,"journal":{"name":"African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136353071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-06DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2023.2261386
Siyabulela Manona, Thembela Kepe
ABSTRACTThis article discusses the implication of the 2021 CASAC v Ingonyama Trust judgment on South Africa’s land governance policy trajectories. It explores the extent to which there are missing links between policy imperatives, the legal system, court processes and socio-economic emancipation. It argues that the failure of the state in policy design and implementation has turned courts into contradictory sites of struggle for emancipating land rights. In particular, we examine some of the key specific and broader implications that emanate from the landmark ruling in the case that was lodged by the Council for the Advancement of South African Constitution and Rural Women’s Movement against the Ingonyama Trust and Board, where the conduct of Ingonyama Trust was found to be illegal and unconstitutional, as it undermined the indigenous land rights of people occupying the land by converting their land tenure rights into leasehold. The verdict was a huge affirmation of indigenous land rights, but the judgment is unlikely to translate into clear policy. Instead, it has unleashed confusion and dilemma tied to colonial and apartheid legacies as well as competing jurisdictions. Our main argument is that court judgments become de facto policy statements, but those policies are not easily implemented because they are intersectional. We show that current land policies, including the one involving the Ingonyama Trust, has an intersectional genesis that includes old apartheid legislation and policies, the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, as well as legislature and other political deals (such as negotiations to bring about reconciliation) that cannot be easily undone by any one court judgment.KEYWORDS: Land governanceSouth AfricaIngonyama trustCompeting jurisdictionsColonial present AcknowledgementsThe authors acknowledge funding support for the initial research from Land Network National Engagement Strategy (LandNNES).Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See Ingonyama Trust paragraph 16: ‘The Zulu monarchy became in all essentials a unitary state, ruled by the despot who had called it into being’.2 Interim Protection of Informal Land Rights Act 31 of 1996. The Ingonyama Trust thought this Act does not apply to Trust land – see Ingonyama Trust paragraph 65.3 Gumede v The President of the Republic of South Africa reaffirmed indigenous law as an independent source of law, existing side by side with common law.4 Ingonyama Trust paragraph 15. See Black Administration Act 38 of 1927, section 24 of KwaZulu Land Affairs Act 11 of 1992, the Ingonyama Trust Act, Proclamation R168 of 1994, KwaZulu Chiefs and Headmen Act 8 of 1974, Traditional Leadership Governance Framework 41 of 2003, KwaZulu-Natal Traditional Leadership Governance Framework Act 5 of 2005 and Regulation R1238 in Government Gazette 19300. Also see the Report of the South African Native Affairs Commission, 1903-1905 (Commission) se
他的兴趣包括土地权利、政治生态和农村斗争。
{"title":"The High Court Ruling Against Ingonyama Trust: Implications for South Africa’s Land Governance Policy","authors":"Siyabulela Manona, Thembela Kepe","doi":"10.1080/00020184.2023.2261386","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2023.2261386","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article discusses the implication of the 2021 CASAC v Ingonyama Trust judgment on South Africa’s land governance policy trajectories. It explores the extent to which there are missing links between policy imperatives, the legal system, court processes and socio-economic emancipation. It argues that the failure of the state in policy design and implementation has turned courts into contradictory sites of struggle for emancipating land rights. In particular, we examine some of the key specific and broader implications that emanate from the landmark ruling in the case that was lodged by the Council for the Advancement of South African Constitution and Rural Women’s Movement against the Ingonyama Trust and Board, where the conduct of Ingonyama Trust was found to be illegal and unconstitutional, as it undermined the indigenous land rights of people occupying the land by converting their land tenure rights into leasehold. The verdict was a huge affirmation of indigenous land rights, but the judgment is unlikely to translate into clear policy. Instead, it has unleashed confusion and dilemma tied to colonial and apartheid legacies as well as competing jurisdictions. Our main argument is that court judgments become de facto policy statements, but those policies are not easily implemented because they are intersectional. We show that current land policies, including the one involving the Ingonyama Trust, has an intersectional genesis that includes old apartheid legislation and policies, the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, as well as legislature and other political deals (such as negotiations to bring about reconciliation) that cannot be easily undone by any one court judgment.KEYWORDS: Land governanceSouth AfricaIngonyama trustCompeting jurisdictionsColonial present AcknowledgementsThe authors acknowledge funding support for the initial research from Land Network National Engagement Strategy (LandNNES).Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See Ingonyama Trust paragraph 16: ‘The Zulu monarchy became in all essentials a unitary state, ruled by the despot who had called it into being’.2 Interim Protection of Informal Land Rights Act 31 of 1996. The Ingonyama Trust thought this Act does not apply to Trust land – see Ingonyama Trust paragraph 65.3 Gumede v The President of the Republic of South Africa reaffirmed indigenous law as an independent source of law, existing side by side with common law.4 Ingonyama Trust paragraph 15. See Black Administration Act 38 of 1927, section 24 of KwaZulu Land Affairs Act 11 of 1992, the Ingonyama Trust Act, Proclamation R168 of 1994, KwaZulu Chiefs and Headmen Act 8 of 1974, Traditional Leadership Governance Framework 41 of 2003, KwaZulu-Natal Traditional Leadership Governance Framework Act 5 of 2005 and Regulation R1238 in Government Gazette 19300. Also see the Report of the South African Native Affairs Commission, 1903-1905 (Commission) se","PeriodicalId":51769,"journal":{"name":"African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135350457","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2023.2260764
Paulina Aroch-Fugellie
ABSTRACTAfrica’s portrayal in the hegemonic imagination has been subjected to critical analysis for many decades. Three features stand out in my analysis. First, I focus on how that hegemonic imagination produces and correlates whiteness to progress through cigarette marketing. Second, I am concerned with the specifically neoliberal leveraging of the imaginary repertoire of classic European colonialism. Neoliberal colonialism repurposes old phantasmagoria according to its own modes of dominance and exploitation, engaging in a form of racialisation that is much more subtle but equally effective. Third, I use my own situated reading from elsewhere in the periphery to triangulate and break open the classic dichotomic opposition between Africa and the West. In supplanting the Africa/West dichotomy with a tripartite division of the world as analytical category, new ways in which the hegemonic idea of Africa benefits neoliberal colonialism surface. Working classes globally are driven to read their exploitation as a comparative privilege, while comprador elites are disciplined into cooperation and compliance. These ideas are investigated by means of visual analyses of tobacco ads in Africa. I focus on how youths are lured into global economic and semiotic value circuits to produce the spectacular and spectral normativity of a whitened global bourgeoisie.KEYWORDS: image of AfricaGlobal Southneoliberalideologytobacco advertisingspectaclespectralityproduction of whiteness AcknowledgementsI would like to thank Ingrid Fugellie for her feedback and revision of early drafts.Disclosure statementNo conflict of interest was declared by the author.Notes1 In How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Walter Rodney (Citation1972) analyses how colonialism destroyed subsistence farming and local food trading circuits to favour cash crops for export (including tobacco). Staple food shortages were generated and soils eroded, producing landslides, droughts, and destabilising ecosystems more generally. This created dependency on European imports for basic subsistence while providing Europe with the prime materials necessary for its own industrial flourishment. The neoliberal colonialism that settled in after Rodney’s classic was published only came to further that structural dependency. Nile Bowie (Citation2012) analyses how the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund deliberately dismember the self-sufficiency of local economies to ensure their dependency on world markets: Food aid to sub-Saharan Africa has increased more than seven times since 1974 and commercial grain imports have flooded local markets […]. Financial institutions apply debilitating restructuring to the economies of borrower countries to effectively turn them into breadbaskets for cash crops and other money harvests, using the highest quality farmlands available to cultivate tobacco crops for export, […] their shameless pursuit of turning a profit has led the World Bank to trumpet the commoditization of w
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Pub Date : 2023-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2023.2260761
Liz Timbs
ABSTRACTIn 1989, Jean-François Bayart published the now foundational text, The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly, introducing the Cameroonian idiom ‘la politique du ventre’ (the politics of the belly), which draws on the idea that having a belly in the African context connotes not only wealth but also power. Lynn Thomas adopted Bayart’s idiom for her Politics of the Womb (2003, 3–4), flipping the idiom to explore ‘the particular capacities and powers attached to the female belly or the womb to demonstrate the centrality of reproductive struggles to African history’. While the politics of the belly confronts the propensity of political figures to hoard resources and the politics of the womb demonstrated young women’s autonomy over their own bodies, the politics of the penis expose how former South African president Jacob Zuma utilised his masculinity as a tool to fortify power and material wealth. From this vantage point, this paper explores the ‘politics of the penis’ that characterised Zuma’s presidency, deploying this phallic idiom to examine the consolidation of Zulu political tribalism, Zuma’s public displays of masculinit(ies) and heavily sexualised politics.KEYWORDS: masculinityZuluJacob Zumasexualityethnicitynationalism AcknowledgementsThanks to Benedict Carton, Jill Kelly and the anonymous reviewers for feedback on previous drafts.Disclosure statementNo conflict of interest was declared by the author.Additional informationNotes on contributorsLiz TimbsLiz Timbs is an assistant professor of history at the University of North Carolina Wilmington. She earned her PhD from Michigan State University in 2019. Her current book project, entitled The Regiments, reconstructs how Zulu amabutho (age-grades, regiments) shaped male youth socialisation over the past two centuries in South Africa. Her work has appeared in the Journal of Southern Africa Studies, South African Historical Journal, and Journal of Natal and Zulu History.
1989年，让-弗朗索瓦·巴亚特(jean - franois Bayart)出版了现在具有基础意义的著作《非洲国家:肚子的政治》(the State in Africa: the Politics of the Belly)，介绍了喀麦隆成语“la politique du ventre”(肚子的政治)，该成语借鉴了这样一种观点，即在非洲的背景下，拥有肚子不仅意味着财富，还意味着权力。林恩·托马斯在她的《子宫的政治》(2003,3-4)中采用了巴亚特的成语，将这个成语翻转来探索“附着在女性腹部或子宫上的特殊能力和力量，以证明生殖斗争在非洲历史上的中心地位”。《腹部政治》对抗的是政治人物囤积资源的倾向，《子宫政治》展示的是年轻女性对自己身体的自主权，而《阴茎政治》则揭露了南非前总统雅各布•祖马(Jacob Zuma)如何利用自己的男子气概作为巩固权力和物质财富的工具。从这个有利的角度出发，本文探讨了祖马总统任期内的“阴茎政治”，利用这个阴茎成语来研究祖鲁政治部落主义的巩固，祖马公开展示的男子气概和严重的性别化政治。关键词:男性气质祖鲁雅各布祖鲁性种族民族主义感谢本尼迪克特卡登，吉尔凯利和匿名审稿人对以前草稿的反馈。披露声明作者未声明存在利益冲突。作者简介:sliz Timbs，北卡罗来纳大学威尔明顿分校历史学助理教授。她于2019年在密歇根州立大学获得博士学位。她目前的新书名为《军团》(The Regiments)，重建了祖鲁人的amabutho(年龄等级，军团)在过去两个世纪里如何塑造了南非男性青年的社会化。她的作品曾发表在《南部非洲研究杂志》、《南非历史杂志》和《纳塔尔和祖鲁历史杂志》上。
{"title":"The Politics of the Penis: Post-Apartheid Zulu Nationalism and Martial Masculinity, ca 1999 to 2018","authors":"Liz Timbs","doi":"10.1080/00020184.2023.2260761","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2023.2260761","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn 1989, Jean-François Bayart published the now foundational text, The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly, introducing the Cameroonian idiom ‘la politique du ventre’ (the politics of the belly), which draws on the idea that having a belly in the African context connotes not only wealth but also power. Lynn Thomas adopted Bayart’s idiom for her Politics of the Womb (2003, 3–4), flipping the idiom to explore ‘the particular capacities and powers attached to the female belly or the womb to demonstrate the centrality of reproductive struggles to African history’. While the politics of the belly confronts the propensity of political figures to hoard resources and the politics of the womb demonstrated young women’s autonomy over their own bodies, the politics of the penis expose how former South African president Jacob Zuma utilised his masculinity as a tool to fortify power and material wealth. From this vantage point, this paper explores the ‘politics of the penis’ that characterised Zuma’s presidency, deploying this phallic idiom to examine the consolidation of Zulu political tribalism, Zuma’s public displays of masculinit(ies) and heavily sexualised politics.KEYWORDS: masculinityZuluJacob Zumasexualityethnicitynationalism AcknowledgementsThanks to Benedict Carton, Jill Kelly and the anonymous reviewers for feedback on previous drafts.Disclosure statementNo conflict of interest was declared by the author.Additional informationNotes on contributorsLiz TimbsLiz Timbs is an assistant professor of history at the University of North Carolina Wilmington. She earned her PhD from Michigan State University in 2019. Her current book project, entitled The Regiments, reconstructs how Zulu amabutho (age-grades, regiments) shaped male youth socialisation over the past two centuries in South Africa. Her work has appeared in the Journal of Southern Africa Studies, South African Historical Journal, and Journal of Natal and Zulu History.","PeriodicalId":51769,"journal":{"name":"African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135829109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2023.2261387
Janell Le Roux, Toks Dele Oyedemi
ABSTRACTIn precolonial Africa, hair played an important role in how Africans conceptualised identity, beauty, status, spirituality and cultural pride. With the advent of slavery, colonialism and apartheid, African hair became the object of ridicule, racialisation and inferiority. The Eurocentric ideal of beauty became dominant in African women’s perception of ‘self’ and ‘identity’. For many women in apartheid South Africa, it became a way of acceptance into the European consciousness and to access social, cultural and economic privileges that colonialism and apartheid reserved for whiteness. Do the vestiges of colonial-apartheid and the Eurocentric constructs of beauty and identity persist among those who grew up and lived through apartheid now that South Africa is a free country? Through a theoretical lens of postcolonial discourse of race and identity, this study explores colonial-born Black women’s (aged 47 to 83) opinions about hair and identity in post-apartheid South Africa. It seems their perceptions remain fixed in the Eurocentric standard.KEYWORDS: hairapartheidraceidentityBlack womenSouth Africa AcknowledgementsThe financial assistance of the National Institute for the Humanities and Social Sciences (NIHSS), in collaboration with the South African Humanities Deans Association (SAHUDA) towards this research is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at are those of the authors and are not to be attributed to the NIHSS and SAHUDA.Disclosure statementNo conflict of interest was declared by the authors.Additional informationNotes on contributorsJanell Le RouxJanell Le Roux holds a PhD from the University of Limpopo in South Africa and is a senior lecturer in the department of communication, media and information studies at the University of Limpopo in South Africa.Toks Dele OyedemiToks Dele Oyedemi is associated with the department of communication, media and information studies at the University of Limpopo in South Africa. He holds a PhD from the University of Massachusetts in the United States.
在前殖民时期的非洲，头发在非洲人如何将身份、美丽、地位、精神和文化自豪感概念化方面发挥着重要作用。随着奴隶制、殖民主义和种族隔离的到来，非洲人的头发成为嘲笑、种族化和自卑的对象。以欧洲为中心的美的理想在非洲女性对“自我”和“身份”的认知中占主导地位。对于南非种族隔离时期的许多妇女来说，这成为一种被欧洲意识所接受的方式，并获得了殖民主义和种族隔离为白人保留的社会、文化和经济特权。在南非成为一个自由的国家后，那些在种族隔离中长大并生活过的人，是否还保留着殖民种族隔离的痕迹，以及以欧洲为中心的关于美和身份的建构?通过后殖民时期种族和身份话语的理论视角，本研究探讨了后种族隔离时期南非殖民地出生的黑人女性(47岁至83岁)对头发和身份的看法。他们的观念似乎仍然固定在欧洲中心的标准上。特此感谢国家人文社会科学研究所(NIHSS)与南非人文院长协会(SAHUDA)合作对这项研究提供的财政援助。所表达的观点和得出的结论是作者的观点，不属于NIHSS和SAHUDA。作者未声明存在利益冲突。作者简介janell Le Roux拥有南非林波波大学博士学位，现为南非林波波大学传播、媒体和信息研究系高级讲师。Toks Dele Oyedemi就职于南非林波波大学传播、媒体和信息研究系。他拥有美国马萨诸塞大学的博士学位。
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2023.2195358
Daniela Waldburger
ABSTRACT This article discusses the significance of work and leisure in (post)colonial Lubumbashi as it emerges from the narratives of ex-workers of the Union Minière du Haut-Katanga (UMHK) and its successor, Gécamines. In the ex-mineworkers’ narratives, kazi (work) refers to a period when employment stood for prosperity, reflected in material benefits such as housing, food, wages, healthcare provision, education, prestige and, not least, leisure activities. The ex-mineworkers in question are members of the Collectif des ex-agents de la Gécamines, who all lost their jobs in 2003 in a deal with the World Bank to save the run-down company. Following a severe and sustained economic decline in the Democratic Republic of Congo, which began before the workers lost their jobs and continued for a long time after, the ex-mineworkers speak of this work life and of the attendant leisure activities with an immense nostalgia for an ‘object of loss’. This article examines the narratives of loss of income and the subsequent radical redefinition of leisure – which is also seen as a loss – paying particular attention to the ways in which the ex-mineworkers link these matters to notions of masculinity.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2023.2226618
Sizo Nkala, Sikanyiso Masuku
ABSTRACT This article used a critical discourse approach to understand how linguistic practices in the South African media construct international immigrants of African origin. We created an 88 000-word corpus of online South African news articles on immigrants from 2008 to 2020, which we then uploaded onto a corpus analysis software, Sketch Engine. Through the software, we were able to generate patterns of language use in the construction of immigrant identity and subject position in the media. While most literature on South Africa has focused on the violence associated with xenophobia, this paper zeroes in on ‘the language of xenophobia’ to provide a good reflection of the sociological construction of ‘self’ and ‘other’ in the country. By examining the discursive practices of the media on foreign nationals, the paper maps out not only the circulation but also the reproduction of power, social relations and other sociologies behind the prejudices that inform xenophobia in all its various forms.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00020184.2023.2212616
M. Lazaro, L. Walker, E. Robson
ABSTRACT Millions of orphans, created by parental deaths due to the HIV/AIDS pandemic in sub-Saharan Africa, live with, and are cared for, by grandparents. Little research has considered how grandparents and, in particular, grandfathers, are caring for orphans. Here, we employ the analytical concept of generative grandfathering to analyse rural grandfathers’ roles in orphan care within communities of Zomba District, Southern Malawi. Using an ethnographic approach to investigate orphan care, we engaged children, young people and adults in multiple qualitative research activities, including interviews, focus group discussions, stakeholder and dissemination meetings. The findings suggest that although grandfathers’ contributions to orphan care are on the periphery of research and policy concerned with grandparenting in Malawi and other regions of sub-Saharan Africa, grandfathers are incontrovertibly at the epicentre of their orphaned grandchildren’s everyday lives. Grandfathers are providers for their orphaned grandchildren, they support their formal education, and are integral to the intergenerational transmission of both knowledge and values. However, despite performing myriad caring roles in plain sight of their communities, grandfathers remain largely invisible due to gendered (mis)conceptions of care. This highlights the dilemma of grandfathers as ageing men who find themselves in roles not traditionally associated with hegemonic notions of masculinity in their communities.
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