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A Primer on Asian Americans and Asian American Studies for Public Administration 亚裔美国人入门与公共行政亚裔美国人研究
IF 1.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-22 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2022.2089475
C. A. Lee, Aarika Forney
Abstract This article serves as an introduction for public administration and public institutions about Asian Americans. The experiences of Asian Americans and the field of Asian American Studies can inform a more nuanced understanding of how racial categories are constructed and community-led efforts that lead to institutional change. Asian Americans offer important insights for public administration, including how to contend with intra- and intergroup differences, how racialization upholds white supremacy, and how to document community-based histories of activism and engagement with public institutions. We end with recommendations to rethink diversity and racial climate in the field. Through a more in-depth understanding of racial categories, public institutions can improve resource distribution and decision-making.
摘要本文对亚裔美国人的公共管理和公共机构进行了介绍。亚裔美国人和亚裔美国人研究领域的经历可以让我们更细致地了解种族类别是如何构建的,以及社区主导的努力是如何导致制度变革的。亚裔美国人为公共管理提供了重要的见解,包括如何应对群体内部和群体之间的差异,种族化如何维护白人至上主义,以及如何记录以社区为基础的行动主义历史和与公共机构的接触。最后,我们建议重新思考该领域的多样性和种族氛围。通过更深入地了解种族类别,公共机构可以改善资源分配和决策。
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引用次数: 1
Cronyism, Oligarchy and Governance in the Philippines: 1970s vs. 2020s 菲律宾的任人唯亲、寡头政治和治理:1970年代与2020年代
IF 1.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-18 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2022.2139656
Oscar Bulaong Jr., Gabrielle Ann S. Mendoza, Ronald U. Mendoza

Abstract

Martial Law exacerbated cronyism and oligarchy by concentrating political power into the hands of one political clan. Technocratic industrial policy combined with political anti-oligarch rhetoric spurred the rationalization and liberalization of different economic sectors. Some traditional business oligarchs were quickly displaced by a new cohort of business leaders with strong ties to the Marcos administration. This was the basic recipe for malgovernance and one of the deepest economic implosions faced by the Philippines in the early-1980s that eventually led to the dictator’s removal via the 1986 EDSA revolution. While institutional reforms and subsequent economic recovery has been achieved by post-EDSA Presidents, economic and political governance challenges persist as the risks of cronyism and oligarchy only evolve over time. Reformists appear to have liberalized the economy and spurred economic growth, but they have made little progress to liberalize the political system. The tendency for political clans to concentrate power remains. This underpins the reform agenda to continue to rebalance economic and political power in favor of stronger inclusion and competition, in turn supporting inclusive development.

摘要戒严令将政治权力集中到一个政治家族手中,加剧了任人唯亲和寡头政治。技术官僚的产业政策与政治上的反寡头言论相结合,刺激了不同经济部门的合理化和自由化。一些传统的商业寡头很快被一批与马科斯政府关系密切的新商业领袖所取代。这是导致政府管理不善的基本原因,也是菲律宾在20世纪80年代初面临的最严重的经济崩溃之一,最终导致独裁者通过1986年的EDSA革命被推翻。虽然edsa后的总统们实现了制度改革和随后的经济复苏,但随着任人唯亲和寡头政治的风险不断演变,经济和政治治理方面的挑战仍然存在。改革派似乎已经实现了经济自由化,刺激了经济增长,但他们在政治体制自由化方面进展甚微。政治派系集中权力的趋势依然存在。这为改革议程提供了基础,以继续平衡经济和政治力量,促进更强的包容性和竞争,从而支持包容性发展。
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引用次数: 0
Reengineering Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Discourse in Public Administration: Asian Americans as a Missing Piece of the Puzzle 公共管理中的多元化、公平与包容话语再造:亚裔美国人作为拼图中缺失的一块
IF 1.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2022.2120710
Jungwon Yeo, SoHee Jeon, Myung Hun Jin
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引用次数: 0
From the Chinese Exclusion Act to the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Historical Analysis of “Otherness” Experienced by Asian Americans in the United States 从《排华法案》到新冠肺炎大流行:亚裔美国人在美国经历的“他者性”历史分析
IF 1.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2022.2120292
Meghna Sabharwal, Aurora Becerra, Seong-Ran Oh
Abstract In 2020, the world witnessed the worst pandemic in more than a century that continues to impact and stigmatize minorities and immigrants disproportionately. During this time Asian Americans in the United States (US) have been subject to racist tropes, xenophobic attacks, and widespread hate crimes. The xenophobia and racism experienced by this group are not new, as demonstrated in this study. The injustices experienced by Asians in the US are embedded within the historical, social, political, and cultural structures that discriminate and are present throughout minority history. Unfortunately, scholars in the US Public Administration often underutilize a historical lens to study oppression, racism, and xenophobia. This essay provides key historical accounts of how Asian Americans experience othering while at the same time are perceived as model minorities. We will examine the history of “otherness” experienced by Asian Americans in the US from two key lenses: (1) disease and the other (2) labor and immigration policies.
2020年,全球经历了一个多世纪以来最严重的疫情,少数族裔和移民继续受到不成比例的影响和污名化。在此期间,美国的亚裔美国人一直受到种族主义比喻、仇外攻击和广泛的仇恨犯罪的影响。正如这项研究所表明的那样,这一群体所经历的仇外心理和种族主义并不新鲜。亚裔在美国所经历的不公正根植于历史、社会、政治和文化结构中,这种结构歧视少数民族,并贯穿于整个少数民族历史。不幸的是,美国公共行政学者在研究压迫、种族主义和仇外心理时,往往没有充分利用历史的视角。这篇文章提供了亚裔美国人在被视为模范少数族裔的同时如何经历他人的关键历史记录。我们将从两个关键的角度来研究亚裔美国人在美国经历的“他者性”的历史:(1)疾病和(2)劳工和移民政策。
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引用次数: 0
The Time Has Come: Broadly Integrating Critical Race Theory as an Analytic Lens in Public and Nonprofit Management 时代已经到来:广泛整合批判种族理论作为公共和非营利管理的分析镜头
IF 1.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2022.2120711
Jason D. Rivera, K. Leach
Over the last few years, the disciplines of public administration (PA) and nonprofit management (NP) have actively contributed to the discourse surrounding the importance of documenting and understanding historically marginalized voices (Blessett & Gaynor, 2021). We seek to continue this tradition by building off the work of Blessett and Gaynor (2021) and others (cf Alexander & Stivers, 2020; Danley & Blessett, 2022; McCandless & Blessett, 2022; Portillo et al., 2020; Wright & Merritt, 2020; Zavattaro & Bearfield, 2022) who have highlighted the importance of intentionally integrating marginalized voices into the study of nonprofit management and public administration practice. This discourse is not only a byproduct of the academic disciplines’ foci on social equity, but their more concerted effort to officially engage with the effects of historical discriminatory and/or oppressive institutional structures as a means of pursuing social equity (Riccucci, 2021). This interest has become even more salient in the past several years with the prominence of situations requiring public and nonprofit solutions to address the desperate impacts of COVID-19, police brutality, climate change, and depressed economic conditions (Gooden, 2020). Along these lines, at the American Society for Public Administration’s 2021 and 2022 meetings, one of the overarching themes of these conferences related to the need for applying new theoretical lenses for understanding Black, Indigenous and People of Color’s (BIPOC) experiences and their interactions with public administrators and nonprofit organizations. The interest partially stems from the acceptance within the discipline that racism, either subtle, overt, or institutional, molds the everyday experiences of minorities within the United States (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). As such, in order for public administration as a field to pursue social equity, it must also address and understand the legacies and continued impact of racism (Gooden, 2014; Riccucci, 2021). One such approach to developing this understanding is through the lens of Critical Race Theory (CRT) and its subcategories. According to Blessett and Gaynor (2021; see also Crenshaw et al., 2015; L opez et al., 2018), CRT provides researchers with a conceptual and empirical foundation to study a host of social issues with the understanding that contemporary social, political and economic systems are the byproduct of racialized structures that are sustained without the racist behaviors of individuals. As such, the use of CRT in research typically is interested in two things. First, to explain how white supremacy has created and maintained institutions and systems that disadvantage people of color, in addition to privilege Whites. Second, to transform the connection of institutions, the law and public policy with the power of BIPOC to pursue social equity (Crenshaw, 1995, 1996; Brown, 2003). CRT is not only intended to understand the lived experiences of people as a
在过去的几年里,公共行政(PA)和非营利管理(NP)学科积极参与了围绕记录和理解历史上被边缘化的声音的重要性的讨论(Blesset&Gaynor,2021)。我们试图通过在Blessett和Gaynor(2021)以及其他人的工作基础上继续这一传统(参见Alexander&Stivers,2020;Danley&Blessett,2022;McCandless&Blesset,2022;Portillo等人,2020;Wright&Merritt,2020;Zavattaro&Bearfield,2022),他们强调了有意将边缘化声音纳入非营利管理和公众研究的重要性行政实践。这种话语不仅是学术学科关注社会公平的副产品,也是它们更加协调一致地努力正式应对历史歧视和/或压迫性制度结构的影响,以此作为追求社会公平的手段(Riccucci,2021)。在过去几年中,随着需要公共和非营利解决方案来应对新冠肺炎、警察暴行、气候变化和低迷经济状况的绝望影响的情况日益突出,这种兴趣变得更加突出(Gooden,2020)。沿着这些思路,在美国公共行政学会2021年和2022年的会议上,这些会议的首要主题之一涉及应用新的理论视角来理解黑人、土著和有色人种(BIPOC)的经历及其与公共行政人员和非营利组织的互动的必要性。这种兴趣部分源于学科内部的接受,即种族主义,无论是微妙的、公开的还是制度性的,都塑造了美国少数民族的日常经历(Delgado&Stefancic,2001)。因此,为了使公共行政成为一个追求社会公平的领域,它还必须解决和理解种族主义的遗留问题和持续影响(Gooden,2014;Riccucci,2021)。发展这种理解的一种方法是通过批判性种族理论及其子类别的视角。根据Blessett和Gaynor(2021;另见Crenshaw等人,2015;L opez等人,2018),CRT为研究人员提供了一个概念和经验基础,以研究一系列社会问题,并理解当代社会、政治和经济制度是种族化结构的副产品,这些结构在没有个人种族主义行为的情况下得以维持。因此,在研究中使用CRT通常对两件事感兴趣。首先,解释白人至上主义是如何创建和维持对有色人种不利的制度和制度,以及对白人的特权。其次,转变机构、法律和公共政策与BIPOC追求社会公平的权力之间的联系(Crenshaw,19951996;Brown,2003年)。CRT不仅旨在理解由于种族化结构而导致的人们的生活经历,而且还旨在说明许多压迫制度所基于的本质主义在事实上是不准确的(Delgado&Stefancic,2001)。此外
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引用次数: 0
Review of Saw IV: Extreme Violence, Ethics, and Street-Level Bureaucracy 《电锯惊魂4:极端暴力、道德和街头官僚主义》书评
IF 1.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2022.2125910
Wesley Wehde, Davia Cox Downey
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引用次数: 0
Birds of a Feather: Advancing US Active Duty, Reservist, and Veteran Medical Research, Together 物以类聚:共同推进美国现役、预备役和退伍军人医学研究
IF 1.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2022.2124606
Julie Babyar
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引用次数: 0
U.S. Bail, Pretrial Justice, and Charitable Bail Organizations: Strengthening Social Equity and Advancing Politics and Public Ethics of Care 美国保释、审前司法和慈善保释组织:加强社会公平,推进政治和公共关怀伦理
IF 1.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2022.2115219
Cynthia A. Golembeski, Matthew Bakko, Shayla Wilson, Twyla Carter
Abstract The U.S. criminal legal system contributes to the oppression and harm of marginalized groups, calling into question ethical governance. The front end of this system, specifically bail and pretrial justice, exploits opportunities for resource generation and social control as a major driver of incarceration, yet receives limited attention in public administration or ethics. Disproportionate punishment and collateral penalties associated with bail and pretrial justice are causes and consequences of structural racism and administrative dysfunction. Excessive bail as a poverty penalty incurs risks to health, safety, financial security, and constitutional presumptions and protections. In light of civil and constitutional rights concerns, bail and pretrial-associated philanthropic solutions have proliferated. This article provides background on bail and pretrial justice policies and politics; outlines evidence of related consequences; describes select reform efforts and philanthropic tools, including the charitable bail organization The Bail Project; and contextualizes bail and pretrial justice within a public values framework, which centers social equity and incorporates critical race theory alongside politics and public ethics of care. Upholding the Constitution and the law, strengthening social equity, and ensuring procedural due process are core tenets of good governance, yet anathema to the current bail and pretrial justice system, which is a critical public ethics concern.
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引用次数: 0
Deconstructing Corruption through Its Aporias 用寓言解构腐败
IF 1.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2022.2123050
David Arellano-Gault, Luis Jair Trejo, Gabriel Rojas-Salazar
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引用次数: 1
Critical Whiteness Studies as Self-Work for White Nonprofit and Government Workers 批判性白人研究作为白人非营利组织和政府工作人员的自我工作
IF 1.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-13 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2022.2116671
Nuri Heckler
Abstract Social equity researchers in public administration regularly refer to self-work as important or even crucial for White public servants seeking to authentically engage in racial justice efforts. Yet no papers in the field define self-work nor deliberately provide tools for White people to do it. Self-work for White racial justice advocates acknowledges racialized trauma and gives White public servants tools to understand White double-consciousness. I develop a model to support the argument that Critical Whiteness Studies (CWS)—the subset of critical race theory dedicated to understanding how the White racial identity contributes to racial hierarchy—is a powerful tool for self-work of White public servants. CWS has four assumptions: (1) Whiteness as property, (2) racial denial, (3) White privilege, and (4) the mutation of Whiteness. Each of these is based on the premise that White people are separate from their Whiteness, allowing them to engage with others who wish to end racism by adopting strategies to reconstruct or abolish Whiteness in society. In conclusion, I use critical autoethnography of racialized trauma to assess how CWS helped me become a better White public servant.
摘要公共行政中的社会公平研究人员经常认为,对于寻求真正参与种族正义努力的白人公务员来说,自我工作很重要,甚至至关重要。然而,该领域没有任何论文定义自我工作,也没有刻意为白人提供工具。白人种族正义倡导者的自我工作承认种族化的创伤,并为白人公务员提供了理解白人双重意识的工具。我开发了一个模型来支持这样一种观点,即批判性白人研究(CWS)是白人公务员自我工作的有力工具。CWS有四个假设:(1)白人作为财产,(2)种族否认,(3)白人特权,以及(4)白人的突变。每一项都是基于白人与白人分开的前提,允许他们与其他希望通过采取重建或废除社会白人的策略来结束种族主义的人接触。最后,我用种族化创伤的批判性民族志来评估CWS是如何帮助我成为一名更好的白人公务员的。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Public Integrity
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