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Learning from the Literature: Fundraising Communication and Ethics 从文献中学习:筹款传播与伦理
IF 1.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-04 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2023.2284734
Jiwon Suh, Imane Hijal-Moghrabi
Communication is critical for nonprofit fundraising activity because it fosters trust and accountability as well as enhances mutual understanding of the nonprofit’s mission and objectives. Nonprofi...
沟通对于非营利组织的筹款活动至关重要,因为它可以培养信任和责任,并增进对非营利组织使命和目标的相互理解。Nonprofi……
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引用次数: 0
Constitutional Law-Making in the U.S. Supreme Court 美国最高法院的宪法立法
IF 1.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-22 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2023.2282261
Dauren B. Makhambetsaliyev, Gulnar M. Sagynbekova, Ulan B. Abdykadyr, Elvira A. Alimova, Akmaral B. Smanova
Given the presence of constant discussions on the issue of judicial law-making, a study was conducted, the purpose of which was to study the issue of law-making of the Supreme Court of the United S...
鉴于对司法立法问题的讨论不断,进行了一项研究,其目的是研究美国最高法院的立法问题。
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引用次数: 0
Public Librarians in the Hot Seat? Moral Injury in the Post-Truth Era 公共图书馆员处境艰难?后真相时代的道德伤害
IF 1.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2023.2281726
Josephine K. Hazelton-Boyle, Michael J. Hazelton-Boyle
This paper examines the ethical considerations surrounding intellectual freedom and social responsibility in public libraries (i.e., municipal and public school libraries) in the post-truth era. Wh...
本文考察了后真相时代公共图书馆(即市政和公立学校图书馆)中围绕知识自由和社会责任的伦理考虑。Wh……
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引用次数: 0
A Pedagogical Exploration of Horror as a Teaching Tool for Ethics Using the Case of Saw IV 以《电锯惊魂4》为例,对恐怖作为伦理教学工具的教学探索
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-10 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2023.2278861
Davia Cox Downey, Wesley Wehde, Kelli Harris
AbstractOur case study of Saw IV examines the possibility of using horror as a genre, a vehicle for teaching ethics, and its use in street-level bureaucrat (SLB) decision-making. Specifically, this film highlights the inherent violence of the police state, which illuminates the limits of ethical decision-making in constrained contexts. We propose using horror as a film genre to teach students about the complexity of personal, interpersonal, and professional ethics, bureaucratic discretion, and the impact of these decisions in real-world situations. We provide a brief analysis of the film through the lens of ethical dilemmas in a violent police state and the impact of this violence on governance. We conclude with recommendations for using Saw IV and horror more broadly as pedagogical tools in public administration and political science education.Keywords: Horror filmspedagogydemocratic theorybureaucratic ethics Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Maynard-Moody and Musheno define agency roughly as the ability to integrate an understanding of law and procedure with “cultural and moral preferences.”2 Here, we see Rigg aiding and abetting Jigsaw’s game by allowing the continuation of terror to proceed in the community; not saying that Rigg (played by a black actor) is a white supremacist. Instead, we believe Hoffman, who is explicitly corrupt, might be more explicitly a white supremacist and may be motivated to continue the games of Jigsaw to facilitate his nefarious ends in the community.3 Jigsaw’s backstory as a civil engineer and toymaker is explained in earlier films in the series. Jigsaw (real name John Kramer) was married to a woman (Jill) who ran a drug-user recovery clinic. As a married couple, they tried very hard to have a child, and John’s (Jigsaw) flashback scenes provide insight into his care towards his wife and their community. Jigsaw is also revealed to be suffering from cancer and an inoperable tumor. These complications lead to marital strife, eventually leading to divorce. While married, his wife is assaulted by one of the clinic users, leading to a miscarriage of their carefully planned son. In his view, testing a victim’s will to live (and survive tests of physical torture) became his credo due to the course treatment of his wife and child and the powerlessness he felt from his cancer diagnosis.
《电锯惊魂4》的案例研究探讨了将恐怖作为一种类型、一种道德教育工具的可能性,以及它在基层官僚(SLB)决策中的应用。具体来说,这部电影强调了警察国家固有的暴力,这说明了在约束环境下道德决策的局限性。我们建议将恐怖片作为一种电影类型来教导学生关于个人、人际、职业道德、官僚裁量权的复杂性,以及这些决定在现实世界中的影响。我们通过一个暴力警察国家的道德困境,以及这种暴力对治理的影响,对这部电影进行了简要的分析。最后,我们建议在公共管理和政治学教育中更广泛地使用《电锯惊魂4》和恐怖作为教学工具。关键词:恐怖电影教学民主理论官僚伦理披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突注1 Maynard-Moody和Musheno将代理大致定义为将对法律和程序的理解与“文化和道德偏好”相结合的能力。“在这里,我们看到Rigg通过允许恐怖活动在社区中继续进行来帮助和教唆Jigsaw的游戏;而不是说里格(由黑人演员饰演)是白人至上主义者。相反,我们认为霍夫曼显然是腐败的,他可能是一个白人至上主义者,可能会继续玩拼图游戏,以促进他在社区中的邪恶目的竖锯作为一名土木工程师和玩具制造商的背景故事在该系列的早期电影中得到了解释。竖锯(真名约翰·克莱默)的妻子吉尔(Jill)经营着一家戒毒诊所。作为一对已婚夫妇,他们非常努力地想要一个孩子,而约翰(拼图)的闪回场景让我们看到了他对妻子和他们社区的关心。拼图还被揭露患有癌症和无法手术的肿瘤。这些复杂因素导致了婚姻冲突,最终导致离婚。在结婚期间,他的妻子被一名诊所使用者殴打,导致他们精心计划的儿子流产。在他看来,考验受害者的生存意志(并在肉体折磨的考验中幸存下来)成为他的信条,因为他对妻子和孩子的治疗过程以及他因癌症诊断而感到的无力感。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding Whistleblowing in Practice: Experiences in The Netherlands 在实践中理解举报:荷兰的经验
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2023.2275346
Rob van Eijbergen, Vinitha M. Siebers
Whistleblowers face an intensive trajectory when reporting wrongdoing. What can we learn from the experiences of whistleblowers? This article aims to give a deeper understanding of the process of whistleblowing by exploring stories and experiences of whistleblowers with their report of wrongdoing in the Netherlands. The study identifies similarities and themes in these stories. Results of 20 in-depth interviews reveal that being a whistleblower entails motivation, action, well-being, and the reaction of the organization. We conclude that these aspects all influence the process of whistleblowing, as well as the behavior of the whistleblower. Our study contributes to both practice and literature by examining these stories and their implications to support whistleblowers.
举报人在举报不法行为时面临着密集的轨迹。我们能从举报人的经历中学到什么?本文旨在通过探索举报人在荷兰的不法行为报告的故事和经历,更深入地了解举报人的过程。该研究确定了这些故事的相似之处和主题。20次深度访谈的结果表明,作为一名举报人需要动机、行动、幸福感和组织的反应。我们得出结论,这些方面都影响了举报人的举报过程,以及举报人的行为。我们的研究通过研究这些故事及其对支持举报人的影响,对实践和文献都有贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Autocratization, Disaster Management, and the Politics of Public Administration in Turkey 土耳其的独裁、灾害管理和公共行政政治
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-30 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2023.2273454
Nevbahar Ertas
AbstractWhile state culpability in compounding disasters is nothing new, in the aftermath of the recent earthquake in Turkey the extent of state dysfunction characterized by paralysis of the administrative institutions was unprecedented. Autocratization does not mesh well with effective disaster and crisis management, neither in theory nor in practice. Over the last two decades, rising competitive authoritarianism in the country has undermined accountability, participation, predictability, and transparency in Turkish governance structures, all of which are key factors that support risk reduction and disaster management. Relying on a conceptual and theoretical inquiry informed by the concepts of autocratic legalism and tailor-made laws, this case study argues that countries characterized by competitive authoritarianism are less effective in managing disasters, because they abuse state institutions for partisan goals, create disparities in access to public resources, and diminish accountability mechanisms. The elimination of democracy as a guiding principle in public-sector management is proving ever more disastrous as details concerning the response to the earthquake emerge. This analysis offers lessons and insights regarding the strategies that were used to sideline the bureaucracy and oversight processes.Keywords: Public administrationcorruptiondisaster managementautocratizationcase study Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The three largest mass trials of the period include the Ergenekon trials (2008–2016) targeting opposition lawyers, politicians, academics, journalists, and military officers; the Sledgehammer (Turkish: Balyoz) trial (2010–2012) targeting secular military officers; and KCK (Kurdish: Koma Civakên Kurdistanê) trials (2009–2012) targeting Kurdish politicians, journalists, and activists. Over the course of those years, under Ergenekon over 500 tried, 275 convicted; under Sledhehammer over 350 tried, 300 convicted; under KCK over 1500 tried. The trials were repeatedly condemned as unjust and politically motivated. See for example Filkins, Citation2013; Jenkins, Citation2019; Zanotti & Thomas, Citation2023.2 By July 2013, 50 people including several representatives of the Chamber of Architects and Engineers (TMMOB) were detained. The Gezi trial would go on to continue over several convoluted political prosecutions for years, until lengthy sentences were handed out in 2022. For example, architect Mücella Yapıcı, the secretary general of the Environmental Impact Assessment Department of the TMMOB, alongside many others, is currently serving an 18-year sentence. Philanthropist Osman Kavala, accused of aiding and funding the protest, spent more than 4 years in prison without being convicted and later sentenced to life in prison without parole for charges related to the coup attempt. The Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED), Freedom House, PEN America, and Reporters Without Borde
摘要虽然国家在加剧灾难方面的罪责并不新鲜,但在最近的土耳其地震之后,以行政机构瘫痪为特征的国家功能失调的程度是前所未有的。无论是在理论上还是在实践中,专制与有效的灾难和危机管理都不太吻合。在过去的二十年里,该国日益增长的竞争性威权主义破坏了土耳其治理结构的问责制、参与度、可预测性和透明度,所有这些都是支持风险减少和灾害管理的关键因素。本案例研究基于专制法律主义和量身定制法律概念的概念和理论探究,认为以竞争性威权主义为特征的国家在管理灾害方面效率较低,因为它们滥用国家机构实现党派目标,在获取公共资源方面造成差距,并削弱问责机制。随着有关地震应对的细节浮出水面,在公共部门管理中作为指导原则的民主被取消的事实证明更具灾难性。这一分析提供了一些教训和见解,这些教训和见解是用来使官僚主义和监督过程边缘化的。关键词:公共行政腐败灾害管理独裁案例研究披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1这一时期最大的三个大规模审判包括Ergenekon审判(2008-2016),针对反对派律师、政治家、学者、记者和军官;大锤(土耳其语:Balyoz)审判(2010-2012)针对世俗军官;KCK(库尔德语:Koma Civakên Kurdistanê)审判(2009-2012)针对库尔德政治家、记者和活动家。在那些年里,在Ergenekon治下,超过500人受审,275人被定罪;在大锤统治下,350多人受审,300人被定罪;在KCK统治下,超过1500人尝试过。这些审判一再被谴责为不公正和有政治动机。参见Filkins, Citation2013;詹金斯Citation2019;到2013年7月,包括建筑师和工程师协会(TMMOB)的几名代表在内的50人被拘留。对格齐的审判将持续数年,涉及几起错综复杂的政治起诉,直到2022年判处了长期徒刑。例如,建筑师m塞拉Yapıcı, TMMOB环境影响评估部门的秘书长,与其他许多人一起,目前正在服刑18年。被指控帮助和资助抗议活动的慈善家奥斯曼·卡瓦拉(Osman Kavala)在狱中度过了4年多的时间,但没有被定罪,后来因与政变企图有关的指控被判处终身监禁,不得假释。中东民主项目(POMED)、自由之家、美国笔会和无国界记者组织(RSF)在联合声明中称盖齐公园案的判决是“对正义的嘲弄”(见自由之家2022年4月26日)。土耳其对盖齐审判的判决是对正义的嘲弄。与中东民主项目(POMED)、美国笔会和无国界记者组织(RSF)的联合声明。https://freedomhouse.org/article/turkeys-gezi-trial-verdict-travesty-justice)。
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引用次数: 0
The Show Can Go On! The Non-existent Effect of Corruption in Fandom (Evidence from Portugal) 节目可以继续!足坛腐败的不存在效应(来自葡萄牙的证据)
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-30 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2023.2274651
Marcelo Moriconi, Patrícia Calca, Carlos Seixas
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引用次数: 0
Qualitative Methods as Liberatory Tools: Introduction to the Special Issue Part 1 定性方法作为解放工具:特刊导论第1部分
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-24 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2023.2268805
Staci M. Zavattaro, Ashley E. Nickels
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引用次数: 0
The United Nations Convention on Genocide and How It Can Be Implemented in Criminal Codes of State Parties 《联合国灭绝种族罪公约》及其如何在缔约国的刑法中执行
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-23 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2023.2268901
Zhaisanbek Amanzholov, Aigul Nukusheva, Aizhan Satbayeva, Gulzira Baisalova, Binur Taitorina
AbstractThe issue of developing effective mechanisms to prevent and punish the crime of genocide remains relevant in the modern world. Over the years, the UN has been trying to fulfil the mandate to ensure international security through the prevention of crimes against humanity. In this context, the study of the mechanisms of legal qualification and prosecution for these acts is of particular relevance. At present, the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide remains the main instrument regulating the responsibility for crimes that can be qualified as genocide. The purpose of this study is to analyze the practice of incorporating the provisions of the 1948 Genocide Convention and the problems of their criminal law regulation and modernization. The results are made up of interconnected target, procedural, and evaluation elements, which are based on the method of legal analysis of the legislative practice of countries with different approaches to the issue of genocide. All the examples given in the work show that the process of introducing effective mechanisms of prosecution for genocide by states, among which national courts can be named first, is ongoing, but it is happening very slowly.Keywords: Criminal codes and special laws of state partiesmeans of implementationexpansive interpretationprotected demographic groupsUN Genocide Convention Disclosure statementAuthors declare that they have no conflict of interests.Data availability statementData will be available on request.Notes1 Article 7 of the Criminal Law of the PRC stipulates: “This Law is applicable to the citizens of the People's Republic of China who commit crimes prescribed in this Law outside the territory of the People's Republic of China; however, they may not be investigated if for those crimes this Law prescribes a maximum punishment of fixed-term imprisonment of not more than 3 years. This Law is applicable to state functionaries and servicemen of the People's Republic of China who commit crimes outside the territory of the People's Republic of China.” Article 9 of the Criminal Law of the PRC stipulates: “This Law is applicable to the crimes prescribed in the international treaties concluded or acceded to by the People's Republic of China and over which the People's Republic of China has criminal jurisdiction within its obligation in accordance with the treaties.” http://www.asianlii.org/cn/legis/cen/laws/clotproc361/#:∼:text=The%20tasks%20of%20the%20Criminal,the%20State%20and%20the%20propertyAdditional informationFundingThis research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.
摘要建立预防和惩治灭绝种族罪的有效机制是当今世界面临的重要问题。多年来,联合国一直努力履行其使命,通过预防危害人类罪来确保国际安全。在这方面,研究这些行为的法律资格和起诉机制是特别重要的。目前,1948年的《防止及惩治灭绝种族罪公约》仍然是规定可被定为灭绝种族罪的罪行的责任的主要文书。本研究的目的是分析纳入1948年《灭绝种族罪公约》条款的做法及其刑法规制和现代化的问题。结果由相互关联的目标、程序和评估要素组成,这些要素基于对对种族灭绝问题采取不同方法的国家立法实践的法律分析方法。报告中列举的所有例子都表明,各国正在建立起诉种族灭绝的有效机制,其中首先要提到的是国家法院,但进展非常缓慢。关键词:缔约国刑法和特别法实施手段广义解释受保护的人口群体种族灭绝公约披露声明作者声明无利益冲突数据可用性声明数据可应要求提供。注1《中华人民共和国刑法》第七条规定:“中华人民共和国公民在中华人民共和国领域外犯本法规定之罪的,适用本法;但是,本法规定的最高刑罚为三年以下有期徒刑的,可以不予追究。中华人民共和国国家工作人员和军人在中华人民共和国领域外犯罪的,适用本法。《中华人民共和国刑法》第九条规定:“中华人民共和国缔结或者参加的国际条约所规定的犯罪,中华人民共和国按照条约规定的义务负有刑事管辖权的,适用本法。http://www.asianlii.org/cn/legis/cen/laws/clotproc361/#: ~:text= %20tasks%20of%20the% 20the% 20the criminal, %20State和%20the% 20the property附加信息资金本研究没有从公共、商业或非营利部门的资助机构获得任何特定的资助。
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引用次数: 0
Perceptions of Civil Servant Corruption: A Cross-Country Analysis 对公务员腐败的看法:一项跨国分析
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-23 DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2023.2262208
Michael C. Moltz, Andrew L. Morelock, Christopher A. Simon
AbstractDistrust in the civil service is not unique to any country but felt across much of the globe amid ascendant populist movements. A significant correlate of distrust in the civil service is the perception of corruption among bureaucrats. Our research addresses two main questions. First, in OECD countries, to what extent does the public view bureaucrats as corrupt? Second, what factors explain these perceptions? Data from 23 countries in the International Social Survey Programme’s 2016 Role of Government survey are analyzed using multilevel logistic regression models. Among the explanatory variables included in this multilevel analysis are respondents’ exposure to bribery, political party support, and political efficacy. Country-level correlates drawn from the 2016 Worldwide Governance Indicators are analyzed to explore the impact of governance quality on corruption perceptions. Results indicate that better quality of government is associated with lower perceptions of bureaucratic corruption. Likewise, notable individual-level findings suggest political efficacy and exposure to corruption are significantly associated with corruption perceptions.Keywords: Bureaucratic corruptionpublic perceptionsworldwide governance indicators Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
摘要对公务员的不信任并不是任何国家所独有的,而是在民粹主义运动兴起的背景下,在全球大部分地区都能感受到。对公务员的不信任的一个重要关联是对官僚腐败的看法。我们的研究解决了两个主要问题。首先,在经合组织国家,公众在多大程度上认为官僚腐败?其次,是什么因素解释了这些看法?使用多层次逻辑回归模型分析了国际社会调查计划2016年政府角色调查中来自23个国家的数据。在这个多层次分析中包含的解释变量包括受访者对贿赂的暴露,政党支持和政治效能。本文分析了2016年全球治理指标中得出的国家层面的相关因素,以探讨治理质量对腐败观念的影响。结果表明,政府质量越高,对官僚腐败的看法越低。同样,值得注意的个人层面调查结果表明,政治效能和腐败暴露与腐败观念显著相关。关键词:官僚腐败公众感知全球治理指标披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。
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引用次数: 0
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