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Frontmatter Frontmatter
IF 1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-16 DOI: 10.1515/soeu-2020-frontmatter4
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引用次数: 0
Frontmatter Frontmatter
IF 1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-09-25 DOI: 10.1515/soeu-2020-frontmatter3
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引用次数: 0
Frontmatter
IF 1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-07-28 DOI: 10.1515/soeu-2020-frontmatter2
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引用次数: 0
Retracing Labor in Yugoslav Socialism . Reflections on Research and Archival Approaches 追溯南斯拉夫社会主义中的劳动。对研究和档案方法的思考
IF 1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-26 DOI: 10.1515/SOEU-2020-0002
Vukliš Vladan
This study merges two perspectives, the historiographical and the archival, in order to capture and analyze key elements relating to issues encountered in records-based research into the labor history of Yugoslav socialism. In combining ongoing historiographical (social and labor history) and theoretical (archival science) research with auto-ethnographic, practice-based reflections, the author outlines several observations, facts, and propositions, which may be of help to both researchers and archivists. The essay accepts the recent resurgence of Yugoslav labor history as a premise upon which it discusses key problems relating to fieldwork, local and historical case study research, obstacles relating to communication and information, as well as pressing issues in the field of the archival profession, upon which it elaborates possible strategies and practical solutions to remedy the current conditions.
本研究融合了史学和档案两种视角,以便捕捉和分析与基于记录的南斯拉夫社会主义劳工史研究中遇到的问题相关的关键因素。结合正在进行的史学(社会和劳动史)和理论(档案科学)研究与自我民族志,实践为基础的反思,作者概述了一些观察,事实和主张,这可能有助于研究人员和档案工作者。本文以最近南斯拉夫劳工史的复苏为前提,讨论了与实地调查、当地和历史案例研究、与交流和信息有关的障碍以及档案专业领域的紧迫问题有关的关键问题,并在此基础上阐述了可能的战略和实际解决方案,以纠正当前的状况。
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引用次数: 2
Frontmatter Frontmatter
IF 1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-26 DOI: 10.1515/soeu-2020-frontmatter1
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引用次数: 0
Narrating the ‘Liberation of Kosovo’ in Switzerland . Transnational Strategies of Boundary-Making 在瑞士讲述“科索沃的解放”。跨国边界制定战略
IF 1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-05-26 DOI: 10.1515/SOEU-2020-0004
Farquet Romaine
Albanian-speaking migrants in Switzerland mobilized massively on behalf of the national cause in Kosovo in the 1990s. Despite this strong engagement with their homeland, however, some have felt forgotten and have been offended by negative stereotypes in Kosovo itself since the war ended in 1999. Taking a boundary-making approach, the author analyses the ways in which Albanian-speaking former activists in Switzerland have responded to their unfavourable standing, and how they have sought to improve their transnational position. She shows how former activists tend to choose between one of two narratives to describe their place in their societies of origin and settlement: either they yearn to be a part of the ‘Albanian nation’ as imagined in Kosovo; or they adopt a new model of what it is to be ‘Albanian’ in Switzerland.
上世纪90年代,在瑞士讲阿尔巴尼亚语的移民为科索沃的民族事业进行了大规模动员。然而,尽管他们对自己的家园有着强烈的关注,但自1999年战争结束以来,一些人感到被遗忘,并被科索沃本身的负面刻板印象所冒犯。作者采取划清界限的方法,分析了在瑞士讲阿尔巴尼亚语的前活动人士如何应对他们的不利地位,以及他们如何寻求改善他们的跨国地位。她展示了前活动人士如何倾向于在两种叙述中选择一种来描述他们在原始社会和定居社会中的地位:要么他们渴望成为科索沃想象中的“阿尔巴尼亚民族”的一部分;或者他们在瑞士采用一种新的“阿尔巴尼亚人”模式。
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引用次数: 0
‘Our’ vs. ‘Inherited’ Museums. PiS and Fidesz as Mnemonic Warriors “我们的”与“继承的”博物馆。PiS和Fidesz作为助记符战士
IF 1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1515/soeu-2020-0003
Ljiljana Radonić
Abstract The Polish and the Hungarian governing party, PiS and Fidesz, are mnemonic warriors who had already tried to enforce their memory politics during their first government terms, as their flagship museums, the Warsaw Rising Museum, opened in 2004, and the House of Terror in Budapest, opened in 2002, show. In museums they ‘inherited’ from their predecessors, the current governments either change content, as PiS at the Museum of the Second World War in Gdańsk, or ‘only’ battle against the directors in office, as happened at the Museum of the History of Polish Jews in Warsaw and at the Holocaust Memorial Center in Budapest. Yet even mnemonic warriors cannot ignore international developments like the ‘universalization of the Holocaust’. As the author shows, the Polish and the Hungarian governments favored opening new museums over changing existing museums identified as ‘Jewish’, including those that explicitly deal with Polish and Hungarian complicity. New museums, like the Ulma Family Museum in southeastern Poland, the House of Fates in Budapest, and the Warsaw Ghetto Museum, focus on rescuers of Jews and uplifting messages of Polish and Hungarian heroism.
摘要波兰和匈牙利执政党PiS和Fidesz是记忆战士,他们在第一届政府任期内就已经试图推行记忆政治,正如他们的旗舰博物馆,2004年开放的华沙崛起博物馆和2002年开放的布达佩斯恐怖之家所示。在他们从前任那里“继承”的博物馆中,现任政府要么改变内容,比如格但斯克第二次世界大战博物馆的PiS,要么“唯一”与在任馆长的斗争,比如华沙波兰犹太人历史博物馆和布达佩斯大屠杀纪念中心。然而,即使是记忆战士也不能忽视国际发展,比如“大屠杀的普遍化”。正如作者所展示的,波兰和匈牙利政府倾向于开设新的博物馆,而不是改变被认定为“犹太人”的现有博物馆,包括那些明确涉及波兰和匈牙利同谋的博物馆。新的博物馆,如波兰东南部的乌尔马家族博物馆、布达佩斯的命运之家和华沙贫民区博物馆,专注于拯救犹太人以及波兰和匈牙利英雄主义的振奋人心的信息。
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引用次数: 11
Class Cultures in Postsocialist Eastern Europe 后社会主义东欧的阶级文化
IF 1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1515/soeu-2020-0008
Ana Birešev
tation taken from a newspaper article— Cercel analyzes public discourses on this ‘invasion’ of the deserted German villages by ‘gypsies’. Instead of debating rational public policies and launching media campaigns to cope with the emigration of the Germans, the ethnic Romanian elites resorted to blaming other minorities, such as the most vulnerable one, the Roma, and sometimes even the Hungarians. Thus, in reality, their professed ‘philo-Germanism without Germans’ reveals their rejection of Romania’s other national minorities and thus, of the ‘other Others’. The volume informs the readers about the German–Romanian relationship in the turbulent postsocialist years. The richness of detail and their careful contextualization helps readers to form an accurate image of these relationships. That said, with regard to the theoretical framework, the shortcomings I have noted above diminish the quality of the book and leave scholars specializing in this field with a sense of inconsistency.
摘自报纸上的一篇文章——Cercel分析了关于“吉普赛人”“入侵”被遗弃的德国村庄的公共话语。罗马尼亚少数民族的精英们没有就合理的公共政策进行辩论,也没有发起媒体运动来应对德国人的移民,而是转而指责其他少数民族,比如最脆弱的罗姆人,有时甚至是匈牙利人。因此,实际上,他们所宣称的“没有德国人的爱日耳曼主义”表明他们拒绝罗马尼亚的其他少数民族,因此也拒绝“其他他者”。该卷告知读者在动荡的后社会主义岁月德国罗马尼亚的关系。丰富的细节和精心的语境化有助于读者对这些关系形成准确的印象。也就是说,就理论框架而言,我上面提到的缺点降低了本书的质量,并使专门研究这一领域的学者感到不一致。
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引用次数: 3
Adam Fabry, The Political Economy of Hungary. From State Capitalism to Authoritarian Neoliberalism Adam Fabry,《匈牙利政治经济学》。从国家资本主义到威权主义新自由主义
IF 1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1515/soeu-2020-0009
A. Juhász
manual workers limits the opportunities for generalization. On the one hand, the consolidation of capitalism has crystallized social classes, as is evident in lifestyle choices, parents’ aspirations for their children’s educational and occupational prospects, and attitudes towards entrepreneurship. On the other hand, however, ‘legacies of the old regime in the form of egalitarian values’ (151), far from having been abolished, have in fact been revived through cross-class sociability. Cepić attributes this egalitarianism, ‘both in a sense of failing to build one’s feeling of self-worth on a class basis, and in the sense of creating cross-class friendships’(152), to the resilience of old sociocultural structures. The author could have considered his findings as a symptom of the present system’s incapacity to meet the expectations of many people and thus a warranted response to rising social inequalities. This, however, is something he failed to do.
体力劳动者限制了泛化的机会。一方面,资本主义的巩固使社会阶级具体化,这在生活方式的选择、父母对子女教育和职业前景的期望以及对创业的态度上都很明显。然而,另一方面,“以平等主义价值观的形式存在的旧政权的遗产”(151),非但没有被废除,事实上,通过跨阶级的社会交往而复活了。cepiki将这种平等主义归因于旧社会文化结构的弹性,“既不能在阶级基础上建立自我价值感,也不能建立跨阶级友谊”(152)。作者本可以认为他的发现是当前制度无法满足许多人的期望的一种症状,因此是对日益严重的社会不平等的合理反应。然而,这是他未能做到的。
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引用次数: 21
Romania and the Quest for European Identity. Philo-Germanism without Germans 罗马尼亚与欧洲身份的探索。没有德国人的菲洛日耳曼主义
IF 1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1515/soeu-2020-0007
Stelu Şerban
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引用次数: 2
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Sudosteuropa
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