Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.54146/newcontree/2022/89/07
Bronwynn Van Tonder
No abstract available.
没有摘要。
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Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.54146/newcontree/2022/89/06
S. Riukulehto
This article provides an outlook on the darker side of people’s home experiences, as described by the inhabitants of Merafong, a township located on the Far West Rand, South Africa, where goldmining companies have had an immense impact on the region for more than a century. The mining industry has extended its influence everywhere, framing and re-forming the area, and in so doing, the perceptions of home and homeliness have changed radically. When the people of the Far West Rand describe the meaningful features of their home region they do not hesitate to talk about its negative side. They speak of illegal immigrants, drugs, criminality, arson, kidnapping, and sexual violence. They talk about dangers that lurk in the natural environment, such as sinkholes and the pollution of water and soil. Furthermore, they talk of the problems inherent in the political system, of illiteracy, corruption, inefficiency, and the long shadow of colonialism. They also speak at length about their experience of danger and fear. The Far West Rand, exemplified by Merafong, is by no means pictured as being perfect. In many aspects it is unpleasant, ugly, and even dangerous. But nevertheless, it is home. The data presented here was collected in the period 17–20 November 2015. The method followed and discussions held are examined below. These were followed by two written assignments. The six data collection sessions were attended by a total of 31 participants.
{"title":"Dangerous, frightening, homely: Home experiences of those living on the goldmines of the Far West Rand","authors":"S. Riukulehto","doi":"10.54146/newcontree/2022/89/06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54146/newcontree/2022/89/06","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides an outlook on the darker side of people’s home experiences, as described by the inhabitants of Merafong, a township located on the Far West Rand, South Africa, where goldmining companies have had an immense impact on the region for more than a century. The mining industry has extended its influence everywhere, framing and re-forming the area, and in so doing, the perceptions of home and homeliness have changed radically. When the people of the Far West Rand describe the meaningful features of their home region they do not hesitate to talk about its negative side. They speak of illegal immigrants, drugs, criminality, arson, kidnapping, and sexual violence. They talk about dangers that lurk in the natural environment, such as sinkholes and the pollution of water and soil. Furthermore, they talk of the problems inherent in the political system, of illiteracy, corruption, inefficiency, and the long shadow of colonialism. They also speak at length about their experience of danger and fear. The Far West Rand, exemplified by Merafong, is by no means pictured as being perfect. In many aspects it is unpleasant, ugly, and even dangerous. But nevertheless, it is home. The data presented here was collected in the period 17–20 November 2015. The method followed and discussions held are examined below. These were followed by two written assignments. The six data collection sessions were attended by a total of 31 participants.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90603087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.54146/newcontree/2022/89/05
Amanda T. Mangena
In this article the strategies used by mining corporations to facilitate the illegal entry of mine-workers into South Africa between 1913 and 1933 are discussed. In 1913 the government banned the outsourcing of mine-workers from areas that were located north of the 22 degrees line of latitude, but despite this, mining corporations devised ways of sourcing cheap labour to maximise their profits. These workers were referred to as “tropical migrants” and were brought in from neighbouring British colonies and the Portuguese East Colony. Through the Witwatersrand Native Labour Association (WNLA)’s efforts to provide stable workforce and maximise its profits, the prevalence of illegal recruiters bringing in tropical migrants was discouraged. In this article I discuss how the mining corporations facilitated the illegal entry of workers into the country and investigate the role played by WNLA, which benefited immensely from the cheap labour provided by foreign mine-workers.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/08
W. Visser
{"title":"The rise & demise of the AfrikanersThe rise & demise of the Afrikaners (Cape Town, Tafelberg, 2019, 360 pp. ISBN 978-0-624-08671-0) GiliomeeHermann","authors":"W. Visser","doi":"10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/08","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"93 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89242469","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/01
Sean Maliehe
This paper examines the development of mobile money in contemporary Lesotho, 2012-2020. Using historical and ethnographic sources, it situates the development of this mobile phone-based financial system within the broader economic history of the country. It adopts a political economy approach to analyse the emergence and evolution of mobile money as an instrument of financial inclusion used by the government of Lesotho and international organisations. The paper advances that when operating with the logic of capitalism, free market policies, emergent mobile money networks are hierarchically structured and privileges enterprises and corporations with bigger financial muscle. The majority of small agents, the Basotho entrepreneurs, are marginal and have to operate precariously with limited capital and low cash-flows to ensure efficient services for the people. As a corollary to this, the rural poor are further excluded and exploited by the agents. A general assessment advanced in the article is that the rigidly defined digital eco-system is geared towards integrating the lower echelons of the economy asymmetrically into the mainstream financial economy dominated by corporations. However, this cannot be defined as any meaningful financial inclusion.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/04
P. Furlong
The debate on supposed fascist influences on Afrikaner nationalists, particularly the mainstream National Party (NP), as opposed to more extremist groups, has mostly centred around alleged links or parallels with Nazi Germany, or whether anti-British sentiment was more key. An often-overlooked influence was similarly mainstream, historically anti-British Irish nationalism. Comparing Daniel Malan and the Purified and later Reunited NP with Eamon de Valera and Fianna Fáil (FF) in the 1930s and 1940s, this study addresses similarities in areas such as republicanism, language, religion, neutrality, and authoritarian tendencies, but argues that constitutionalism tempered clerical and political authoritarian influence. Malan and the NP differed in their approach to neutrality from De Valera and FF, who were also less affected by the era’s antisemitism.
关于所谓的法西斯主义对阿非利卡民族主义者的影响的争论，特别是主流的国民党(NP)，而不是更极端的团体，主要集中在所谓的与纳粹德国的联系或相似之处，或者反英情绪是否更为关键。一个经常被忽视的影响同样是主流的、历史上反英的爱尔兰民族主义。本研究比较了丹尼尔·马兰(Daniel Malan)和经过净化后又重新统一的国民党与埃蒙·德瓦莱拉(Eamon de Valera)和菲安娜Fáil (FF)在20世纪30年代和40年代的表现，指出了他们在共和主义、语言、宗教、中立和威权主义倾向等方面的相似之处，但认为宪政缓和了宗教和政治威权主义的影响。马兰和国民党在中立态度上与德瓦莱拉和FF不同，后者也较少受到那个时代反犹主义的影响。
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Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/09
S. Bekker
{"title":"Privileged precariat: White workers and South Africa’s long transition to majority rulePrivileged precariat: White workers and South Africa’s long transition to majority rulevan Zyl-HermannD (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021, 359 pp. ISBN: 9781108924702)","authors":"S. Bekker","doi":"10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/09","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"38 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80664905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/06
A. Manson
{"title":"UCT under Apartheid, Part 1: From onset to sit-in 1948-1968UCT under Apartheid, Part 1: From onset to sit-in 1948-1968, (Cape Town, Jacana, 2019407 pp. ISBN: 1928232892), PhillipsHoward","authors":"A. Manson","doi":"10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/06","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"116 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77266643","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/03
V. Gwande
In 1989 and 1994, Desmond Tutu and Nelson Mandela advanced and popularised the utopia of building a rainbow nation. The idea was to bring together all people of South Africa, in all their diversity, to work towards a new, common, non-racial and equal society. Indeed, the vision of these two struggle heroes was codified and became a core value of South Africa’s 1996 Constitution. Using the case of the Federation of South African Trade Unions (Fosatu) active in the period 1979-1985, this article demonstrates that the notion of the rainbow nation has a long history predating the Tutu and Mandela moments. Among other objectives, Fosatu sought to create a just, fair, non-racial and apolitical society, albeit led by workers. This article, therefore, argues that rather than seeing Fosatu as an orthodox trade union underpinned by a “workerist” tradition and “economism” as is advanced in the existing literature, it can also be seen as an antecedent and advocate of a free society, creating and expanding the “public sphere” and realm of freedom and democracy in South Africa during apartheid. In emphasising worker control or giving power to members of a union, Fosatu sowed the seeds of participatory democracy that came to characterise South Africa, epitomised by a post-1994 parliamentary democracy. In this way, Fosatu foreshadowed the aspirations of the new, just and fair South Africa envisioned by Tutu and Mandela. Broadly speaking, the story of Fosatu’s aspirations and struggles has a wider and comparative significance in understanding the makings and role of civil society in the democratic struggle from a global south perspective. This article relies on narratives, correspondence and debates extracted from Fosatu papers and archives. role of bargaining and negotiating structures.
{"title":"“To build a just and fair society”: Fosatu and the vision of a new South Africa, ca.1970s-1980s","authors":"V. Gwande","doi":"10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/03","url":null,"abstract":"In 1989 and 1994, Desmond Tutu and Nelson Mandela advanced and popularised the utopia of building a rainbow nation. The idea was to bring together all people of South Africa, in all their diversity, to work towards a new, common, non-racial and equal society. Indeed, the vision of these two struggle heroes was codified and became a core value of South Africa’s 1996 Constitution. Using the case of the Federation of South African Trade Unions (Fosatu) active in the period 1979-1985, this article demonstrates that the notion of the rainbow nation has a long history predating the Tutu and Mandela moments. Among other objectives, Fosatu sought to create a just, fair, non-racial and apolitical society, albeit led by workers. This article, therefore, argues that rather than seeing Fosatu as an orthodox trade union underpinned by a “workerist” tradition and “economism” as is advanced in the existing literature, it can also be seen as an antecedent and advocate of a free society, creating and expanding the “public sphere” and realm of freedom and democracy in South Africa during apartheid. In emphasising worker control or giving power to members of a union, Fosatu sowed the seeds of participatory democracy that came to characterise South Africa, epitomised by a post-1994 parliamentary democracy. In this way, Fosatu foreshadowed the aspirations of the new, just and fair South Africa envisioned by Tutu and Mandela. Broadly speaking, the story of Fosatu’s aspirations and struggles has a wider and comparative significance in understanding the makings and role of civil society in the democratic struggle from a global south perspective. This article relies on narratives, correspondence and debates extracted from Fosatu papers and archives. role of bargaining and negotiating structures.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"86 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85579637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/07
Bongani Ngqulunga
In May 2019, South Africa held the sixth general elections for national and provincial government since the dawn of democracy in 1994. Following a trend that began in 2004, electoral support for the ruling African National Congress (ANC) declined and for the first time fell under the 60 percent mark. Lying behind the decline in its electoral fortunes were myriad factors including public perception that associated ANC rule with corruption and incompetence in governance. The results also demonstrated that the political sheen that it (the ANC) had acquired for the role it played in the struggle for democracy and liberation in South Africa had started to wear off. With that, the political narrative that the ANC has propagated so effectively, which characterises South African politics, especially in the black camp, as having been divided between heroes who fought the good fight and villains who collaborated with the oppressive apartheid system, was also being contested.
{"title":"A political biography of Selby Msimang: Principle and pragmatism in the liberation struggleA political biography of Selby Msimang: Principle and pragmatism in the liberation struggle (Pretoria, Best Red, 2019, 256 pp. ISBN: 1928246257) MkhizeSibongiseni M","authors":"Bongani Ngqulunga","doi":"10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54146/newcontree/2022/88/07","url":null,"abstract":"In May 2019, South Africa held the sixth general elections for national and provincial government since the dawn of democracy in 1994. Following a trend that began in 2004, electoral support for the ruling African National Congress (ANC) declined and for the first time fell under the 60 percent mark. Lying behind the decline in its electoral fortunes were myriad factors including public perception that associated ANC rule with corruption and incompetence in governance. The results also demonstrated that the political sheen that it (the ANC) had acquired for the role it played in the struggle for democracy and liberation in South Africa had started to wear off. With that, the political narrative that the ANC has propagated so effectively, which characterises South African politics, especially in the black camp, as having been divided between heroes who fought the good fight and villains who collaborated with the oppressive apartheid system, was also being contested.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86411568","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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