The Cape Colony, after Peru, was the second-most-important supplier of seabird guano to commercial farmers on a worldwide scale during the nineteenth century. Despite the obvious benefits of selling guano licenses and leases to exploit various offshore islands within the Cape’s colonial waters for the colonial treasury at a time of decreasing imperial funding, successive administrations placed no restrictions over the harvesting of these spaces. Under conditions of administrative indifference and lack of proper oversight, the islands’ topography was disrupted and the birds temporarily driven away. Uncontrolled guano-scraping, egg collection, and wanton killing of the birds further aggravated this situation. Mindful of their investment and to ensure their enterprise’s continued profitability, leaseholders collectively instituted certain control measures, including appointing a peace officer and maintaining an armed contingent to oversee the daily collection, regulate landings, protect the birds, and prevent guano theft. Critically, they introduced an open and closed season for the guano collection. This measure was consistent with developments overseas where a greater sensitivity for nature conservation started to emerge, in turn, overlapping with increased demand from Cape farmers for legislative protection of a wide range of ‘useful animals’. Following years of pressure from commercially orientated farmers and their political representatives to secure access to cheap and subsidised fertiliser, the Cape Government established full governmental control over guano exploitation from Ichaboe on the Namibian coast to Algoa Bay in the southeast of the Colony. Enforcing the English Sea Birds Preservation Act 1869 and its suite of existing game protection laws, the colonial Department of Lands, Mines and Agriculture adopted the former island leaseholders’ proven and regulating regime. Prompted by perennial guano shortages and incessant demand by Cape farmers, the authorities regularly amended existing measures to the benefit of the agricultural sector resulting in animals’ continued protection. The early 1890s’ laws also included bats whose excrement gradually received status as a useful fertiliser. Having ensured the ‘economic bounty’ through its various laws, by the end of the Century, for moral reasons it could afford to extend protection to other game including pigeons and shrikes and “prevent a silent wilderness”.
{"title":"“Preventing a silent wilderness, securing the economic bounty” – Cape guano and the politics of seabird protection during the 19th and early 20th century","authors":"Hendrik Snyders","doi":"10.4102/nc.v85i0.32","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v85i0.32","url":null,"abstract":"The Cape Colony, after Peru, was the second-most-important supplier of seabird guano to commercial farmers on a worldwide scale during the nineteenth century. Despite the obvious benefits of selling guano licenses and leases to exploit various offshore islands within the Cape’s colonial waters for the colonial treasury at a time of decreasing imperial funding, successive administrations placed no restrictions over the harvesting of these spaces. Under conditions of administrative indifference and lack of proper oversight, the islands’ topography was disrupted and the birds temporarily driven away. Uncontrolled guano-scraping, egg collection, and wanton killing of the birds further aggravated this situation. Mindful of their investment and to ensure their enterprise’s continued profitability, leaseholders collectively instituted certain control measures, including appointing a peace officer and maintaining an armed contingent to oversee the daily collection, regulate landings, protect the birds, and prevent guano theft. Critically, they introduced an open and closed season for the guano collection. This measure was consistent with developments overseas where a greater sensitivity for nature conservation started to emerge, in turn, overlapping with increased demand from Cape farmers for legislative protection of a wide range of ‘useful animals’. Following years of pressure from commercially orientated farmers and their political representatives to secure access to cheap and subsidised fertiliser, the Cape Government established full governmental control over guano exploitation from Ichaboe on the Namibian coast to Algoa Bay in the southeast of the Colony. Enforcing the English Sea Birds Preservation Act 1869 and its suite of existing game protection laws, the colonial Department of Lands, Mines and Agriculture adopted the former island leaseholders’ proven and regulating regime. Prompted by perennial guano shortages and incessant demand by Cape farmers, the authorities regularly amended existing measures to the benefit of the agricultural sector resulting in animals’ continued protection. The early 1890s’ laws also included bats whose excrement gradually received status as a useful fertiliser. Having ensured the ‘economic bounty’ through its various laws, by the end of the Century, for moral reasons it could afford to extend protection to other game including pigeons and shrikes and “prevent a silent wilderness”.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81711571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pretoria is well-known for its jacaranda trees, which has earned the city the nickname “Jacaranda City”. Jacarandas, however, are alien trees, which were brought to South Africa during the 19th century. The trees are frequently in danger when development projects are undertaken, usually resulting in a public outcry, as these trees have a special meaning for the people of this city. The aim of this article is to investigate this issue to determine whether jacarandas have cultural heritage significance. In order to do this the history of these trees, with specific reference to Pretoria, was studied. Background research related to heritage management was also done in order to be able to measure the possible cultural significance of these trees. The National Heritage Resources Act (no 25 of 1999), as well as international heritage protocols, refer to natural features and specifically those of cultural significance. Thus, natural heritage issues are considered as well, in drawing a conclusion. Historical research shows that jacarandas were imported to South Africa round about 1830 and that the first ones were planted in Pretoria in 1888. They were first planted as street trees in the town during 1906, and only after 1911 this was done on a larger scale. Over the years there have been many interventions, to either protect or remove these trees. Jacaranda trees are believed to have cultural, historical, aesthetic and social values for the inhabitants of Pretoria.
{"title":"The cultural historical significance of Pretoria’s jacaranda trees","authors":"A. V. van Vollenhoven","doi":"10.4102/nc.v85i0.34","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v85i0.34","url":null,"abstract":"Pretoria is well-known for its jacaranda trees, which has earned the city the nickname “Jacaranda City”. Jacarandas, however, are alien trees, which were brought to South Africa during the 19th century. The trees are frequently in danger when development projects are undertaken, usually resulting in a public outcry, as these trees have a special meaning for the people of this city. The aim of this article is to investigate this issue to determine whether jacarandas have cultural heritage significance. In order to do this the history of these trees, with specific reference to Pretoria, was studied. Background research related to heritage management was also done in order to be able to measure the possible cultural significance of these trees. The National Heritage Resources Act (no 25 of 1999), as well as international heritage protocols, refer to natural features and specifically those of cultural significance. Thus, natural heritage issues are considered as well, in drawing a conclusion. Historical research shows that jacarandas were imported to South Africa round about 1830 and that the first ones were planted in Pretoria in 1888. They were first planted as street trees in the town during 1906, and only after 1911 this was done on a larger scale. Over the years there have been many interventions, to either protect or remove these trees. Jacaranda trees are believed to have cultural, historical, aesthetic and social values for the inhabitants of Pretoria.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87106390","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article argues that the case of the land claim by the descendants of the Copper Miners of Musina (the Musina clan) presents a unique case of historical distortions and injustice of land and mineral resources ownership by a South African black community. Land claims in South Africa have become widespread since the advent of the country’s democracy. With the land reform programmes in South Africa, some communities have been able to lay their hands on lost land that was forcefully taken from the locals under apartheid. The achievement with regards to reparation in South Africa has seen some claims being successfully processed. However, there are some beneficiaries who undeservedly possess land through undetected fraudulent claims. When such exists; deserving claimants like the Musina clan remain landless because of historical distortions and failure by the current regime to restore justice. This article is conceptual and it uses literature analysis approach to argue that archeologists and ethnologists deliberately ignored the historical studies on the copper miners of Musina in order to hide the truth about the discovery of copper mining in Messina. There are writings making incorrect assumptions regarding how Lieutenant Colonel Pascoe Grenfell, James Harper and James Campbell in 1903 discovered coal in mines deserted by the natives in order to ascribe the discovery to the white community in Messina. The author argues that there were no disserted mines in Messina when Lieutenant Colonel Grenfell arrived in Messina in 1903, instead what he did was to register the company and obtain a discoverers certificate, introduce new technology of mining and expropriate the mine from the Musina clan without compensation. It is suggested that new avenues regarding such history be fully researched towards gaining a more comprehensive view of the role and impact of the Musina clan.
{"title":"Land claims in South Africa: Uniqueness, historical distortions and injustices on the copper miners of Musina","authors":"M. Sebola","doi":"10.4102/nc.v85i0.33","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v85i0.33","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that the case of the land claim by the descendants of the Copper Miners of Musina (the Musina clan) presents a unique case of historical distortions and injustice of land and mineral resources ownership by a South African black community. Land claims in South Africa have become widespread since the advent of the country’s democracy. With the land reform programmes in South Africa, some communities have been able to lay their hands on lost land that was forcefully taken from the locals under apartheid. The achievement with regards to reparation in South Africa has seen some claims being successfully processed. However, there are some beneficiaries who undeservedly possess land through undetected fraudulent claims. When such exists; deserving claimants like the Musina clan remain landless because of historical distortions and failure by the current regime to restore justice. This article is conceptual and it uses literature analysis approach to argue that archeologists and ethnologists deliberately ignored the historical studies on the copper miners of Musina in order to hide the truth about the discovery of copper mining in Messina. There are writings making incorrect assumptions regarding how Lieutenant Colonel Pascoe Grenfell, James Harper and James Campbell in 1903 discovered coal in mines deserted by the natives in order to ascribe the discovery to the white community in Messina. The author argues that there were no disserted mines in Messina when Lieutenant Colonel Grenfell arrived in Messina in 1903, instead what he did was to register the company and obtain a discoverers certificate, introduce new technology of mining and expropriate the mine from the Musina clan without compensation. It is suggested that new avenues regarding such history be fully researched towards gaining a more comprehensive view of the role and impact of the Musina clan.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"69 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90699696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Professor Belinda Bozzoli – A paradigm changer of her time in South Africa","authors":"Elize S van Eeden","doi":"10.4102/nc.v85i0.230","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v85i0.230","url":null,"abstract":"No abstract available.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85008314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Bank robber: My time with André Stander","authors":"Emile C. Coetzee","doi":"10.4102/nc.v85i0.35","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v85i0.35","url":null,"abstract":"No abstract available.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"63 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77363103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Jan Smuts: Son of the veld, pilgrim of the world","authors":"P. Croucamp","doi":"10.4102/nc.v84i0.47","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v84i0.47","url":null,"abstract":"No abstract available.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84517649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"These oppressions won’t cease: The political thought of the Cape Khoesan, 1777-1879, An anthology","authors":"J. Fourie","doi":"10.4102/nc.v84i0.44","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v84i0.44","url":null,"abstract":"No abstract available.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"239 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76904390","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Starting with fragments of information from the archives about a rebellious young man designated a “Ghona [Xhosa]” in 1820, the study constructed a plausible biography to be used in a dance performance. This uncovered several myths and omissions in historical writings about the western part of the historic “Zuurveld” area of today’s Eastern Cape. While many writers pronounced the Gonaqua to have disappeared from about 1750, they remained visible as a special category of versatile and innovative people at least through the 1850s. The imiDange Xhosa chiefs of this era were in the forefront of defending African interests against colonial encroachment, as occupants over a fifty-year period of the land north, south and west of the Fish River. The geographical location of the imiDange meant their fate was intimately linked to the colonial designation of the Fish River as a boundary between white and black. Their consistent role as resisters has been marginalised in historical writing, especially the strong defence they made in the Zuurberg mountains in the war of 1812. They challenged colonial practices not only militarily but also by trying to define the terms and conditions of labour relations. The disregard of boundaries reveals the complex dynamics of the contested frontier zone of encounter between Europeans and Africans prior to the defeat of the amaXhosa in late 1819. The study demonstrates the gains made by asking personal questions about marginal historic figures.
{"title":"Resistance and survival: Demolishing myths of disappearing people, minor chiefs and non-existent boundaries in the early 19th century Zuurveld of the Cape Colony","authors":"J. Wells","doi":"10.4102/nc.v84i0.38","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v84i0.38","url":null,"abstract":"Starting with fragments of information from the archives about a rebellious young man designated a “Ghona [Xhosa]” in 1820, the study constructed a plausible biography to be used in a dance performance. This uncovered several myths and omissions in historical writings about the western part of the historic “Zuurveld” area of today’s Eastern Cape. While many writers pronounced the Gonaqua to have disappeared from about 1750, they remained visible as a special category of versatile and innovative people at least through the 1850s. The imiDange Xhosa chiefs of this era were in the forefront of defending African interests against colonial encroachment, as occupants over a fifty-year period of the land north, south and west of the Fish River. The geographical location of the imiDange meant their fate was intimately linked to the colonial designation of the Fish River as a boundary between white and black. Their consistent role as resisters has been marginalised in historical writing, especially the strong defence they made in the Zuurberg mountains in the war of 1812. They challenged colonial practices not only militarily but also by trying to define the terms and conditions of labour relations. The disregard of boundaries reveals the complex dynamics of the contested frontier zone of encounter between Europeans and Africans prior to the defeat of the amaXhosa in late 1819. The study demonstrates the gains made by asking personal questions about marginal historic figures.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83278916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the initiation of women – or Vukhomba – in Pafuri, Mozambique. As historical literature illustrates, this is an event that is linked to the repression and regulation of sexuality by colonialists, missionaries and independent state rule. However, the paper forwards the proposition that initiation and sexuality are crucial for the self-expression and authority of women, and that it is in fact, central to the way in which people re-orientate themselves after events of war and displacement. Sexuality is part of the allure of the Pafuri as a border region, particularly for residents in South Africa and Mozambique, who share common linkages with each other over international boundaries. The paper argues that Vukhomba is an important aspect of indigenous knowledge that is central to the way in which people manage disruption.
{"title":"Reformulating identity in post war Mozambique: Sexuality and initiation of women in the Pafuri Triangle","authors":"Teresa K. Connor","doi":"10.4102/nc.v84i0.40","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v84i0.40","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the initiation of women – or Vukhomba – in Pafuri, Mozambique. As historical literature illustrates, this is an event that is linked to the repression and regulation of sexuality by colonialists, missionaries and independent state rule. However, the paper forwards the proposition that initiation and sexuality are crucial for the self-expression and authority of women, and that it is in fact, central to the way in which people re-orientate themselves after events of war and displacement. Sexuality is part of the allure of the Pafuri as a border region, particularly for residents in South Africa and Mozambique, who share common linkages with each other over international boundaries. The paper argues that Vukhomba is an important aspect of indigenous knowledge that is central to the way in which people manage disruption.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"69 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75643059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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