For communities that sit at the fringe of ethnic, cultural and linguistic divide, the twin questions of identity and belonging often remain issues of concern. The remoteness of such communities from the mainstream of sociocultural and political processes, the straddling of ethno-cultural boundaries and the dilution of cultural beliefs, values system, practices and language often reinforce the notion that they belong to the peripheries of the nationalities. This in turn can generate crises of marginalization of such communities as is the case of the Yoruba’s of the old Ilorin Province. Through the circumstance of history and the geographical location of Ilorin at the fringe of the Yoruba nation, the people of the Old Ilorin Province have come to be seen as a community that is of less importance to the socio-cultural, political and economic development of the Yoruba nation at large. Thus, the issue of where to place Ilorin has remained an enigma for the people of the community and the Yoruba nation. This has generated a crisis of identity and belonging for the Yoruba of the old Ilorin Province. To this end, this study examined how frontier communities experience and navigate the complexity of identity politics and belonging using Ilorin as a point of reference. The study made use of archival, historical documents and other qualitative data to weave its narration of the crisis of identity and belonging facing the Yoruba of the old Ilorin Province as a common phenomenon in Africa because of colonial legacy.
{"title":"Principle of Utis Possidetis and challenges of sitting at the frontier in Africa: The Yoruba in the Old Ilorin province and the politics of identity and belonging in post-colonial Nigeria","authors":"L. Saka, L. Amusan","doi":"10.4102/nc.v83i0.51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v83i0.51","url":null,"abstract":"For communities that sit at the fringe of ethnic, cultural and linguistic divide, the twin questions of identity and belonging often remain issues of concern. The remoteness of such communities from the mainstream of sociocultural and political processes, the straddling of ethno-cultural boundaries and the dilution of cultural beliefs, values system, practices and language often reinforce the notion that they belong to the peripheries of the nationalities. This in turn can generate crises of marginalization of such communities as is the case of the Yoruba’s of the old Ilorin Province. Through the circumstance of history and the geographical location of Ilorin at the fringe of the Yoruba nation, the people of the Old Ilorin Province have come to be seen as a community that is of less importance to the socio-cultural, political and economic development of the Yoruba nation at large. Thus, the issue of where to place Ilorin has remained an enigma for the people of the community and the Yoruba nation. This has generated a crisis of identity and belonging for the Yoruba of the old Ilorin Province. To this end, this study examined how frontier communities experience and navigate the complexity of identity politics and belonging using Ilorin as a point of reference. The study made use of archival, historical documents and other qualitative data to weave its narration of the crisis of identity and belonging facing the Yoruba of the old Ilorin Province as a common phenomenon in Africa because of colonial legacy.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"65 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80355961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There have been many studies on the Voortrekker Centenary of 1938 and the unforeseen consequences it had, including the subsequent surge of Afrikaner nationalism and political developments. As the wagons moved across South Africa, the processions infused Afrikaners with pride in their heroic past. Afrikaner nationalism, the ideology that focused on protecting Afrikaner culture, the striving to regain an independent republic and, importantly, affirmation that they were God’s chosen people, were rekindled.The event also generated a widespread sense of connection. It was not only Afrikaners who were swept up in the euphoria of the celebrations, but also many non-Afrikaners were emotionally affected by the event.This article narrows the focus down to George, a small town in the Western Cape Province, where Charles Sayers, the editor of the local newspaper, the George Knysna Herald, a firm supporter of the United Party and a fierce critic of the Reunited National Party, seems to have been swept up for a short period by the fever of the celebrations. A year later, in 1939, when war broke out in Europe, Sayers loyally approved of the United Party’s decision to support the war effort in Europe on the side of the Allies and became harshly critical of Hertzog and those Afrikaners nationalists who refused to join a war on Britain’s side.With the George Knysna Herald as the primary source, this article attempts to determine what led the editor to undergo such an about-turn in his political views in 1938 and to be temporarily supportive of the celebrations that embodied the spirit of Afrikaner nationalism.
有很多关于1938年徒步者百年纪念及其不可预见的后果的研究，包括随后的阿非利卡民族主义和政治发展的浪潮。随着马车穿越南非，游行队伍让阿非利卡人对自己英勇的过去充满了自豪感。阿非利卡人的民族主义、以保护阿非利卡人文化为重点的意识形态、争取重新建立一个独立共和国的努力，以及更重要的是，确认他们是上帝的选民，这些都被重新点燃了。这一事件也产生了广泛的联系感。不仅阿非利卡人沉浸在庆祝活动的喜悦中，许多非阿非利卡人也受到了这一事件的情感影响。本文将焦点缩小到西开普省的小镇乔治，当地报纸《乔治·克尼斯纳先驱报》(George Knysna Herald)的编辑查尔斯·塞耶斯(Charles Sayers)是统一党(United Party)的坚定支持者，也是统一国民党(Reunited National Party)的激烈批评者，他似乎在短时间内被庆祝活动的狂热所席卷。一年后的1939年，当欧洲爆发战争时，塞耶斯忠实地支持了统一党支持盟军在欧洲作战的决定，并对赫尔佐格和那些拒绝加入英国一方的阿非利卡民族主义者提出了严厉的批评。本文以《乔治·克尼斯纳先驱报》(George Knysna Herald)为主要资料来源，试图确定是什么导致这位编辑在1938年的政治观点发生如此大的转变，并暂时支持体现阿非利卡人民族主义精神的庆祝活动。
{"title":"Short-lived tolerance. An euphoria of the 1938 Voortrekker Centenary as in the editorials of a local newspaper: The George & Knysna Herald","authors":"L. Maritz","doi":"10.4102/nc.v83i0.50","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v83i0.50","url":null,"abstract":"There have been many studies on the Voortrekker Centenary of 1938 and the unforeseen consequences it had, including the subsequent surge of Afrikaner nationalism and political developments. As the wagons moved across South Africa, the processions infused Afrikaners with pride in their heroic past. Afrikaner nationalism, the ideology that focused on protecting Afrikaner culture, the striving to regain an independent republic and, importantly, affirmation that they were God’s chosen people, were rekindled.The event also generated a widespread sense of connection. It was not only Afrikaners who were swept up in the euphoria of the celebrations, but also many non-Afrikaners were emotionally affected by the event.This article narrows the focus down to George, a small town in the Western Cape Province, where Charles Sayers, the editor of the local newspaper, the George Knysna Herald, a firm supporter of the United Party and a fierce critic of the Reunited National Party, seems to have been swept up for a short period by the fever of the celebrations. A year later, in 1939, when war broke out in Europe, Sayers loyally approved of the United Party’s decision to support the war effort in Europe on the side of the Allies and became harshly critical of Hertzog and those Afrikaners nationalists who refused to join a war on Britain’s side.With the George Knysna Herald as the primary source, this article attempts to determine what led the editor to undergo such an about-turn in his political views in 1938 and to be temporarily supportive of the celebrations that embodied the spirit of Afrikaner nationalism.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85034499","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Shadow state: The politics of state capture","authors":"Emile C. Coetzee","doi":"10.4102/nc.v83i0.53","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v83i0.53","url":null,"abstract":"No abstract available.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"2013 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86219799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"South Africa versus Rommel. The untold story of the Desert War in World War II","authors":"W. Visser","doi":"10.4102/nc.v82i0.62","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v82i0.62","url":null,"abstract":"No abstract available.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89478391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Like any other African country, Ethiopia has different ethnic groups with different languages. The Federal Constitution of Ethiopia guarantees all its ethnic groups including ethnic minority the right to self-determination. The constitution has also acknowledged the existence of different ethnic minorities at the regional level. The majority of these regions have also designed the institutions of local government as the primary mechanism of protecting sub-national ethnic minorities. In this article the deduction can be made that though ethnic minority status is guaranteed in the constitution there are still ethnic tensions in the country resulting from the use of ethnicity in determining internal boundaries in Ethiopia. Furthermore, it finds that Ethiopia is sitting on an ethnic time bomb and it must come up with a possible solution. This therefore left open the questions of whether ethnicity is a panacea for curbing ethnic tension and conflict when determining and demarcating municipal boundaries. In answering this question reference is made to Ethiopia where both regional and internal (local government) boundaries were demarcated using ethnicity as a factor. The discussion to follow analyse ethnicity in demarcating boundaries. It also highlights the challenges of demarcating boundaries using ethnicity.
{"title":"Challenges arising from ethnic internal boundary determination in Ethiopia since 1991","authors":"T. I. Mokgopo","doi":"10.4102/nc.v82i0.57","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v82i0.57","url":null,"abstract":"Like any other African country, Ethiopia has different ethnic groups with different languages. The Federal Constitution of Ethiopia guarantees all its ethnic groups including ethnic minority the right to self-determination. The constitution has also acknowledged the existence of different ethnic minorities at the regional level. The majority of these regions have also designed the institutions of local government as the primary mechanism of protecting sub-national ethnic minorities. In this article the deduction can be made that though ethnic minority status is guaranteed in the constitution there are still ethnic tensions in the country resulting from the use of ethnicity in determining internal boundaries in Ethiopia. Furthermore, it finds that Ethiopia is sitting on an ethnic time bomb and it must come up with a possible solution. This therefore left open the questions of whether ethnicity is a panacea for curbing ethnic tension and conflict when determining and demarcating municipal boundaries. In answering this question reference is made to Ethiopia where both regional and internal (local government) boundaries were demarcated using ethnicity as a factor. The discussion to follow analyse ethnicity in demarcating boundaries. It also highlights the challenges of demarcating boundaries using ethnicity.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"287 1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72906123","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"More on Soviet military personnel in Angola Cuito Cuanavale: Frontline accounts by Soviet soldiers","authors":"C. Darch","doi":"10.4102/nc.v82i0.59","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v82i0.59","url":null,"abstract":"No abstract available.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85639404","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Systemic corruption has become the norm in South Africa. This is evident in the recent Transparency International’s Corruption Index. During the Zuma Administration, the scale and magnitude of corruption intensified and the term “state capture” was used to describe this phenomenon. Given the dramatic developments of February 2018 which witnessed the stepping down of President Jacob Zuma and his replacement by President Cyril Ramaphosa, there was hope that the new president’s promised “New Dawn” would result in reversing state capture, and more broadly, the politics of patronage. Whilst the Ramaphosa Administration has undertaken several measures to undo state capture including a cabinet reshuffle and the appointment of new boards at South Africa’s trouble State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), much more needs to be done. Drawing on international best practice from Bulgaria to Tunisia and Hong Kong, this article proposes concrete recommendations to undo state capture.
{"title":"The Institutionalisation of endemic corruption: State capture in South Africa","authors":"R. D. Klerk, H. Solomon","doi":"10.4102/nc.v82i0.58","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v82i0.58","url":null,"abstract":"Systemic corruption has become the norm in South Africa. This is evident in the recent Transparency International’s Corruption Index. During the Zuma Administration, the scale and magnitude of corruption intensified and the term “state capture” was used to describe this phenomenon. Given the dramatic developments of February 2018 which witnessed the stepping down of President Jacob Zuma and his replacement by President Cyril Ramaphosa, there was hope that the new president’s promised “New Dawn” would result in reversing state capture, and more broadly, the politics of patronage. Whilst the Ramaphosa Administration has undertaken several measures to undo state capture including a cabinet reshuffle and the appointment of new boards at South Africa’s trouble State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), much more needs to be done. Drawing on international best practice from Bulgaria to Tunisia and Hong Kong, this article proposes concrete recommendations to undo state capture.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"67 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86033720","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of this article is to discuss the structure and organization of the Orange Free State (OFS) Boer republic’s citizen force army in October 1899 (that is when the Anglo-Boer War or South African War broke out). A basic question is whether the structure of the OFS armed forces was indeed effective as far as the organization of these armed forces was concerned. It will be indicated how and why the OFS citizen army command structure was adapted, and what legal consequences it had. A review is given of the OFS military laws (known as the Krijgs- en Commandowet; representing the military and commando law); the legal position of the OFS State President is explained (namely the role and functions of MT Steyn, last OFS President); the role of the Military Commission is discussed; as well as the role of the war councils and war meetings.
本文的目的是讨论1899年10月(即英布战争或南非战争爆发时)奥兰治自由邦(OFS)布尔共和国公民军的结构和组织。一个基本问题是，就这些武装部队的组织而言，OFS武装部队的结构是否确实有效。它将指出OFS公民军队指挥结构是如何以及为什么被改编的，以及它产生了什么法律后果。对OFS军事法(被称为Krijgs- en Commandowet;代表军事和突击队法);解释了OFS国家主席的法律地位(即上届OFS主席MT Steyn的角色和职能);讨论了军事委员会的作用;以及战争委员会和战争会议的作用。
{"title":"Enkele perspektiewe rakende die organisasie van die Oranje-Vrystaatse burgermag in Oktober 1899","authors":"Jaco De Bruin, A. Wessels","doi":"10.4102/nc.v82i0.56","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4102/nc.v82i0.56","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is to discuss the structure and organization of the Orange Free State (OFS) Boer republic’s citizen force army in October 1899 (that is when the Anglo-Boer War or South African War broke out). A basic question is whether the structure of the OFS armed forces was indeed effective as far as the organization of these armed forces was concerned. It will be indicated how and why the OFS citizen army command structure was adapted, and what legal consequences it had. A review is given of the OFS military laws (known as the Krijgs- en Commandowet; representing the military and commando law); the legal position of the OFS State President is explained (namely the role and functions of MT Steyn, last OFS President); the role of the Military Commission is discussed; as well as the role of the war councils and war meetings.","PeriodicalId":52000,"journal":{"name":"New Contree","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86132249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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