Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/2154896X.2021.1936895
A. Sergunin
In his introductory article for the special issue of the Polar Journal (2016, vol. 6, No. 2), Sanjay Chaturvedi, referring to the geopolitical situation in the world and, in particular, to the victory of Donald Trump in the 2016 US presidential election, predicted: ‘Speculations are rife, for example, that there might be a reversal of “protective” Arctic policies adopted by the outgoing administration in the USA along with outright scepticism, bordering rejection, of both climate science knowledge and November 4 Paris Agreement’. In addition to the Trump administration’s rise to power in the United States, with its protectionist foreign trade policies, distrust of international institutions, neglect of arms control regimes, and the withdrawal from the 2015 Paris agreement on climate change, a whole host of other factors have contributed to the rise of nationalism in world politics, including the Arctic, and the weakening of globalisation and multilateral diplomacy in the High North. Russia’s relations with other Arctic states have been complicated by a series of international crises (the Ukrainian and Syrian ones, Moscow’s accusations of meddling in the 2016 US election campaign, the Skripal affair, etc.), which in one way or another had a negative impact on the situation in the Arctic. Western Arctic countries, being the EU and/or NATO member-states, have imposed economic and political sanctions against Russia, which has led to the suspension of a number of energy projects in the Russian Arctic (especially of the offshore ones). Cooperation between the Russian and Western militaries has been completely discontinued since 2014. Instead, the US and NATO have increased their military presence in the Arctic, including deploying new troops and weapons and conducting large-scale military exercises in the region. Russia has taken retaliatory measures, including its own military exercises, upgrading military infrastructure, and training and rearming troops stationed in the Russian Arctic. In general, trust between Russia and other Arctic countries has been seriously undermined. Many strategists and policymakers started to perceive the Arctic as a region of potential conflict and insecurity rather than an area of peace and stability. For example,
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Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/2154896X.2021.1911764
Jeffrey McGee, Bruno Arpi
of control that residents have over their own destinies. Diversity is one of the watchwords when considering this book’s strengths. There is a richness in the different disciplines and career stages on display in each chapter, and it is particularly noteworthy to see the large number of early career researchers featured as authors. Likewise, this book should be commended for its approach to structure. The decision to anchor each chapter in a specific case study makes for an engaging read, while the critique of the ISO provides an accessible conceptual through line. The fact that Urban Sustainability in the Arctic is the product on an ongoing research project is yet another strength, as it indicates that there is scope for further development of some of the book’s key ideas. In particular, the book’s commentary on place attachment and its impact on urban sustainability, both positive and negative, is ripe for further exploration and refinement. Similarly, the book takes a very strong focus on the Russian Arctic. While this it makes sense given that the majority of the PIRE project’s sampled cities are Russian, it did leave me wanting to know more about how some of these ideas might apply in other Arctic countries. The carefully planned structure of this book makes it accessible for those with little knowledge of the Arctic, while the specific case studies add depth for those with an interest in a particular city or topic. For policy makers, as well as readers interested in polar studies, urban development, planning, or sustainability, this is well worth your time. Urban Sustainability in the Arctic lays some important groundwork for the growing field of Arctic urban studies and would make a valuable addition to your library.
{"title":"Wilderness protection in polar regions: arctic lessons learnt for the regulation and management of tourism in the Antarctic","authors":"Jeffrey McGee, Bruno Arpi","doi":"10.1080/2154896X.2021.1911764","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2154896X.2021.1911764","url":null,"abstract":"of control that residents have over their own destinies. Diversity is one of the watchwords when considering this book’s strengths. There is a richness in the different disciplines and career stages on display in each chapter, and it is particularly noteworthy to see the large number of early career researchers featured as authors. Likewise, this book should be commended for its approach to structure. The decision to anchor each chapter in a specific case study makes for an engaging read, while the critique of the ISO provides an accessible conceptual through line. The fact that Urban Sustainability in the Arctic is the product on an ongoing research project is yet another strength, as it indicates that there is scope for further development of some of the book’s key ideas. In particular, the book’s commentary on place attachment and its impact on urban sustainability, both positive and negative, is ripe for further exploration and refinement. Similarly, the book takes a very strong focus on the Russian Arctic. While this it makes sense given that the majority of the PIRE project’s sampled cities are Russian, it did leave me wanting to know more about how some of these ideas might apply in other Arctic countries. The carefully planned structure of this book makes it accessible for those with little knowledge of the Arctic, while the specific case studies add depth for those with an interest in a particular city or topic. For policy makers, as well as readers interested in polar studies, urban development, planning, or sustainability, this is well worth your time. Urban Sustainability in the Arctic lays some important groundwork for the growing field of Arctic urban studies and would make a valuable addition to your library.","PeriodicalId":52117,"journal":{"name":"Polar Journal","volume":"11 1","pages":"239 - 241"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2154896X.2021.1911764","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44919039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/2154896X.2021.1937777
Margrét Cela, Pia Hansson
ABSTRACT At a time of increased tension in the Arctic region, the smallest Arctic Council member state, Iceland, was handed the gavel. Following the reluctance of the US to include any mention of the effects of climate change in the Arctic, the Arctic Council Ministerial in Rovaniemi came to an end without a Declaration in 2019. Under the uncontroversial but also highly ambitious slogan Together Towards a Sustainable Arctic with a focus on the Arctic marine environment, climate and green energy solutions, people and communities of the Arctic and a stronger Arctic Council, the Icelandic chairmanship was faced with numerous challenges. Chairing the Arctic Council is on any day a challenge for a small state like Iceland with a limited foreign service. However, the effects of a world-wide pandemic limiting in-person communications and creating new technical and economic challenges, on top of the increased tension and the return of big power politics in the area, made it even harder. In this paper, we explore the Icelandic chairmanship of the Arctic Council and evaluate the challenges posed by external factors such as geopolitical and security developments in the Arctic as well as the effects of an unexpected global pandemic on a small state chairmanship. In spite of the growing tension between the two largest Arctic states, the US and Russia, in the last days of the chairmanship, the Reykjavik Arctic Council Ministerial concluded with both a declaration and the first-ever 10-year strategic plan, adopted in recognition of the Arctic Council’s 25th anniversary.
{"title":"A challenging chairmanship in turbulent times","authors":"Margrét Cela, Pia Hansson","doi":"10.1080/2154896X.2021.1937777","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2154896X.2021.1937777","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT At a time of increased tension in the Arctic region, the smallest Arctic Council member state, Iceland, was handed the gavel. Following the reluctance of the US to include any mention of the effects of climate change in the Arctic, the Arctic Council Ministerial in Rovaniemi came to an end without a Declaration in 2019. Under the uncontroversial but also highly ambitious slogan Together Towards a Sustainable Arctic with a focus on the Arctic marine environment, climate and green energy solutions, people and communities of the Arctic and a stronger Arctic Council, the Icelandic chairmanship was faced with numerous challenges. Chairing the Arctic Council is on any day a challenge for a small state like Iceland with a limited foreign service. However, the effects of a world-wide pandemic limiting in-person communications and creating new technical and economic challenges, on top of the increased tension and the return of big power politics in the area, made it even harder. In this paper, we explore the Icelandic chairmanship of the Arctic Council and evaluate the challenges posed by external factors such as geopolitical and security developments in the Arctic as well as the effects of an unexpected global pandemic on a small state chairmanship. In spite of the growing tension between the two largest Arctic states, the US and Russia, in the last days of the chairmanship, the Reykjavik Arctic Council Ministerial concluded with both a declaration and the first-ever 10-year strategic plan, adopted in recognition of the Arctic Council’s 25th anniversary.","PeriodicalId":52117,"journal":{"name":"Polar Journal","volume":"11 1","pages":"43 - 56"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2154896X.2021.1937777","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47043610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/2154896X.2021.1879423
Zia E. Madani
The 13th Polar Law Symposium (PLS), supported by Polar Cooperation Research Centre (PCRC), Kobe University, covered a wide range of the Antarctic and Arctic issues as a special online session from ...
由神户大学极地合作研究中心（PCRC）支持的第13届极地法研讨会（PLS）从。。。
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Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/2154896X.2021.1911043
Andreas Østhagen
ABSTRACT For Norway, the Arctic is an integral part of the country in terms of both economic development and security considerations. Since 2005, consecutive governments in Oslo have made use of this fact, in combination with international attention given to the north, to foster a High North policy framed around regional economic development, climate issues and international cooperation (especially vis-à-vis Russia). However, over the last few years, challenges have emerged. Focusing on the foreign and security policy aspects of Norway’s Arctic approach, this article defines Norway’s Northern engagement and how this engagement has evolved since 2005. Then, the challenges currently facing Norway in the domain of foreign and security policy are discussed in terms of the new Arctic policy document released in late-2020. These challenges are broadly surmised as relating to Russia’s military posture and the use of the Arctic as an arena for a China–US tug of war.
{"title":"Norway’s Arctic policy: still high North, low tension?","authors":"Andreas Østhagen","doi":"10.1080/2154896X.2021.1911043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2154896X.2021.1911043","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT For Norway, the Arctic is an integral part of the country in terms of both economic development and security considerations. Since 2005, consecutive governments in Oslo have made use of this fact, in combination with international attention given to the north, to foster a High North policy framed around regional economic development, climate issues and international cooperation (especially vis-à-vis Russia). However, over the last few years, challenges have emerged. Focusing on the foreign and security policy aspects of Norway’s Arctic approach, this article defines Norway’s Northern engagement and how this engagement has evolved since 2005. Then, the challenges currently facing Norway in the domain of foreign and security policy are discussed in terms of the new Arctic policy document released in late-2020. These challenges are broadly surmised as relating to Russia’s military posture and the use of the Arctic as an arena for a China–US tug of war.","PeriodicalId":52117,"journal":{"name":"Polar Journal","volume":"11 1","pages":"75 - 94"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2154896X.2021.1911043","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43492336","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/2154896X.2021.1889837
Gao Tianming, V. Erokhin
ABSTRACT Scientific cooperation in the Arctic has been rapidly developing in recent decades. In both technical and technological terms, the capability of Arctic research has significantly increased. The number of stakeholders has expanded, particularly, due to the involvement of non-Arctic countries with China being one of the most prominent actors. Many research and education projects are currently being carried out in close collaboration between China and Arctic states, including Russia. In this paper, the authors summarise priorities and objectives of China and Russia in research and education agenda in the Arctic and reveal promising areas for the two countries to collaborate in multidisciplinary areas of Arctic studies, including environment and climate, ecosystems and ecology, geology and geophysics, hydrology and sea ice. In addition to these, the authors address opportunities and gaps in collaboration in economic, social, and regional development studies, as well as maritime engineering, shipbuilding technologies, and the studies on natural resources. The paper ends up with a discussion of current capacities, potential opportunities, and major challenges for China and Russia to break through in joint research and education projects for the benefit of development and exploration of the Arctic.
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explained the history and participation of Colombia in the ATS, which is nowadays enhancing its national policy in this regard. Finally, Giovannina Sutherland provided an overview of China’s presence in Antarctica. This country is increasing its presence in the sixth continent through scientific research, logistic facilities and tourism,and it has chosen Punta Arenas as its ‘gateway city’. Sutherland warned that Chile should pay attention to the relationship with China and the compatibility of the strategic objectives of the two countries. The University of Chile has been a historically relevant Antarctic actor at the national level, through the work of professors and alumni such as Julio Escudero, Óscar Pinochet de la Barra, Francisco Orrego Vicuña and María Teresa Infante, between others. Nowadays, the Faculty of Law’s academic community is experiencing a re-flourishing under the lead of Professor Luis Valentín Ferrada. The Conference is only one of the activities in which this ‘new Antarctic law Chilean community’ has engaged to bring society closer to Antarctica a continent of pivotal relevance for humankind due to its environmental value and the role that it has for studying global phenomena such as climate change.Ferrada, Luis Valentín. ‘The Rise of a New Antarctic Law Research Community.’ ILAIA, Advances in Chilean Antarctic Science, 2020 The Conference also provided an opportunity to present another initiative of this community, the website U-Antártica (www.u-antartica.uchile.cl), which disseminates the academic activities and research about Antarctica.
解释了哥伦比亚加入ATS的历史和参与情况，该国目前正在加强这方面的国家政策。最后，Giovanna Sutherland概述了中国在南极洲的存在。该国正在通过科学研究、物流设施和旅游业增加其在第六大洲的影响力，并选择蓬塔阿雷纳斯作为其“门户城市”。萨瑟兰警告说，智利应重视与中国的关系以及两国战略目标的兼容性。智利大学通过胡利奥·埃斯库德罗（Julio Escudero）、奥斯卡·皮诺切特·德拉巴拉（Oscar Pinochet de la Barra）、弗朗西斯科·奥雷戈·维库尼亚（Francisco Orrego Vicuña）和玛丽亚·特蕾莎·因凡特（María Teresa Infante）等教授和校友的工作，在国家层面上一直是具有历史意义的南极行动者。如今，在Luis Valentín Ferrada教授的领导下，法学院的学术界正在经历重新繁荣。这次会议只是这个“新南极法智利社区”为使社会更接近南极洲而开展的活动之一。由于南极洲的环境价值和它在研究气候变化等全球现象方面的作用，南极洲对人类具有关键意义。费拉达，路易斯·瓦伦丁一个新的南极法律研究团体的兴起ILIAA，《智利南极科学进展》，2020年会议还提供了一个机会，介绍该社区的另一项倡议，即U-Antártica网站（www.U-antartica.uchile.cl），该网站传播有关南极洲的学术活动和研究。
{"title":"International seminar ‘Articulations of indigenous culture 2021’ within the Russian-Japanese program ‘Sustainable development: environment, resource development, intercultural education’","authors":"Allaiarov Rustambek, Kharlampieva Nadezhda Klimovna","doi":"10.1080/2154896X.2021.1898768","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2154896X.2021.1898768","url":null,"abstract":"explained the history and participation of Colombia in the ATS, which is nowadays enhancing its national policy in this regard. Finally, Giovannina Sutherland provided an overview of China’s presence in Antarctica. This country is increasing its presence in the sixth continent through scientific research, logistic facilities and tourism,and it has chosen Punta Arenas as its ‘gateway city’. Sutherland warned that Chile should pay attention to the relationship with China and the compatibility of the strategic objectives of the two countries. The University of Chile has been a historically relevant Antarctic actor at the national level, through the work of professors and alumni such as Julio Escudero, Óscar Pinochet de la Barra, Francisco Orrego Vicuña and María Teresa Infante, between others. Nowadays, the Faculty of Law’s academic community is experiencing a re-flourishing under the lead of Professor Luis Valentín Ferrada. The Conference is only one of the activities in which this ‘new Antarctic law Chilean community’ has engaged to bring society closer to Antarctica a continent of pivotal relevance for humankind due to its environmental value and the role that it has for studying global phenomena such as climate change.Ferrada, Luis Valentín. ‘The Rise of a New Antarctic Law Research Community.’ ILAIA, Advances in Chilean Antarctic Science, 2020 The Conference also provided an opportunity to present another initiative of this community, the website U-Antártica (www.u-antartica.uchile.cl), which disseminates the academic activities and research about Antarctica.","PeriodicalId":52117,"journal":{"name":"Polar Journal","volume":"11 1","pages":"235 - 237"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2154896X.2021.1898768","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45652908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/2154896X.2021.1917088
Eunji Kim, A. Stenport
ABSTRACT As one of the Arctic Council’s permanent observer states, South Korea has implemented various policies related to the Arctic despite its significant geographical and cultural distance from the Arctic countries. While most literature analysing the country’s active involvement in the region has focused on economic interests, little attention has been dedicated to the political aspect of South Korea’s Arctic policy. In this article, we argue that South Korea’s international influence as a middle power state needs to be recognised, and that the Arctic has served as an arena for the ROK to assert its influence on international issues. With this political intent, South Korea’s policies of globalisation and soft power also served as tools in its middle power diplomacy in the Arctic. We examine this political aim of South Korea’s Arctic interests by chronicling the country’s Arctic policy and middle power diplomacy.
{"title":"South Korea’s Arctic policy: political motivations for 21st century global engagements","authors":"Eunji Kim, A. Stenport","doi":"10.1080/2154896X.2021.1917088","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2154896X.2021.1917088","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT As one of the Arctic Council’s permanent observer states, South Korea has implemented various policies related to the Arctic despite its significant geographical and cultural distance from the Arctic countries. While most literature analysing the country’s active involvement in the region has focused on economic interests, little attention has been dedicated to the political aspect of South Korea’s Arctic policy. In this article, we argue that South Korea’s international influence as a middle power state needs to be recognised, and that the Arctic has served as an arena for the ROK to assert its influence on international issues. With this political intent, South Korea’s policies of globalisation and soft power also served as tools in its middle power diplomacy in the Arctic. We examine this political aim of South Korea’s Arctic interests by chronicling the country’s Arctic policy and middle power diplomacy.","PeriodicalId":52117,"journal":{"name":"Polar Journal","volume":"11 1","pages":"11 - 29"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2154896X.2021.1917088","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42501401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/2154896X.2021.1911045
T. Bouffard, Lindsay L. Rodman
ABSTRACT To date, the American Arctic approach is mostly geostrategically focused, to the exclusion of operational and tactical considerations. Moreover, the strategic components often work towards identifying and defining the problem while offering little in the way of solutions. As a result, Department of Defense (DOD) Arctic policies represent strategic thinking that is reflective of the national discourse, but lacking in doctrinal, Service-level or COCOM direction needed to establish operational and tactical guidance. Aside from the U.S. Coast Guard, DOD joint and service components – especially those with published Arctic policies – have had no national direction to do otherwise than to focus on geopolitical framing. In this article, we suggest that the United States should seek more balance between strategic imperatives and operational requirements and activities. This article begins with a discussion of the theory and doctrine addressing the relationship between the operational and strategic levels. We then survey relevant strategic documents from the U.S. government, seeking to find guidance that would inform both the American strategic approach to arctic security and any operational requirements that result from the strategic approach. Ultimately, we conclude that prioritisation of the Arctic will become apparent when and if the United States sends a demand signal vis-à-vis the National Security Strategy and subsequently establishes clear defence and fiscal mandates in support of stable, programmatic requirements towards operationally defined missions and capabilities.
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Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/2154896x.2020.1820167
Bob Frame
ABSTRACT This research note provides guidance for the development of simple indicators set in a dashboard format to illustrate current and future states of Antarctica. It supports increasing interest in the complexities of long-term futures relating to Antarctica. Scenario processes enable structured possibilities about the impacts and implications of multiple drivers of change that need to be integrated to enable effective decision making within the Antarctic Treaty System. Draft indicators for the Antarctic Scenarios Integrated Framework are presented in line with an organising structure analogous to the current practice of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. It draws on a concise set of elements that build on existing research, including social, economic and environmental factors. Current baseline data are available as described through a range of open-source online databases and information sources. The aim is to provide accessible heuristics for a complex and emerging phenomenon that may only be described through crude estimates of quantitative data or through qualitative impressions of geopolitical information over a time line of anywhere from five to a hundred years. In this sense, the indicators are concerned less with accuracy and more with their materiality in highly complex, uncertain circumstances and strong inter-relationships. The note ends with suggestions on how the dashboard could be further developed.
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