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Measuring Intergroup Forgiveness: The Enright Group Forgiveness Inventory 测量群体间宽恕:恩莱特群体宽恕量表
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1614
R. Enright, J. Johnson, Fu Na, Tomaž Erzar, M. Hirshberg, Tina Huang, John S. Klatt, C. Lee, Benjamin Boateng, Preston Boggs, Tung-En Hsiao, Chelsea Olson, Mei Ling Shu, Jacqueline Y. Song, Peiying Wu, Baoyu Zhang
Until recently, researchers operationalized and measured the psychological construct of forgiveness at the individual, rather than the group, level. Social psychologists started applying forgiveness to groups and examining the role intergroup forgiveness may have in conflict resolution and peace efforts. Initial attempts to define and measure forgiveness at the group level either assumed individual and group capacities were the same, or insufficiently described what intergroup forgiveness meant. We developed a new measure of intergroup forgiveness, and a novel group administration process, that operationalized the construct in a philosophically coherent way. Our conceptualization of intergroup forgiveness was rooted in what groups, as opposed to the individuals who compose them, have the capacity to do. We collected data on the psychometric properties of the measure with 595 participants in three different geographic and cultural settings. We assessed the factor structure, internal consistency, and validity of the measure. We also assessed a novel group-based method of administering the measure to better understand the relationship between group based reports and self-reports of intergroup forgiveness. The factor structure of the measure was supported, and the measure had strong internal consistency, as well as convergent and discriminant validity. The group administration process revealed important group dynamics and was not statistically different than a standard self-report administration; this finding has important implications for research and practice.
直到最近,研究人员还在个体而非群体层面上操作和测量宽恕的心理结构。社会心理学家开始将宽恕应用于群体,并研究群体间宽恕在解决冲突和和平努力中可能发挥的作用。最初试图在群体层面上定义和衡量宽恕,要么假设个人和群体的能力是相同的,要么没有充分描述群体间宽恕的含义。我们开发了一种新的群体间宽恕的衡量标准,以及一种新的群体管理过程,以一种哲学上连贯的方式将这种结构运作起来。我们对群体间宽恕的概念植根于群体,而不是组成群体的个人,有能力做什么。我们在三个不同的地理和文化环境中收集了595名参与者的心理测量属性数据。我们评估了因子结构、内部一致性和测量的有效性。我们还评估了一种新的基于群体的管理方法,以更好地理解基于群体的报告和群体间宽恕的自我报告之间的关系。量表的因子结构得到支持,具有较强的内部一致性,具有收敛效度和判别效度。小组管理过程显示了重要的群体动态,与标准的自我报告管理没有统计学差异;这一发现对研究和实践具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 4
Introduction to the Special Issue: Power and Conflict 特刊导言:权力与冲突
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1828
D. Rothbart
This Special Issue of Peace and Conflict Studies focuses on the power dynamics that drive participants of protracted violent conflicts. Such dynamics undergird every act of brute force by militants of such conflicts, every state policy that diminishes the lives and life prospects of marginalized people, and every public speech by a political leader that degrades a segment of the population as inferior, dangerous or impure. Despite the ubiquity of power to violent conflicts generally, this subject matter lacks primacy as a central topic of prevailing conflict theories. Power is cast tacitly as secondary to the cardinal categories of violence, conflict and peacebuilding. This subordinate positioning is mistaken. A robust understanding of protracted violent conflicts requires attending to power’s complexity, its many forms, and its inseparability in the interactions and potential transformation of conflict actors.
本期《和平与冲突研究》特刊聚焦于推动长期暴力冲突参与者的权力动态。这种动态支撑着此类冲突中武装分子的每一次暴力行为,每一项削弱边缘化人群生命和生活前景的国家政策,以及政治领导人将一部分人口贬低为劣等、危险或不纯洁的每一次公开演讲。尽管权力在暴力冲突中普遍存在,但这一主题缺乏作为主流冲突理论中心主题的首要地位。权力被默认为次于暴力、冲突和建设和平的基本类别。这种从属的定位是错误的。对长期暴力冲突的深刻理解需要关注权力的复杂性,它的多种形式,以及它在冲突参与者的相互作用和潜在转变中的不可分割性。
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引用次数: 0
Struggle and Martyrdom: Abusive Power and Root Narrative in the Aftermath of the Eritrean Revolution 斗争与殉难:厄立特里亚革命后的滥用权力和根源叙事
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1686
Solon J. Simmons
In this paper I have applied root narrative theory to the case of conflict in Eritrea, a small African country along the Red Sea that has been embroiled in conflict with its neighbors and the international community on and off since at least 1961. Examining a small sample of representative texts from the government of Eritrea and from international critics of the regime, I demonstrate that these parties—different moral languages that make it almost impossible for each side to see the point of view of the other. Using the semiotic structure of the story system implied by root narrative theory I point out possible moves that both international actors and interested scholars and journalist could make to improve relationships with Eritrea, which has been erroneously maligned with the title, “the North Korea of Africa.” I’ve titled this paper struggle and martyrdom to signal the most efficient way to come to terms with the current leadership of Eritrea. Any policy proposal or technical solution that is not in some way compatible with the Liberation narrative implied by this imagery will be bitterly opposed, not only in the short term but also into the foreseeable future.
在本文中,我将根源叙事理论应用于厄立特里亚的冲突案例。厄立特里亚是红海沿岸的一个非洲小国,至少从1961年起,它就与邻国和国际社会断断续续地发生冲突。我从厄立特里亚政府和国际上对该政权的批评中选取了一小部分具有代表性的文本样本,从中我发现,这些党派——不同的道德语言——几乎不可能让每一方都看到对方的观点。利用根源叙事理论所隐含的故事系统的符号学结构,我指出国际行动者和感兴趣的学者和记者都可以采取可能的措施来改善与厄立特里亚的关系,厄立特里亚一直被错误地冠以“非洲的朝鲜”的称号。我把这篇文章的标题定为“斗争与殉难”,以表明与厄立特里亚现任领导层达成协议的最有效方式。任何政策建议或技术解决方案,如果在某种程度上不符合这一意象所暗示的解放叙事,将遭到强烈反对,不仅在短期内如此,而且在可预见的未来也是如此。
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引用次数: 0
Estranged Political Relationships: Demystifying the Root Causes of Violent Conflicts in South Sudan 疏远的政治关系:揭秘南苏丹暴力冲突的根源
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1583
S. A. Onapa
The breaking of peace agreements and the subsequent perpetuation of civil war in South Sudan are sustained by the failure to adopt broad interventions addressing the many layers of the conflict. An understanding of the multiple causes of the conflict can form the basis for a successful and durable peace agreement. To investigate why violent conflict persists, semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with 29 major stakeholders, including conflict parties, mediators, eminent South Sudanese personalities, scholars and civil society leaders. The responses were grouped into five major themes: historical conflicts, estranged political relationships, power struggles, resource control and ethnic violence (not included in this article). The results suggest that estranged political relationships, characterized by fear, anger, bitterness, distrust and the urge for revenge, are born out of historical conflicts that remain unresolved. The ensuing power struggles and ethnic violence are motivated by the estranged political relationships between the top leaders. Dealing with their estrangements, therefore, forms the base from which historical conflicts can be addressed towards lasting agreements and sustainable peace in South Sudan.
由于未能采取广泛的干预措施解决冲突的多个层面,南苏丹的和平协议遭到破坏,内战持续不断。了解冲突的多种原因可以成为达成成功和持久和平协议的基础。为了调查暴力冲突持续存在的原因,我们对29个主要利益攸关方进行了半结构化的深度访谈,其中包括冲突各方、调解人、南苏丹知名人士、学者和民间社会领袖。这些回答被分为五大主题:历史冲突、疏远的政治关系、权力斗争、资源控制和种族暴力(本文不包括在内)。研究结果表明,以恐惧、愤怒、怨恨、不信任和复仇的冲动为特征的疏远的政治关系源于尚未解决的历史冲突。随之而来的权力斗争和种族暴力是由最高领导人之间疏远的政治关系引起的。因此,处理他们之间的隔阂是解决历史冲突的基础,从而实现南苏丹的持久协议和可持续和平。
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引用次数: 0
al-Shabaab and Boko Haram: Recruitment Strategies 青年党和博科圣地:招募策略
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1460
J. T. Omenma, C. Hendricks, Nnamdi C. Ajaebili
This paper is an examination of the membership recruitment strategies of two violent extremist organizations (VEOs), namely al-Shabaab and Boko Haram. The majority of the literature on VEOs concentrates on the conceptualization of terrorism, motivations for terrorism and counter-terrorism strategies, as well as a focus on the frequency of VEO attacks, number of fatalities and funding sources. The literature tends to portray poverty as the main driver of recruitment. The focus on recruitment strategies has been relatively recent. There is therefore still a lack of in-depth analyses on the processes of recruitment of specific extremist groups, and this impacts on the development of effective counter-insurgency policies and practices. We conclude that there is a need for more nuanced studies of recruitment practices, including radicalization strategies, of specific VEOs in Africa. This understanding of recruitment practices, particularly by VEOs such as Boko Haram and al-Shabaab, will enable more context specific counter-insurgency programmes that target the ability of these organizations to recruit and expand. There can be no one-size-fits-all approach to dealing with the challenge of violent extremism in Africa.
本文考察了青年党和博科圣地这两个暴力极端组织的成员招募策略。大多数关于VEO的文献集中在恐怖主义的概念化、恐怖主义动机和反恐战略上,以及关注VEO袭击的频率、死亡人数和资金来源。文献倾向于将贫困描述为招聘的主要驱动力。对招聘策略的关注是最近才出现的。因此,仍然缺乏对特定极端主义团体的招募过程的深入分析,这对制定有效的反叛乱政策和做法产生了影响。我们的结论是,有必要对非洲特定veo的招募实践进行更细致的研究,包括激进化策略。这种对招募实践的理解,特别是博科圣地和青年党等veo的招募实践,将使更多针对这些组织招募和扩张能力的具体情况的反叛乱方案成为可能。应对非洲暴力极端主义的挑战不可能有放之四海而皆准的办法。
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引用次数: 6
Getting Graphic: Depictions of Single Stories in Non-Fiction Graphic Novels about Israelis and Palestinians 获得图形化:关于以色列人和巴勒斯坦人的非虚构图形小说中单个故事的描述
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1624
M. Reingold
Six recent non-fiction graphic novels about the Palestinian-Israeli conflict are analyzed in order to understand how narratives are constructed and presented about each community. What emerges when considered together is that while complex narratives that challenge hegemonic stereotypes are depicted about the community that the authors favour, their depiction of 'the other' often relies on either stereotypes or omissions and these depictions present single stories of entire communities. I argue how the inclusion of alternative narratives within graphic novels can enhance the text, provide opportunities for readers to gain deeper knowledge about the conflict, and begin to appreciate and recognize the rights of the other can emerge.
本文分析了最近出版的六本关于巴以冲突的非虚构漫画小说,以了解每个社区的叙事是如何构建和呈现的。当考虑到一起时,出现的是,尽管挑战霸权刻板印象的复杂叙事被描述为作者所青睐的社区,但他们对“他者”的描述往往依赖于刻板印象或遗漏,这些描述呈现了整个社区的单一故事。我认为,在图画小说中加入不同的叙事方式可以增强文本的表现力,为读者提供深入了解冲突的机会,并开始欣赏和认识到他人的权利。
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引用次数: 1
Rethinking Peace: Discourse, Memory, Translation, and Dialogue, edited by Alexander Laban Hinton, Giorgio Shani and Jeremiah Alberg. Reviewed by Mohammed Moussa. 《重新思考和平:话语、记忆、翻译与对话》,亚历山大·拉班·辛顿、乔治·沙尼和耶利米·阿尔伯格主编。穆罕默德·穆萨评论。
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1755
M. Moussa
Peace is a protean concept that equally eludes academics and practitioners on the one hand and perpetrators and victims on the other hand. However, this conundrum has not discouraged the preoccupation of peace and conflict studies with fixing the definition of peace once and for all for immediate export to war zones. In this essay, I review the timely book of Rethinking Peace: Discourse, Memory, Translation, and Dialogue which explicitly aims at not only rethinking peace but also providing self-reflexive viable alternatives. My review proceeds according to two steps: first, I identify the key themes of each part and of each chapter; second, I situate the edited volume in a context characterized by two increasingly significant conversations, the interpretivist turn and the decolonizing of knowledge, that at times overlap.
和平是一个千变万化的概念,一方面学者和实践者无法理解,另一方面肇事者和受害者也无法理解。然而,这一难题并没有阻碍和平与冲突研究的重点,即一劳永逸地确定和平的定义,以便立即向战区输出。在这篇文章中,我回顾了及时出版的《重新思考和平:话语,记忆,翻译和对话》一书,该书不仅明确地旨在重新思考和平,而且还提供了自我反思的可行替代方案。我的复习分两步进行:首先,确定每一部分和每一章的主要主题;其次,我将编辑后的卷置于两种日益重要的对话的背景中,解释主义转向和知识的非殖民化,这两种对话有时重叠。
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引用次数: 1
National Resilience to Protracted Violence in Ukraine 乌克兰应对长期暴力的国家韧性
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1689
Karina V. Korostelina
This paper concentrates on the production of power of the Ukrainian nation, that not only deals with continuous violence within the nation, but also develops national strength to address this violence. This paper aims to explore how the Ukrainian nation develops resilience to protracted violence as a form of transformative power and what factors contribute or impede this process. The paper defines resilience as a form of power that enhances the capacity of a national community to heal from trauma, effectively resists perpetrators of violence, and positively transform intergroup relations to remove communities from contexts of chronic violence and war. Based on semi-structured interviews with twenty-six respondents and a phenomenological analysis of data, this paper shows that effective practices of resilience developed by the national community of Ukraine, including volunteerism, a critical approach to history, and dialogue, not only aid Ukrainians in the adaptation to the chronic violence but also in the transformation of the nature and the impact of the violence on the national community. At the same time, these practices not only utilize external and internal resources but shape the societal capacities and the international interventions. Finally, these practices also alter visions of the society and dynamics of relations between power agents.
本文关注的是乌克兰民族的权力生产,不仅要处理国内持续不断的暴力,而且要发展民族力量来解决这种暴力。本文旨在探讨乌克兰民族如何将长期暴力作为变革力量的一种形式发展复原力,以及哪些因素有助于或阻碍这一进程。本文将韧性定义为一种力量形式,它可以增强一个国家社区从创伤中治愈的能力,有效地抵制暴力肇事者,并积极改变群体间关系,使社区摆脱长期暴力和战争的背景。基于对26名受访者的半结构化访谈和对数据的现象学分析,本文表明,乌克兰民族社区发展的有效复原力实践,包括志愿服务、对历史的批判性方法和对话,不仅有助于乌克兰人适应长期暴力,而且有助于改变暴力的性质和暴力对民族社区的影响。同时,这些做法不仅利用了外部和内部资源,而且塑造了社会能力和国际干预。最后,这些实践也改变了对社会的看法和权力代理人之间关系的动态。
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引用次数: 6
Loose Coupling in Curriculum Reforms: Rural Teachers´ Perceptions of Peace Education in Post-Conflict Colombia 课程改革中的松散耦合:冲突后哥伦比亚农村教师对和平教育的看法
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1644
Pedro Pineda, M. Meier
Previous research has shown how peace education (PE) mutates according to socio-political and curricular/didactic traditions, but we still need to know how PE disseminates at the school level. We surveyed teachers from 12 rural schools of the violent Amazon region of Colombia where a national Law made PE mandatory in schools and universities. Teachers working on schools affected by the armed conflict have high expectations about PE. Respondents identified PE with 21 didactic elements: (a) Approaches: values education, citizenship education, critical pedagogy; (b) Pedagogical principles: diversity and pluralism. (c) Learning processes: peaceful conflict resolution, promotion of a “life project”, political participation. (d) Topics: justice, human rights, nature preservation, culture preservation, school bullying, historical memory or peace treaties´ history, “risk prevention”. (e) Pedagogic means: “games”, multimedia, “recreation”, and social projects. (f) Teaching methods: action research and moral dilemmas. Teachers also have opposing views about the history of PE. We could not find a systematic pattern of responses about the pedagogical principles or theoretical sources of inspiration of PE. We discuss the differences between present PE reforms and the previous tradition related to classical education that promoted moral, historical, and political capacities linked to school subjects in the context of post-conflict societies.
先前的研究表明,和平教育(PE)是如何根据社会政治和课程/教学传统而发生变化的,但我们仍然需要知道体育是如何在学校层面传播的。我们调查了哥伦比亚亚马逊暴力地区的12所农村学校的教师,那里的一项国家法律规定学校和大学必须开设体育课程。在受武装冲突影响的学校工作的教师对体育抱有很高的期望。受访者认为体育有21个教学要素:(a)方法:价值观教育、公民教育、批判教学法;(b)教学原则:多样性和多元化。(c)学习过程:和平解决冲突、促进“生活项目”、政治参与。(d)主题:正义、人权、自然保护、文化保护、校园欺凌、历史记忆或和平条约的历史、“风险预防”。(e)教育学的意思是:“游戏”、多媒体、“娱乐”和社会项目。(f)教学方法:行动研究和道德困境。教师们对体育的历史也有不同的看法。我们没有找到一个系统的回应模式,关于体育的教学原则或理论来源的灵感。我们讨论了当前体育改革与之前的传统教育之间的差异,传统教育促进了冲突后社会背景下与学校科目相关的道德、历史和政治能力。
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引用次数: 3
Richard Rorty’s Liberalism and Citizen as a Strong Poet 理查德·罗蒂的自由主义与作为强大诗人的公民
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-10-31 DOI: 10.21051/ps.2019.10.27.2.85
조대근, Kim, Nam-Kook
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引用次数: 0
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Peace and Conflict Studies
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