Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2021.1745
L. Luna, S. Byrne
This article reviews the empirical data the second author collected from 120 semi-structured interviews with the leaders of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) and funding agency development officers conducted during the summer of 2010 in Northern Ireland and the Border Counties. The research explores 44 Derry City respondents' experiences and perceptions regarding external economic aid in the Northern Ireland peace process. To this end, this article explores the role of economic aid from the International Fund for Ireland (IFI) and the European Union (EU) Peace and Reconciliation or Peace 3 Fund in engaging with civil society in transforming psychological and cultural barriers towards building sustainable peace in Londonderry or Derry City. Themes emerged inductively from data. It includes the CSO leaders' and funding agency development officers' perspectives on building peace and both funds' impact on the Northern Ireland peacebuilding process. CSO leaders and funding agency development officers acknowledge the importance of external economic assistance support in development and forging cross-community contact projects. The interviewees also highlighted issues related to political participation, community competitiveness, and psychological barriers that emerge from CSOs working with both programs. Some of the conclusions are related to broadened peace process interventions to a multi-articulated approach that includes different areas of peacebuilding intervention.
本文回顾了第二作者从2010年夏季在北爱尔兰和边境县对公民社会组织(cso)领导人和资助机构发展官员进行的120次半结构化访谈中收集的经验数据。该研究探讨了44名德里市受访者对北爱尔兰和平进程中外部经济援助的经历和看法。为此，本文探讨了爱尔兰国际基金(IFI)和欧盟和平与和解基金(EU Peace and Reconciliation or Peace 3 Fund)的经济援助在与民间社会合作，改变心理和文化障碍，以实现伦敦德里郡或德里市的可持续和平方面的作用。主题是从数据中归纳出来的。它包括公民社会组织领导人和供资机构发展官员对建设和平的看法以及这两个基金对北爱尔兰建设和平进程的影响。公民社会组织领导人和供资机构的发展官员承认外部经济援助支持发展和建立跨社区联系项目的重要性。受访者还强调了与政治参与、社区竞争力和公民社会组织与这两个项目合作所产生的心理障碍有关的问题。其中一些结论涉及将和平进程干预措施扩大到包括建设和平干预不同领域的多层面办法。
{"title":"Civil Society Leaders’ Experiences of Peacebuilding in Londonderry/Derry City, Northern Ireland: Transforming Cultural and Psychological Barriers","authors":"L. Luna, S. Byrne","doi":"10.46743/1082-7307/2021.1745","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46743/1082-7307/2021.1745","url":null,"abstract":"This article reviews the empirical data the second author collected from 120 semi-structured interviews with the leaders of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) and funding agency development officers conducted during the summer of 2010 in Northern Ireland and the Border Counties. The research explores 44 Derry City respondents' experiences and perceptions regarding external economic aid in the Northern Ireland peace process. To this end, this article explores the role of economic aid from the International Fund for Ireland (IFI) and the European Union (EU) Peace and Reconciliation or Peace 3 Fund in engaging with civil society in transforming psychological and cultural barriers towards building sustainable peace in Londonderry or Derry City. Themes emerged inductively from data. It includes the CSO leaders' and funding agency development officers' perspectives on building peace and both funds' impact on the Northern Ireland peacebuilding process. CSO leaders and funding agency development officers acknowledge the importance of external economic assistance support in development and forging cross-community contact projects. The interviewees also highlighted issues related to political participation, community competitiveness, and psychological barriers that emerge from CSOs working with both programs. Some of the conclusions are related to broadened peace process interventions to a multi-articulated approach that includes different areas of peacebuilding intervention.","PeriodicalId":52516,"journal":{"name":"Peace and Conflict Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70580653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2021.1623
Yosuke Nagai
This article attempts to examine an issue regarding the reintegration of disengaged Al-Shabaab combatants in Somalia. Nowadays, some countries have undergone current generation disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR), known as third-generation DDR; in the Somali context, although DDR is designed to disengage and rehabilitate defectors of Al-Shabaab for their reintegration into society, in practice, its implementation is not preceded by conventional approaches to conventional DDR, and it has suffered from various problems and contradictions. Previous research and information on the subject are extremely limited, due to a severe security situation. Accordingly, the author conducted interviews in Somalia in 2016 and 2019 with disengaged combatants and community members, to examine conditions necessary for good reintegration. The findings of the interviews revealed a gap in understanding between ex-combatants and members of the community, which significantly undermines the prospect of successful reintegration. A detailed analysis of the findings firstly shows that two problems exist regarding rehabilitation: a lack of knowledge, and an absence of accountability and transparency; secondly, further associated problems, such as severe unemployment, unstable security, financial difficulty, and distrust of the current government, which has devastating consequences for reintegration.
{"title":"Reintegration of Al-Shabaab’s Defectors in Somalia: An Examination of Conditions for Successful Reintegration","authors":"Yosuke Nagai","doi":"10.46743/1082-7307/2021.1623","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46743/1082-7307/2021.1623","url":null,"abstract":"This article attempts to examine an issue regarding the reintegration of disengaged Al-Shabaab combatants in Somalia. Nowadays, some countries have undergone current generation disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR), known as third-generation DDR; in the Somali context, although DDR is designed to disengage and rehabilitate defectors of Al-Shabaab for their reintegration into society, in practice, its implementation is not preceded by conventional approaches to conventional DDR, and it has suffered from various problems and contradictions. Previous research and information on the subject are extremely limited, due to a severe security situation. Accordingly, the author conducted interviews in Somalia in 2016 and 2019 with disengaged combatants and community members, to examine conditions necessary for good reintegration. The findings of the interviews revealed a gap in understanding between ex-combatants and members of the community, which significantly undermines the prospect of successful reintegration. A detailed analysis of the findings firstly shows that two problems exist regarding rehabilitation: a lack of knowledge, and an absence of accountability and transparency; secondly, further associated problems, such as severe unemployment, unstable security, financial difficulty, and distrust of the current government, which has devastating consequences for reintegration.","PeriodicalId":52516,"journal":{"name":"Peace and Conflict Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70580705","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2021.1756
T. Bajon
By being part into the theory of the rebels' credibility dilemma, this research takes its framework in a historical analysis of relations between rebel groups and governments, in order to better understand the mechanisms of demands and negotiations between these two actors. In this paper, we propose to test the validity of the theory of the rebels' credibility dilemma in Latin America, and to provide specific precision to this geographical area. For that, our approach proposes an historical and political study on data going from 1945 to 2019. The study is characterized by the creation of specific classifications and a relative power indicator of the rebel groups, making it possible to highlight new specificities of the rebels' credibility dilemma. The results show that globally the theory seems valid on the studied area, but that new parameters can be implemented to the initial theory, namely the search for popular and international credibility, through a general model of the rebels’ credibility dilemma.
{"title":"The rebels' credibility dilemma: A new approach to the search for credibility towards the international community and the population","authors":"T. Bajon","doi":"10.46743/1082-7307/2021.1756","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46743/1082-7307/2021.1756","url":null,"abstract":"By being part into the theory of the rebels' credibility dilemma, this research takes its framework in a historical analysis of relations between rebel groups and governments, in order to better understand the mechanisms of demands and negotiations between these two actors. In this paper, we propose to test the validity of the theory of the rebels' credibility dilemma in Latin America, and to provide specific precision to this geographical area. For that, our approach proposes an historical and political study on data going from 1945 to 2019. The study is characterized by the creation of specific classifications and a relative power indicator of the rebel groups, making it possible to highlight new specificities of the rebels' credibility dilemma. The results show that globally the theory seems valid on the studied area, but that new parameters can be implemented to the initial theory, namely the search for popular and international credibility, through a general model of the rebels’ credibility dilemma.","PeriodicalId":52516,"journal":{"name":"Peace and Conflict Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70580672","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-30DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1684
Allan T. Moore
Rwanda under the rule of President Juvenal Habyarimana and the MRND government was a de facto totalitarian governed society, and throughout Habyarimana’s twenty-one year rule, it has been established that there was clear propaganda and hatred directed toward those citizens identified as Tutsi through their national identification records. This article examines the effects of centralized power harbored by Habyarimana and the MRND during this time utilizing a theoretical framework based on the intersection of complementary theory from Foucault, Dahl and Weber. The methodology includes a novel critical discourse analysis (CDA) of transcribed speeches delivered by Habyarimana and Leon Mugesera, as well as a short ethnography of the author’s own experience of visiting memorial sites in Rwanda. Conclusions are reached that bring in analysis of Popper’s Paradox of Tolerance and argue that contrary to some opinion on the matter, it is not unreasonable to expect a degree of restriction of free speech under a limited set of circumstances when a society such as Rwanda’s has suffered previous mass extreme victimization as a result of past abuse of the power-knowledge-discourse relationship.
{"title":"Words and Power in Conflict: Rwanda Under MRND Rule","authors":"Allan T. Moore","doi":"10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1684","url":null,"abstract":"Rwanda under the rule of President Juvenal Habyarimana and the MRND government was a de facto totalitarian governed society, and throughout Habyarimana’s twenty-one year rule, it has been established that there was clear propaganda and hatred directed toward those citizens identified as Tutsi through their national identification records. This article examines the effects of centralized power harbored by Habyarimana and the MRND during this time utilizing a theoretical framework based on the intersection of complementary theory from Foucault, Dahl and Weber. The methodology includes a novel critical discourse analysis (CDA) of transcribed speeches delivered by Habyarimana and Leon Mugesera, as well as a short ethnography of the author’s own experience of visiting memorial sites in Rwanda. Conclusions are reached that bring in analysis of Popper’s Paradox of Tolerance and argue that contrary to some opinion on the matter, it is not unreasonable to expect a degree of restriction of free speech under a limited set of circumstances when a society such as Rwanda’s has suffered previous mass extreme victimization as a result of past abuse of the power-knowledge-discourse relationship.","PeriodicalId":52516,"journal":{"name":"Peace and Conflict Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49233306","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-31DOI: 10.21051/ps.2020.10.27.2.259
Shin‐wha Lee
{"title":"Foreign Policy Dilemma in South Korean Democracy : Challenge of Polarized and Politicized Public Opinion","authors":"Shin‐wha Lee","doi":"10.21051/ps.2020.10.27.2.259","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21051/ps.2020.10.27.2.259","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52516,"journal":{"name":"Peace and Conflict Studies","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76916592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The recent attention of peace studies scholars to the role of the "public" parallels an increased interest of democratic theorists in the legitimacy of "mini-publics:" initiatives that bring small groups of citizens together to discuss policy issues. In fact, democratic activists and peace activists who seek to engage the public face similar theoretical and practical challenges. The purpose of this article is to contribute to an emerging dialogue between the disciplines of democratic theory and peace studies. Such a dialogue can be beneficial in at least two ways: it allows an exploration of the role of legitimacy in public peace processes and the burdens that legitimacy put on the institutional design of such processes, and it allows an exploration of more ambitious models of public participation in the peace process. Introduction Traditionally, peace studies understood peacemaking as the realm of diplomats. This is no longer the case. Many scholars of peace studies believe that peace must be made by publics, not politicians. Sustainable peace requires a "public peace process:” “sustained action by citizens outside governments to change the fundamental relationship between groups in conflict” (Chufrin and Saunders 1993, 155-6). Indeed, Gawerc (2006, 440) notes that in recent years peace studies scholarship “have given voice to the critical role that private citizens, local The “Public” in "Public Peace Process" and in "Mini-Publics" Peace and Conflict Studies • Volume 17, Number 2 348 initiatives, and people-to-people activities have in building peace, as well as in maintaining conflict.” Practically, peace scholars and activists who embrace the notion of a “public peace process” focus on grassroots initiatives that try to create ongoing productive dialogue among groups of citizens within and across the belligerent sides. These initiatives operate at two levels. At one level, they seek to modify the views of the participants themselves. At the same time, the hope and expectation is that this change of minds will trickle wide and up, so to speak, and lead to a similar change of minds in the public at large and among policy makers. The recent theoretical and practical interest of peace studies scholars in the role of the public parallels similar trends in democratic theory. Scholars and practitioners of participatory and deliberative democracy are exploring the idea of "mini-publics:" initiatives that bring small groups of citizens together to discuss policy issues (Fung 2003; Goodin and Dryzek 2006). There are obvious similarities between initiatives of "public peace process" and "mini-publics." Both try to generate a small-scale model, a microcosm, of a process that has to take place in society at large. The underlying belief of both is that citizens can change their minds when they encounter different perspectives, and that they need to have the opportunity to do so for the desired social change to be possible. Furthermore, both kinds of initia
{"title":"Peace and Conflict Studies","authors":"A. Majumdar, Shibashis Chatterjee","doi":"10.4324/9781003084167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003084167","url":null,"abstract":"The recent attention of peace studies scholars to the role of the \"public\" parallels an increased interest of democratic theorists in the legitimacy of \"mini-publics:\" initiatives that bring small groups of citizens together to discuss policy issues. In fact, democratic activists and peace activists who seek to engage the public face similar theoretical and practical challenges. The purpose of this article is to contribute to an emerging dialogue between the disciplines of democratic theory and peace studies. Such a dialogue can be beneficial in at least two ways: it allows an exploration of the role of legitimacy in public peace processes and the burdens that legitimacy put on the institutional design of such processes, and it allows an exploration of more ambitious models of public participation in the peace process. Introduction Traditionally, peace studies understood peacemaking as the realm of diplomats. This is no longer the case. Many scholars of peace studies believe that peace must be made by publics, not politicians. Sustainable peace requires a \"public peace process:” “sustained action by citizens outside governments to change the fundamental relationship between groups in conflict” (Chufrin and Saunders 1993, 155-6). Indeed, Gawerc (2006, 440) notes that in recent years peace studies scholarship “have given voice to the critical role that private citizens, local The “Public” in \"Public Peace Process\" and in \"Mini-Publics\" Peace and Conflict Studies • Volume 17, Number 2 348 initiatives, and people-to-people activities have in building peace, as well as in maintaining conflict.” Practically, peace scholars and activists who embrace the notion of a “public peace process” focus on grassroots initiatives that try to create ongoing productive dialogue among groups of citizens within and across the belligerent sides. These initiatives operate at two levels. At one level, they seek to modify the views of the participants themselves. At the same time, the hope and expectation is that this change of minds will trickle wide and up, so to speak, and lead to a similar change of minds in the public at large and among policy makers. The recent theoretical and practical interest of peace studies scholars in the role of the public parallels similar trends in democratic theory. Scholars and practitioners of participatory and deliberative democracy are exploring the idea of \"mini-publics:\" initiatives that bring small groups of citizens together to discuss policy issues (Fung 2003; Goodin and Dryzek 2006). There are obvious similarities between initiatives of \"public peace process\" and \"mini-publics.\" Both try to generate a small-scale model, a microcosm, of a process that has to take place in society at large. The underlying belief of both is that citizens can change their minds when they encounter different perspectives, and that they need to have the opportunity to do so for the desired social change to be possible. Furthermore, both kinds of initia","PeriodicalId":52516,"journal":{"name":"Peace and Conflict Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44977231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Introduction","authors":"A. Majumdar, S. Chatterjee","doi":"10.4324/9781003084167-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003084167-1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52516,"journal":{"name":"Peace and Conflict Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47883147","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1770
D. Rothbart
In recent decades the political state has been implicated in genocide, mass violence, political oppression, and targeted deprivations. Yet, in the field of conflict analysis, the meaning of state “power over” in conflict settings is under-theorized. In this article I probe the conceptual depths of state power to show that such power is neither singular nor simple. It’s neither ahistorical nor asocial. Beneath the surface of the state’s wide-ranging practices of governing its political subjects is a fundamental paradox that juxtaposes the state’s authority as the rightful authority over its subjects against the state’s vulnerability to potentially de-stabilizing threats to such authority. Critical to the meaning of state power, this paradox is revealed in an entanglement of contrary forces of state legitimation and its de-legitimation by threatening forces. Such an entanglement is illustrated in the state’s power to protect the nation from aggressors, to enact laws, and to manage its political subjects. The paradox implies that state power is fundamentally conflictual and, as a result, suited perfectly for analysis by scholar-practitioners in our field.
{"title":"The Paradox of Power in Conflict Dynamics","authors":"D. Rothbart","doi":"10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1770","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1770","url":null,"abstract":"In recent decades the political state has been implicated in genocide, mass violence, political oppression, and targeted deprivations. Yet, in the field of conflict analysis, the meaning of state “power over” in conflict settings is under-theorized. In this article I probe the conceptual depths of state power to show that such power is neither singular nor simple. It’s neither ahistorical nor asocial. Beneath the surface of the state’s wide-ranging practices of governing its political subjects is a fundamental paradox that juxtaposes the state’s authority as the rightful authority over its subjects against the state’s vulnerability to potentially de-stabilizing threats to such authority. Critical to the meaning of state power, this paradox is revealed in an entanglement of contrary forces of state legitimation and its de-legitimation by threatening forces. Such an entanglement is illustrated in the state’s power to protect the nation from aggressors, to enact laws, and to manage its political subjects. The paradox implies that state power is fundamentally conflictual and, as a result, suited perfectly for analysis by scholar-practitioners in our field.","PeriodicalId":52516,"journal":{"name":"Peace and Conflict Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70580147","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1685
K. Wong
The rise of China has provided a plethora of different powers it can use to its advantage, continues its rise, or punish noncompliance. Throughout the years of China's rising, it has been accumulating considerable hard power in its military and economic capabilities, while also trying to improve on its soft power of cultural values. However one often overlooked, and under-appreciated power of China is the integrative power of Chinese nationalism. This integrative power that comes from China’s acute usage of nationalism to support the legitimacy of its one-party system. This study argues that China has an excess of integrative power and that China has skillfully used it to turn unfavorable events and threats, such as the Hong Kong protests of 2019, back to their advantage; even if this would mean that China is a primary facilitator of conflict and also at times an inhibitor to the de-escalation of conflict.
{"title":"A Weapon of Legitimacy: China’s Integrative Power and its Impact on its Reactions on Domestic Conflicts","authors":"K. Wong","doi":"10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46743/1082-7307/2020.1685","url":null,"abstract":"The rise of China has provided a plethora of different powers it can use to its advantage, continues its rise, or punish noncompliance. Throughout the years of China's rising, it has been accumulating considerable hard power in its military and economic capabilities, while also trying to improve on its soft power of cultural values. However one often overlooked, and under-appreciated power of China is the integrative power of Chinese nationalism. This integrative power that comes from China’s acute usage of nationalism to support the legitimacy of its one-party system. This study argues that China has an excess of integrative power and that China has skillfully used it to turn unfavorable events and threats, such as the Hong Kong protests of 2019, back to their advantage; even if this would mean that China is a primary facilitator of conflict and also at times an inhibitor to the de-escalation of conflict.","PeriodicalId":52516,"journal":{"name":"Peace and Conflict Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70580335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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