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Rochelle DuFord: Solidarity in Conflict: A Democratic Theory. (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2022. Pp. viii, 203.) 罗谢尔·杜福德:《冲突中的团结:民主理论》。(加利福尼亚州斯坦福:斯坦福大学出版社,2022。第8页,第203页。)
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0034670523000414
S. Scholz
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引用次数: 0
Michael J. Thompson: Twilight of the Self: The Decline of the Individual in Late Capitalism. (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2022. Pp. xii, 271.) 迈克尔·J·汤普森:《自我的黄昏:资本主义晚期个体的衰落》。(加利福尼亚州斯坦福:斯坦福大学出版社,2022年。第xii页,271页。)
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0034670523000359
Jeremy Kingston Cynamon
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引用次数: 0
What Is the Core of German Idealist Freedom? 德国理想主义自由的核心是什么?
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-14 DOI: 10.1017/S0034670523000281
Shterna Friedman
One of this book's many important contributions is Rosen's argument that the German Idealist conception of freedom arose from a theological attempt to make the workings of divine justice intelligible in the world. I suggest a possible amendment to this profound suggestion. In chapter 4, Rosen takes the fundamental conception of freedom at the heart of the German Idealist enterprise to be the absence of arbitrariness. But might freedom from arbitrariness be, for Kant and Hegel, a species of a more fundamental genus—freedom from external determination? Since Rosen develops his account of German Idealist freedom mostly in relation to Kant, I focus on him but conclude with a note about Hegel.
这本书的重要贡献之一是罗森的论述,他认为德国唯心主义的自由概念源于一种神学尝试,即让世界上神圣正义的运作变得清晰易懂。我对这一深刻的建议提出一个可能的修正。在第4章中,罗森将德国唯心主义事业的核心自由的基本概念看作是任意性的缺失。但是,对于康德和黑格尔来说,摆脱任意性的自由是否可能是一个更基本的属——摆脱外部决定的自由?由于罗森对德国唯心主义自由的描述主要与康德有关,所以我主要关注他,但最后对黑格尔做了一个注释。
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引用次数: 0
Carl Schmitt on the Transformations of the People in Modernity 卡尔·施密特论现代性中人的转变
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-14 DOI: 10.1017/S0034670523000256
M. Herrero
Abstract This article argues that through the reinterpretation of the old theory of pouvoir constituant proposed by Sieyès, Carl Schmitt shows the impossibility of political modernity being anything other than authoritarian populism, whether by means of democratic or autocratic procedures. It is not that Schmitt's theory is authoritarian populism, but that modern politics, born out of the French Revolution, cannot be anything else. Schmitt's analyses of the idea of the people in political modernity in Dictatorship (1921), The Crises of Parliamentary Democracy (1923), Volksentscheid und Volksbegehren (1927), Constitutional Theory (1928), and State, Movement, People (1933) provide a fine analysis of the populist character of modernity. Something that those alive in the twenty-first century have been able to experience was theorized by Schmitt in an oracular way. Because of his keen insight he is still worth reading.
摘要本文认为,通过对谢提出的旧宪法理论的重新解释,无论是通过民主程序还是专制程序,卡尔·施密特都表明了政治现代性不可能是专制民粹主义之外的任何东西。这并不是说施密特的理论是专制民粹主义,而是源于法国大革命的现代政治不可能是其他任何东西。施密特在《独裁统治》(1921)、《议会民主的危机》(1923)、《人民与人民》(1927)、《宪法理论》(1928)和《国家、运动、人民》(1933)中对政治现代性中的人民思想的分析,为现代性的民粹主义特征提供了一个很好的分析。施密特以一种神谕的方式将21世纪的人们所能体验到的东西理论化。由于他敏锐的洞察力,他仍然值得一读。
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引用次数: 0
Eric W. Cheng: Hanging Together: Role-Based Constitutional Fellowship and the Challenge of Difference and Disagreement. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022. Pp. vii, 182.) 程:《团结在一起:基于角色的宪政伙伴关系与差异与分歧的挑战》。(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2022年。第vii页,182。)
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0034670523000360
Aaron Kushner
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引用次数: 0
The Crowd, the People, and the Philosopher in Spinoza's Political Philosophy 斯宾诺莎政治哲学中的人群、人民与哲学家
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-14 DOI: 10.1017/S0034670523000323
C. Altini
Abstract The article analyzes the relationship in Spinoza's thought between the figures of the philosopher, the people, and the crowd. This distinction is anchored in his theory of knowledge, of the passions, and of natural right and plays a fundamental role in his conception of political philosophy. Spinoza establishes a direct connection between these three figures and the forms of political regimes: while in democracy human beings who are completely rational (the philosophers) can fully deploy their theoretical passions and the people can develop their desire for freedom, in theocracy and tyranny the crowd's superstition dominates. These aspects of Spinoza's thought allow us to interpret the relationships between the contemplative and the active life, and to rethink the relationship between the philosopher and the city, in the early modern age as well as in our contemporary one.
文章分析了斯宾诺莎思想中哲学家形象、人物形象和人群形象之间的关系。这种区别植根于他的知识论、激情论和自然权利论,并在他的政治哲学观中发挥着重要作用。斯宾诺莎在这三个人物与政治制度的形式之间建立了直接的联系:在民主中,完全理性的人(哲学家)可以充分发挥他们的理论激情,人民可以发展他们对自由的渴望,而在神权政治和暴政中,群众的迷信占主导地位。斯宾诺莎思想的这些方面使我们能够解读沉思与活跃生活之间的关系,并重新思考哲学家与城市之间的关系。
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引用次数: 0
The Hobbesian Crowd Problem 霍布斯的群体问题
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-14 DOI: 10.1017/S0034670523000244
Luc Foisneau
Abstract In this article I try to identify the nature of the Hobbesian Crowd Problem as a problem depending on the nature of the connection, or absence of connection, between the notions of “crowd” and “people.” When a crowd is considered as a “subjected crowd” it is but the flip side of a people, which is itself the other name of the sovereign. When considered as a gathering of people, the crowd's status depends on the intention of its members as well as the number of its participants, but also on whether it is authorized by the sovereign. Within the framework of his complex theory of associations (or “system subjects”), Hobbes's theory of crowds is a useful instrument for assessing what we now call “populism,” the claim by some citizens to speak for the whole political community.
在这篇文章中,我试图将霍布斯群体问题的本质定义为一个依赖于“群体”和“人”概念之间联系或缺乏联系的本质的问题。当一个群体被认为是“臣服的群体”时,它只是人民的另一面,人民本身就是君主的另一个名字。当被认为是一群人的聚会时,群体的地位取决于其成员的意图和参与者的数量,但也取决于它是否得到君主的授权。在他复杂的关联理论(或“系统主体”)框架内,霍布斯的群体理论是评估我们现在所说的“民粹主义”的有用工具,民粹主义是一些公民要求代表整个政治共同体发言的主张。
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引用次数: 0
Elisabeth R. Anker: Ugly Freedoms. (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2022. Pp. ix, 231.) 伊丽莎白·r·安克尔:丑陋的自由。(达勒姆,北卡罗来纳州:杜克大学出版社,2022。第9页,231页。)
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0034670523000426
Kevin Bruyneel
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引用次数: 0
Robert B. Talisse: Sustaining Democracy: What We Owe to the Other Side. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Pp. 168.) 罗伯特·b·塔利斯:《维持民主:我们欠对方什么》纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2021。168页。)
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0034670523000372
Sean W. D. Gray
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引用次数: 0
Herder on the Self-Determination of Peoples 民族自决论
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-14 DOI: 10.1017/S0034670523000268
E. Piirimäe
Abstract Recent studies have argued that Herder supported cultural, rather than national, self-determination. While Herder did not argue that all nations should become states, using the term “cultural” as the defining element of his conception of self-determination risks the false impression that political self-determination is not part of it. Focusing on Herder's discussion of the relationship between the people and the state in modern European “state-machines” and his comments on the French revolution, this article shows that Herder encouraged the national “self-constitution” of both subjugated and dominant peoples, thus contributing to the rise of the concept of self-determination of peoples. Rejecting direct popular rule as a “phantom of liberty,” he envisioned modern self-determination to be a continuous process of free public deliberation in print media and representative institutions on the possible reform of the constitution of one's political community, as guided by the public's evolving understanding of the principles of Humanität.
摘要最近的研究表明,赫尔德支持文化自决,而不是民族自决。虽然赫尔德并不认为所有国家都应该成为国家,但使用“文化”一词作为其自决概念的定义要素,可能会给人留下政治自决不属于国家的错误印象。本文以赫尔德对现代欧洲“国家机器”中人民与国家关系的论述及其对法国革命的评论为中心,表明赫尔德鼓励了被征服和占主导地位的人民的国家“自我宪法”,从而促进了人民自决观的兴起。他拒绝将直接的民众统治视为“自由的幻影”,并设想现代自决是一个持续的过程,在公众对人道主义原则不断发展的理解的指导下,在印刷媒体和代表机构中,就政治共同体宪法的可能改革进行自由的公众审议。
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引用次数: 0
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Review of Politics
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