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Colin Bird: Human Dignity and Political Criticism. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Pp. xiii, 266.) 科林·伯德:《人类尊严与政治批评》。(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2021年。第xiii页,266。)
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-19 DOI: 10.1017/s0034670522000845
Rachel Bayefsky
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引用次数: 0
Jonathan Marks: Let's Be Reasonable: A Conservative Case for Liberal Education. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2021. Pp. xviii, 221.) 乔纳森·马克斯:《让我们理性一点:博雅教育的保守案例》。普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2021年。第18页,221页。)
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0034670522000596
Daniel E. Cullen
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引用次数: 0
Caroline Ashcroft: Violence and Power in the Thought of Hannah Arendt. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2021. Pp. 278.) 卡罗琳·阿什克罗夫特:《汉娜·阿伦特思想中的暴力与权力》。(费城:宾夕法尼亚大学出版社,2021。278页。)
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0034670522000833
Christopher Peys
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引用次数: 0
The English Utilitarians, Some Recent Reconsiderations 英国功利主义者最近的一些反思
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-13 DOI: 10.1017/S003467052200078X
G. Conti
In 1900, perhaps the greatest Victorian historian of ideas, Leslie Stephen, released his three-volume English Utilitarians. Coming to grips with the political thought of the century that had just ended, he believed, required considering the “dominant beliefs of the adherents of this school.” So privileged a point of access was offered by what we would now call “classical utilitarianism” that a study of it could serve as a “sequel” to his previous History of English Thought in the Eighteenth Century. The utilitarians, Stephen was confident, could serve as a kind of synecdoche for a whole age. Further, if the utilitarians did not grasp the whole truth, there was no doubt that their “creed” would make up part of the “definitive system” that would arrive in due time.
1900年,也许是维多利亚时代最伟大的思想历史学家莱斯利·斯蒂芬出版了他的三卷本《英国功利主义者》。他认为,要掌握刚刚结束的世纪的政治思想,需要考虑“这一学派追随者的主导信仰”。我们现在称之为“古典功利主义”的东西提供了一个非常优越的切入点,对它的研究可以作为他上一部《十八世纪英国思想史》的“续集”。斯蒂芬自信地认为,功利主义者可以在整个时代充当一种提喻。此外,如果功利主义者没有掌握全部真相,毫无疑问,他们的“信条”将构成适时到来的“权威体系”的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
S. D. Chrostowska: Utopia in the Age of Survival: Between Myth and Politics. (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2021. Pp. 215.) 克里斯托夫斯卡:《生存时代的乌托邦:神话与政治之间》。(加利福尼亚州斯坦福:斯坦福大学出版社,2021年。第215页)
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-13 DOI: 10.1017/S0034670522000869
Mathias Thaler
liberal value. By the book’s end, tempered liberalism is revealed to be a species of perfectionist liberalism, complete with prescriptions for how society could educate citizens so that they internalize pluralism (201). Sensing trouble, Cherniss denies that his view is perfectionist, claiming that it is “not a comprehensive ideal, but a specifically political ethos” (208). Yet this is belied by his earlier depiction of pluralism. There, pluralism is “a certain relationship to the moral life” (190) and is “connected to existential and epistemological/methodological pluralism,” which denies that there could be “one infallible method of intellectual framework” to make sense of human experience; Cherniss also claims that pluralism rejects the idea that “life can be rendered meaningful by reference to some single ultimate good” (201). Oddly, Liberalism in Dark Times ends where the later Rawls begins. The lingering question is whether there is a viable conception of liberalism that can accommodate the fact that liberal citizens will disagree persistently over fundamentals concerning the structure and content of liberal values. Ultimately, tempered liberalism stands as nothing more than another liberal doctrine that one hopes can join an overlapping consensus on specific institutional arrangements. That said, Cherniss is correct to think that the political project of liberalism would be on firmer ground amid the social turmoil we are currently experiencing if all liberals were committed to the same way of understanding how core liberal values fit together. But that is no response to the liberal predicament. Rather, it is simply another formulation of it.
自由主义价值观。在书的结尾,温和的自由主义被揭示为一种完美主义的自由主义,并为社会如何教育公民,使他们内化多元主义提供了处方(201)。感觉到麻烦,Cherniss否认他的观点是完美主义的,声称这“不是一个全面的理想,而是一种特定的政治精神”(208)。然而,他早期对多元主义的描述掩盖了这一点。在那里,多元主义是“与道德生活的某种关系”(190),并且“与存在论和认识论/方法论多元主义有关”,后者否认可能存在“一种绝对正确的知识框架方法”来理解人类经验;Cherniss还声称,多元主义拒绝接受“通过提及某种终极善,生活可以变得有意义”的观点(201)。奇怪的是,黑暗时代的自由主义在后来的罗尔斯开始的地方结束了。挥之不去的问题是,是否有一个可行的自由主义概念能够适应这样一个事实,即自由主义公民会在自由主义价值观的结构和内容的基本问题上持续存在分歧。最终,温和的自由主义只不过是另一种自由主义,人们希望它能加入关于具体制度安排的重叠共识。也就是说,Cherniss认为,如果所有自由主义者都致力于以同样的方式理解自由主义核心价值观如何结合在一起,那么在我们目前正在经历的社会动荡中,自由主义的政治项目将有更坚实的基础,这是正确的。但这并不是对自由主义困境的回应。相反,它只是它的另一种表述。
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引用次数: 0
Judgment in the Fourth-Century BCE Athenian Courts as Anti-Tragedy: Demosthenes's On the Crown 公元前4世纪雅典法院的反悲剧判决:德摩斯梯尼的《论王冠》
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-06 DOI: 10.1017/S0034670522000663
E. Street
Abstract In 330 BCE, before a jury of 501 Athenian citizens, the statesman Demosthenes delivered what would become his most famous court speech, On the Crown. Commentators have called the speech “tragic” owing to the litigant's unusual appropriation of tropes from Attic tragedy to make his case. I offer an alternative reading of Demosthenes's speech that rests upon an alternative approach to theorizing democratic judgment. I argue that the rhetorical force and political significance of Demosthenes's metaphors, linguistic expressions and ideas depend upon the institutional setting in which they were delivered. This is because within each institutional site, a specific political practice of judgment is taking place that structures the reception of and response to ideas and images. Demosthenes's speech is in fact “anti-tragic” and reflects the democratic practice for which it was created.
摘要公元前330年,政治家德摩斯梯尼在501名雅典公民组成的陪审团面前发表了他最著名的法庭演讲《论王冠》。评论人士称这场演讲是“悲剧”,因为诉讼当事人不同寻常地借用了阿提克悲剧中的比喻来为自己辩护。我对德摩斯梯尼的演讲进行了另一种解读,这种解读建立在民主判断理论化的另一种方法之上。我认为,德摩斯梯尼的隐喻、语言表达和思想的修辞力和政治意义取决于它们所处的制度环境。这是因为在每个机构场所内,都有一种特定的政治判断实践,它构建了对思想和图像的接受和回应。事实上,德摩斯梯尼的演讲是“反悲剧的”,反映了民主实践。
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引用次数: 0
David Graeber and David Wengrow: The Dawn of Everything: A New History of Humanity. (New York: Farrar, Straus, Giroux, 2021. Pp. xii, 692.)
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-06 DOI: 10.1017/s003467052200064x
Fred L. Rush
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引用次数: 0
From Laslett to Waldmann: The Case for Reconsidering Strauss on Locke 从拉斯利特到瓦尔德曼:施特劳斯对洛克的再思考
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-06 DOI: 10.1017/S0034670522000730
Nasser Behnegar, D. Stauffer, Rafael Major, C. Nadon
Abstract The denial of Locke's debt to Hobbes has long been characteristic of many scholars of Locke influenced by the Cambridge School. Peter Laslett was the first to argue for this view, and he did so in conscious opposition to Leo Strauss and his interpretation of Locke. The recent discovery by Felix Waldmann of a memoir that confirms Locke's deep interest in Hobbes as well as his prudent concealment of that interest has undermined Laslett's case against Strauss. Waldmann's discovery, moreover, comes in the wake of other historical work, by Jeffrey Collins and others, that has provided further grounds for abandoning the Cambridge view of Locke. These developments have yet to lead to a serious reengagement with Strauss's interpretation of Locke, but they should, because his controversial claim about Locke's debt to Hobbes has been vindicated.
摘要长期以来,受剑桥学派影响,许多洛克学者一直否认洛克对霍布斯的亏欠。彼得·拉斯利特是第一个支持这一观点的人,他这样做是有意识地反对利奥·施特劳斯和他对洛克的解释。费利克斯·瓦尔德曼最近发现了一本回忆录,证实了洛克对霍布斯的浓厚兴趣,以及他对这种兴趣的谨慎隐瞒,这削弱了拉斯利特对施特劳斯的指控。此外,瓦尔德曼的发现是在杰弗里·柯林斯和其他人的其他历史著作之后发现的,这些著作为放弃剑桥对洛克的看法提供了进一步的依据。这些发展还没有导致对施特劳斯对洛克的解释的严重重新介入,但他们应该这样做,因为他关于洛克欠霍布斯的债务的有争议的说法已经得到了证实。
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引用次数: 0
Caleb J. Basnett: Adorno, Politics, and the Aesthetic Animal. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2021. Pp. x, 205.) Caleb J. Basnett:《阿多诺、政治与审美动物》(多伦多:多伦多大学出版社,2021。第x页,205页。)
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1017/s0034670522000626
Samuel Weber
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引用次数: 0
Ioanna Tourkochoriti: Freedom of Expression: The Revolutionary Roots of American and French Legal Thought. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Pp. viii, 296.) 《言论自由:美国和法国法律思想的革命根源》。(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2021。页8,296)
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-02 DOI: 10.1017/s0034670522000778
J. Warner
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引用次数: 0
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