Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1017/s0034670523000335
Michael Rosen
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{"title":"Author's Response","authors":"Michael Rosen","doi":"10.1017/s0034670523000335","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0034670523000335","url":null,"abstract":"An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content.","PeriodicalId":52549,"journal":{"name":"Review of Politics","volume":"137 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136078751","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-08DOI: 10.1017/S0034670522001036
A. Sager
Thirty-five years ago, Joseph Carens published “Aliens and Citizens: The Case for Open Borders” in the Review of Politics. It is only a slight overstatement to say that this article created the subfield of political theory of migration. Today, the field is flourishing. Migration continues to be one of today's most politically fraught and morally urgent issues. An estimated hundred million people have fled violence and persecution. Hundreds of millions more cross international borders every year. States have responded with highly restrictive policies, in which people need to resort to perilous routes, often in the hands of smugglers, to claim asylum.
{"title":"Review Essay: Recent Works in the Political Theory of Migration","authors":"A. Sager","doi":"10.1017/S0034670522001036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670522001036","url":null,"abstract":"Thirty-five years ago, Joseph Carens published “Aliens and Citizens: The Case for Open Borders” in the Review of Politics. It is only a slight overstatement to say that this article created the subfield of political theory of migration. Today, the field is flourishing. Migration continues to be one of today's most politically fraught and morally urgent issues. An estimated hundred million people have fled violence and persecution. Hundreds of millions more cross international borders every year. States have responded with highly restrictive policies, in which people need to resort to perilous routes, often in the hands of smugglers, to claim asylum.","PeriodicalId":52549,"journal":{"name":"Review of Politics","volume":"85 1","pages":"116 - 127"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46882834","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-03DOI: 10.1017/S0034670522000870
R. Kay
mothering. The core of Refusal’s Bacchae is the tragic clash of Agave’s relational identities: mother (to the eventually murdered king), daughter (to Cadmus, founder of Thebes), sister, and polis member. Agreeing with Peter Euben, Honig believes “the breaks necessitated by equality tear us apart, rip apart loved ones, and destroy the conjugal and communal bonds we value even though they make us unequal” (13), though equality is clearly worth this sacrifice per Refusal. Tragedy does not mean a wrong choice has been made; it means that pain attends all choices. As Arendt would say, to act is to suffer. Honig’s reading intimates that Agave’s immense grief for Pentheus would differentiate her from Rousseau’s citizen-mother, who cares only for Sparta’s victory after hearing that she has lost all five sons in battle. Her choice to refuse her son-cum-leader’s orders also differentiates Agave from Homer’s Penelope, who obeys Telemachus’s order to be silent before laboring alone to preserve Ithaca’s paternal monarchy. The bacchants’ partial revolution is an enlightenment-esque attempt to displace Thebes’s ancien régime. Whatever admixture of “giddiness and nausea” mighty sorority induces when it slays sons alongside kings, its goal is res publica: a political community meant to guarantee freedom and equality through rights (11). Now that the United States has officially entered its post-Roe reality, Honig’s clarity about feminism’s normative and civic demands rings all the louder. Only in a world without patriarchs could feminist citizenship be claimed without so much bloody sacrifice.
{"title":"Steven D. Smith: Fictions, Lies, and the Authority of Law. (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2021. Pp. xvi, 273.)","authors":"R. Kay","doi":"10.1017/S0034670522000870","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670522000870","url":null,"abstract":"mothering. The core of Refusal’s Bacchae is the tragic clash of Agave’s relational identities: mother (to the eventually murdered king), daughter (to Cadmus, founder of Thebes), sister, and polis member. Agreeing with Peter Euben, Honig believes “the breaks necessitated by equality tear us apart, rip apart loved ones, and destroy the conjugal and communal bonds we value even though they make us unequal” (13), though equality is clearly worth this sacrifice per Refusal. Tragedy does not mean a wrong choice has been made; it means that pain attends all choices. As Arendt would say, to act is to suffer. Honig’s reading intimates that Agave’s immense grief for Pentheus would differentiate her from Rousseau’s citizen-mother, who cares only for Sparta’s victory after hearing that she has lost all five sons in battle. Her choice to refuse her son-cum-leader’s orders also differentiates Agave from Homer’s Penelope, who obeys Telemachus’s order to be silent before laboring alone to preserve Ithaca’s paternal monarchy. The bacchants’ partial revolution is an enlightenment-esque attempt to displace Thebes’s ancien régime. Whatever admixture of “giddiness and nausea” mighty sorority induces when it slays sons alongside kings, its goal is res publica: a political community meant to guarantee freedom and equality through rights (11). Now that the United States has officially entered its post-Roe reality, Honig’s clarity about feminism’s normative and civic demands rings all the louder. Only in a world without patriarchs could feminist citizenship be claimed without so much bloody sacrifice.","PeriodicalId":52549,"journal":{"name":"Review of Politics","volume":"85 1","pages":"133 - 136"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48461589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0034670522000936
D. Mokrosinska
Abstract Transparency has become the constant refrain of democratic politics. However, executive branch officials consistently seek to insulate their activities from public scrutiny. A recurrent rationale presents secrecy as a necessary measure called for in circumstances in which the basic interests of the state are at stake. The purpose of this paper is to normatively assess the appeals to the necessity of executive secrecy in democratic governance. The paper fleshes out two ways in which the necessity argument has been framed. It argues that an appeal to necessity fails to confer political and/or legal authority on the state's resort to secrecy because necessity escapes normative codification both in the moral and legal domain (“necessity knows no law”). Drawing a distinction between legitimacy and vindication, it argues, however, that even though a state resorting to secrecy acts beyond its democratic authority, this action may be vindicated.
{"title":"Necessary but Illegitimate: On Democracy's Secrets","authors":"D. Mokrosinska","doi":"10.1017/S0034670522000936","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670522000936","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Transparency has become the constant refrain of democratic politics. However, executive branch officials consistently seek to insulate their activities from public scrutiny. A recurrent rationale presents secrecy as a necessary measure called for in circumstances in which the basic interests of the state are at stake. The purpose of this paper is to normatively assess the appeals to the necessity of executive secrecy in democratic governance. The paper fleshes out two ways in which the necessity argument has been framed. It argues that an appeal to necessity fails to confer political and/or legal authority on the state's resort to secrecy because necessity escapes normative codification both in the moral and legal domain (“necessity knows no law”). Drawing a distinction between legitimacy and vindication, it argues, however, that even though a state resorting to secrecy acts beyond its democratic authority, this action may be vindicated.","PeriodicalId":52549,"journal":{"name":"Review of Politics","volume":"85 1","pages":"73 - 97"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47251373","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-31DOI: 10.1017/S0034670522000900
T. M. Osborne
Abstract Readers have found at least two distinct and perhaps contradictory accounts of civil authority in the works of Francisco de Vitoria, and some hold that Vitoria himself holds contradictory positions. This article argues that Vitoria holds one consistent position, namely, that civil power is based on a necessity that is rooted in human nature, and in particular on the final cause of human life, and not on a necessity that is a result of any historical decision or process on its own. Rulers receive from the community their authority, which is a power to act on behalf of that community. Scholars have failed to consider how Vitoria's understanding of civil power is Aristotelian and Thomistic to the extent that it is based on the thesis that the political community is natural in a way similar to how families and individuals are natural.
{"title":"Francisco De Vitoria on the Nature and Source of Civil Authority","authors":"T. M. Osborne","doi":"10.1017/S0034670522000900","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670522000900","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Readers have found at least two distinct and perhaps contradictory accounts of civil authority in the works of Francisco de Vitoria, and some hold that Vitoria himself holds contradictory positions. This article argues that Vitoria holds one consistent position, namely, that civil power is based on a necessity that is rooted in human nature, and in particular on the final cause of human life, and not on a necessity that is a result of any historical decision or process on its own. Rulers receive from the community their authority, which is a power to act on behalf of that community. Scholars have failed to consider how Vitoria's understanding of civil power is Aristotelian and Thomistic to the extent that it is based on the thesis that the political community is natural in a way similar to how families and individuals are natural.","PeriodicalId":52549,"journal":{"name":"Review of Politics","volume":"85 1","pages":"1 - 22"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41443885","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-13DOI: 10.1017/S0034670522000821
K. Bermingham
{"title":"Bonnie Honig: A Feminist Theory of Refusal. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2021. Pp. xiv, 208.)","authors":"K. Bermingham","doi":"10.1017/S0034670522000821","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670522000821","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52549,"journal":{"name":"Review of Politics","volume":"85 1","pages":"130 - 133"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48653151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-10DOI: 10.1017/S0034670522000912
Spencer McKay
Abstract Popular-vote processes — such as plebiscites, referendums, and initiatives — are frequently understood as Rousseauian instruments of popular sovereignty. Yet, Rousseau did not theorize these devices himself. As a result, he has been claimed by proponents of competing theories of popular-vote processes. Theorists of sleeping sovereignty have claimed Rousseau's distinction between sovereignty and government in support of rare, constitutional referendums. Theorists of direct democracy invoke Rousseau's criticism of representation to demand frequent referendums. Plebiscitarianism casts Rousseau's general will as demanding the unification of the nation in one popularly legitimated leader through top-down plebiscites. Lastly, Condorcet's proposal for the “censure of the people” outlines how the sovereign could initiate popular votes itself in order to check the power of the government. I contend that Condorcet's account provides the most compelling link between Rousseau's account of popular sovereignty and the institutional design of popular-vote processes.
{"title":"Plebiscites, Referendums, and Ballot Initiatives as Institutions of Popular Sovereignty: Rousseau's Influence on Competing Theories of Popular-Vote Processes","authors":"Spencer McKay","doi":"10.1017/S0034670522000912","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670522000912","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Popular-vote processes — such as plebiscites, referendums, and initiatives — are frequently understood as Rousseauian instruments of popular sovereignty. Yet, Rousseau did not theorize these devices himself. As a result, he has been claimed by proponents of competing theories of popular-vote processes. Theorists of sleeping sovereignty have claimed Rousseau's distinction between sovereignty and government in support of rare, constitutional referendums. Theorists of direct democracy invoke Rousseau's criticism of representation to demand frequent referendums. Plebiscitarianism casts Rousseau's general will as demanding the unification of the nation in one popularly legitimated leader through top-down plebiscites. Lastly, Condorcet's proposal for the “censure of the people” outlines how the sovereign could initiate popular votes itself in order to check the power of the government. I contend that Condorcet's account provides the most compelling link between Rousseau's account of popular sovereignty and the institutional design of popular-vote processes.","PeriodicalId":52549,"journal":{"name":"Review of Politics","volume":"85 1","pages":"23 - 47"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46690815","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-04DOI: 10.1017/S0034670522000882
Luke Ilott
Abstract This article interprets Michel Foucault as a thinker of political coalition. While Foucault is often associated with a localist “micro-politics,” he also sought to help dispersed struggles “generalize” themselves into bigger, cohesive movements. Foucault gave his fullest account of the politics of generalization in manuscripts and drafts associated with two courses at the Collège de France, entitled Security, Territory, Population (1978) and The Birth of Biopolitics (1979), which are well known to political theorists for their discussions of “governmentality.” Intellectual historians have recently generated controversy by proposing that Foucault used his governmentality lectures to flirt with neoliberal positions. By reconstructing Foucault's coalitional project in the late 1970s, this article offers an alternative contextualist account of his purposes, while encouraging political theorists to reappraise the lectures as the basis for a Foucauldian theory of large-scale alliance politics.
{"title":"Generalizing Resistance: The Coalition Politics of Foucault's Governmentality Lectures","authors":"Luke Ilott","doi":"10.1017/S0034670522000882","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670522000882","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article interprets Michel Foucault as a thinker of political coalition. While Foucault is often associated with a localist “micro-politics,” he also sought to help dispersed struggles “generalize” themselves into bigger, cohesive movements. Foucault gave his fullest account of the politics of generalization in manuscripts and drafts associated with two courses at the Collège de France, entitled Security, Territory, Population (1978) and The Birth of Biopolitics (1979), which are well known to political theorists for their discussions of “governmentality.” Intellectual historians have recently generated controversy by proposing that Foucault used his governmentality lectures to flirt with neoliberal positions. By reconstructing Foucault's coalitional project in the late 1970s, this article offers an alternative contextualist account of his purposes, while encouraging political theorists to reappraise the lectures as the basis for a Foucauldian theory of large-scale alliance politics.","PeriodicalId":52549,"journal":{"name":"Review of Politics","volume":"85 1","pages":"48 - 72"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44358443","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-22eCollection Date: 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1515/jci-2021-0049
Trang Quynh Nguyen, Ian Schmid, Elizabeth L Ogburn, Elizabeth A Stuart
Causal mediation analysis is complicated with multiple effect definitions that require different sets of assumptions for identification. This article provides a systematic explanation of such assumptions. We define five potential outcome types whose means are involved in various effect definitions. We tackle their mean/distribution's identification, starting with the one that requires the weakest assumptions and gradually building up to the one that requires the strongest assumptions. This presentation shows clearly why an assumption is required for one estimand and not another, and provides a succinct table from which an applied researcher could pick out the assumptions required for identifying the causal effects they target. Using a running example, the article illustrates the assembling and consideration of identifying assumptions for a range of causal contrasts. For several that are commonly encountered in the literature, this exercise clarifies that identification requires weaker assumptions than those often stated in the literature. This attention to the details also draws attention to the differences in the positivity assumption for different estimands, with practical implications. Clarity on the identifying assumptions of these various estimands will help researchers conduct appropriate mediation analyses and interpret the results with appropriate caution given the plausibility of the assumptions.
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Pub Date : 2022-09-19DOI: 10.1017/S0034670522000857
Robert B. Talisse
{"title":"Joshua L. Cherniss: Liberalism in Dark Times: The Liberal Ethos in the Twentieth Century. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2021. Pp. xvii, 306.)","authors":"Robert B. Talisse","doi":"10.1017/S0034670522000857","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034670522000857","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52549,"journal":{"name":"Review of Politics","volume":"85 1","pages":"139 - 141"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45826177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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