Innovation has been identified as a critical indicator for an economy to succeed in the fourth industrial revolution. Historically, some members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations have been better known for violation of intellectual rights rather than their protection. However, this is changing as their economies develop and they have been better integrated into the global economy. Integration has been facilitated by their membership of the World Trade Organization and bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) between individual states and their trading parties. ASEAN has entered into plurilateral FTAs with some of its trade partners. A key element of these plurilateral FTAs is that most dedicate a Chapter on the protection of intellectual property rights. These clauses have two essential elements. Firstly, they set out the obligations of the parties to protect intellectual property rights and their commitment to seek membership of intellectual property treaties. Secondly, the parties undertake to assist the lesser developed members with improving their processes and procedures so that they can accede to appropriate treaties. The research analysed the impact of these multilateral FTAs on the protection of patents and marks by the individual ASEAN members.
在第四次产业革命中，创新被认为是经济成功的关键指标。从历史上看，东南亚国家联盟(Association of Southeast Asian Nations)的一些成员国以侵犯知识产权而非保护知识产权而闻名。然而，随着它们经济的发展，这种情况正在发生变化，它们已经更好地融入了全球经济。它们加入世界贸易组织(wto)以及个别国家与其贸易方之间的双边自由贸易协定(fta)促进了一体化。东盟与一些贸易伙伴签订了诸边自由贸易协定。这些诸边自由贸易协定的一个关键要素是，大多数协定都专门设立了保护知识产权的一章。这些条款有两个基本要素。首先，它们规定了各方保护知识产权的义务，并承诺寻求加入知识产权条约。第二，各缔约方承诺协助较不发达成员改进其进程和程序，以便它们能够加入适当的条约。该研究分析了这些多边自由贸易协定对东盟各成员国保护专利和商标的影响。
{"title":"Impact of Pluri-Lateral Free Trade Agreements on Innovation: Example of ASEAN","authors":"Robert Smith, Nucharee Smith, Mark Perry","doi":"10.21512/jas.v11i1.7975","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/jas.v11i1.7975","url":null,"abstract":"Innovation has been identified as a critical indicator for an economy to succeed in the fourth industrial revolution. Historically, some members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations have been better known for violation of intellectual rights rather than their protection. However, this is changing as their economies develop and they have been better integrated into the global economy. Integration has been facilitated by their membership of the World Trade Organization and bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) between individual states and their trading parties. ASEAN has entered into plurilateral FTAs with some of its trade partners. A key element of these plurilateral FTAs is that most dedicate a Chapter on the protection of intellectual property rights. These clauses have two essential elements. Firstly, they set out the obligations of the parties to protect intellectual property rights and their commitment to seek membership of intellectual property treaties. Secondly, the parties undertake to assist the lesser developed members with improving their processes and procedures so that they can accede to appropriate treaties. The research analysed the impact of these multilateral FTAs on the protection of patents and marks by the individual ASEAN members.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135420942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims to explain how and why the representations of transit forced migrants in Indonesian major print media were vastly different within two time spans: (1) during the arrivals of the Indochinese refugees in 1975-1996 and (2) in the period of the new generations of refugees from Middle Eastern and South Asian countries in 1997-2013. Employing media content analysis of 216 news articles from three major print media in Indonesia, this study found out that the Indochinese refugees were portrayed with positive labels and thus, mainly discussed in connection with the non-security theme. In contrast, the new generations of forced migrants were portrayed with negative labels such as ‘illegal immigrants’ and were framed as security threats. Grounded within Securitization Theory, this paper thus argues that the changing representations were caused by the securitizing move made by specialized agencies in Indonesia.
{"title":"Forced Migrants, Media, and Securitization: Making Sense of the Changing Representations of Transit Asylum Seekers in Indonesian Print Media","authors":"Antony Lee","doi":"10.21512/JAS.V5I2.3923","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/JAS.V5I2.3923","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to explain how and why the representations of transit forced migrants in Indonesian major print media were vastly different within two time spans: (1) during the arrivals of the Indochinese refugees in 1975-1996 and (2) in the period of the new generations of refugees from Middle Eastern and South Asian countries in 1997-2013. Employing media content analysis of 216 news articles from three major print media in Indonesia, this study found out that the Indochinese refugees were portrayed with positive labels and thus, mainly discussed in connection with the non-security theme. In contrast, the new generations of forced migrants were portrayed with negative labels such as ‘illegal immigrants’ and were framed as security threats. Grounded within Securitization Theory, this paper thus argues that the changing representations were caused by the securitizing move made by specialized agencies in Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76420858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Policy objectives for Southeast Asian regionalism had been evolving since the end of the Second World War. Economic development viewed as essential for establishing peace and stability in Southeast Asia and the links between development and security were evident in the elaboration of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Also evident was the second-line support provided by external powers. While ASEAN was a regional initiative that came out of the Bangkok talks to end Confrontation, Western governments had been formulating regional cooperation policies in Southeast Asia decades prior. Economic development viewed as essential for containing communist influence and preventing internal insurgencies in the region. Growth and prosperity would come through regional development programs with external support. This would then expand to some form of collective security led by the Southeast Asian nations themselves. Regionalism viewed as one way of providing economic assistance to newly independent nations without the appearance of foreign interference in regional affairs. Therefore, the evolution of Southeast Asian regionalism was a combined effort of foreign power support for Asian initiatives throughout the economic development with the aim to provide security during the political transformation of the region from the post-war period into the early years of ASEAN and the aftermath of the war in Vietnam.
{"title":"The evolution of Southeast Asian regionalism: security, economic development and foreign power Support for regional initiatives, 1947-77","authors":"S. Thompson","doi":"10.21512/JAS.V5I1.4160","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/JAS.V5I1.4160","url":null,"abstract":"Policy objectives for Southeast Asian regionalism had been evolving since the end of the Second World War. Economic development viewed as essential for establishing peace and stability in Southeast Asia and the links between development and security were evident in the elaboration of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Also evident was the second-line support provided by external powers. While ASEAN was a regional initiative that came out of the Bangkok talks to end Confrontation, Western governments had been formulating regional cooperation policies in Southeast Asia decades prior. Economic development viewed as essential for containing communist influence and preventing internal insurgencies in the region. Growth and prosperity would come through regional development programs with external support. This would then expand to some form of collective security led by the Southeast Asian nations themselves. Regionalism viewed as one way of providing economic assistance to newly independent nations without the appearance of foreign interference in regional affairs. Therefore, the evolution of Southeast Asian regionalism was a combined effort of foreign power support for Asian initiatives throughout the economic development with the aim to provide security during the political transformation of the region from the post-war period into the early years of ASEAN and the aftermath of the war in Vietnam.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79092266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The nature of security issues has changed significantly in recent decades. They are no longer just about war, but have extended into complex and transnational security issues or so-called Non-Traditional Security (NTS). Shahar Hameiri and Lee Jones in their new book Governing Borderless Threats, argue therefore that the emergence of NTS issues requires new modes of governance, instead of a simple extension of the logic of war suggested by the Copenhagen School or new responses of post-national governance.
{"title":"“Think Globally, Act Locally:” The State Transformation Approach in Governing Borderless Security Threats","authors":"L. C. Sinaga","doi":"10.21512/JAS.V4I2.1557","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/JAS.V4I2.1557","url":null,"abstract":"The nature of security issues has changed significantly in recent decades. They are no longer just about war, but have extended into complex and transnational security issues or so-called Non-Traditional Security (NTS). Shahar Hameiri and Lee Jones in their new book Governing Borderless Threats, argue therefore that the emergence of NTS issues requires new modes of governance, instead of a simple extension of the logic of war suggested by the Copenhagen School or new responses of post-national governance.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90190403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The objective of this essay is to discuss the potential future of nuclear security in Southeast Asia by examining the roles of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in establishing and maintaining regional cooperation on nuclear security. This essay will first outline nuclear renaissance and security challenges in the region. It will then discuss the steps that have been taken and could be taken by ASEAN to lead the region to a safer nuclear security future.
{"title":"ASEAN's Role in Shaping Nuclear Security Future in the Region","authors":"Mutti Anggitta","doi":"10.21512/JAS.V4I2.1950","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/JAS.V4I2.1950","url":null,"abstract":"The objective of this essay is to discuss the potential future of nuclear security in Southeast Asia by examining the roles of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in establishing and maintaining regional cooperation on nuclear security. This essay will first outline nuclear renaissance and security challenges in the region. It will then discuss the steps that have been taken and could be taken by ASEAN to lead the region to a safer nuclear security future.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78824143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The security environment in East Asia has continuously evolved, particularly, China’s maritime expansion and DPRK’s provocative behavior. Japan, with its military being limited by its Peace Constitution, has been steadily shifting its defense policy to respond to its strategic environment for the past three of its Prime Ministers: Naoto Kan, Yoshihiko Noda, and Shinzo Abe. Historical enmities, military capability, as well as territorial disputes have increased the threats of Japan’s neighbors to Tokyo’s national security. Since 2010, Japan has established a National Defense Program Guideline (NDPG), shifted its defense strategy from the Basic Defence Force (kibanteki boei ryoko) to Dynamic Defense Force (doeki boei ryoko), revised its Three Principles on Arms Exports, created the National Security Council (NSC), the National Security Strategy (NSS), and the Medium Term Defense Program (MDTP), and revised its article 9 of its Peace Constitution. While the NSC, NSS, MDTP, and article 9 are under the Abe administration, the claim that the steps Abe have undertaken to be revolutionary is in fact, a continuity from his predecessors despite coming from opposing political backgrounds. Despite of several significant changes in its defense policy, Japan still abides to its Constitution and its military is still limited.
{"title":"The Shift and Continuity of Japanese Defense Policy: Revolutionary Enough?","authors":"Ria Putri Santoso, Anak Agung Banyu Perwita","doi":"10.21512/JAS.V4I2.1906","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/JAS.V4I2.1906","url":null,"abstract":"The security environment in East Asia has continuously evolved, particularly, China’s maritime expansion and DPRK’s provocative behavior. Japan, with its military being limited by its Peace Constitution, has been steadily shifting its defense policy to respond to its strategic environment for the past three of its Prime Ministers: Naoto Kan, Yoshihiko Noda, and Shinzo Abe. Historical enmities, military capability, as well as territorial disputes have increased the threats of Japan’s neighbors to Tokyo’s national security. Since 2010, Japan has established a National Defense Program Guideline (NDPG), shifted its defense strategy from the Basic Defence Force (kibanteki boei ryoko) to Dynamic Defense Force (doeki boei ryoko), revised its Three Principles on Arms Exports, created the National Security Council (NSC), the National Security Strategy (NSS), and the Medium Term Defense Program (MDTP), and revised its article 9 of its Peace Constitution. While the NSC, NSS, MDTP, and article 9 are under the Abe administration, the claim that the steps Abe have undertaken to be revolutionary is in fact, a continuity from his predecessors despite coming from opposing political backgrounds. Despite of several significant changes in its defense policy, Japan still abides to its Constitution and its military is still limited.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82643253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-04-25DOI: 10.21512/jas.v4i2.887.g1736
Kiki Verico
Shifting from intra-regional trade to that of investment is the major aim of the economic integration of Southeast Asia. This article attempts to analyse the two essential factors of it, one is intra-regional trade and two is economic community. For the first analysis it selects Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand as the observed countries and for the second analysis it takes Indonesia as the field study. Firstly, this article finds that free trade agreement is effective to increases intra-regional trade but ineffective to attract investment therefore Southeast Asia needs to amplify its open-regionalism principle. Secondly, it finds that private sector is ready towards the economic community therefore the ASEAN Economic Community is fit for the recent Southeast Asia’s integration.
{"title":"The Key Factors of Economic Integration in Southeast Asia: Case of Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand","authors":"Kiki Verico","doi":"10.21512/jas.v4i2.887.g1736","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/jas.v4i2.887.g1736","url":null,"abstract":"Shifting from intra-regional trade to that of investment is the major aim of the economic integration of Southeast Asia. This article attempts to analyse the two essential factors of it, one is intra-regional trade and two is economic community. For the first analysis it selects Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand as the observed countries and for the second analysis it takes Indonesia as the field study. Firstly, this article finds that free trade agreement is effective to increases intra-regional trade but ineffective to attract investment therefore Southeast Asia needs to amplify its open-regionalism principle. Secondly, it finds that private sector is ready towards the economic community therefore the ASEAN Economic Community is fit for the recent Southeast Asia’s integration.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82430471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the end of 2015, ASEAN Community will be fully implemented in Southeast Asia. The community will bring ASEAN countries to the next stage of cooperation in order to bring prosperity to the region. However, several obstacles still have to be faced by ASEAN. Territorial dispute between Indonesia and Malaysia, Thailand and Cambodia concerning Preah Temple, Malaysia with The Phillipines over Sabah, etc are some of the problems. Other problems related to South China Sea, even involving five ASEAN members on dispute. Although it is clear that member of ASEAN countries agree to settle their problems according to ASEAN mechanism as the most respective organization in the region, on several occasions they prefer to take it bilaterally or bring it to the Hague. The assumption of non-interference principle as the organization conflict solving mechanism does not apply accordingly. As such, we have to find other ways. Peace can only be achieved through closer relations between ASEAN countries. Closer relation creates better understanding between people within those countries. If “high level” (G to G) conflict resolution does not work, we have to turn to the people. Closer relations among its people will be a “grass root’ power to force the government to end their dispute. This paper will examine how ASEAN Socio-Culture Community (ASCC), alongside CSO’s within them, will work in creating closer relations among ASEAN countries, in order to solve disputes in the region. Key words: ASEAN Community, ASEAN Socio-Culture Community, Dispute, Civil Society Organizations (CSO).
{"title":"ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC) in Conflict Prevention: The Role of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs)","authors":"Jerry Indrawan","doi":"10.21512/jas.v4i2.1787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/jas.v4i2.1787","url":null,"abstract":"In the end of 2015, ASEAN Community will be fully implemented in Southeast Asia. The community will bring ASEAN countries to the next stage of cooperation in order to bring prosperity to the region. However, several obstacles still have to be faced by ASEAN. Territorial dispute between Indonesia and Malaysia, Thailand and Cambodia concerning Preah Temple, Malaysia with The Phillipines over Sabah, etc are some of the problems. Other problems related to South China Sea, even involving five ASEAN members on dispute. Although it is clear that member of ASEAN countries agree to settle their problems according to ASEAN mechanism as the most respective organization in the region, on several occasions they prefer to take it bilaterally or bring it to the Hague. The assumption of non-interference principle as the organization conflict solving mechanism does not apply accordingly. As such, we have to find other ways. Peace can only be achieved through closer relations between ASEAN countries. Closer relation creates better understanding between people within those countries. If “high level” (G to G) conflict resolution does not work, we have to turn to the people. Closer relations among its people will be a “grass root’ power to force the government to end their dispute. This paper will examine how ASEAN Socio-Culture Community (ASCC), alongside CSO’s within them, will work in creating closer relations among ASEAN countries, in order to solve disputes in the region. Key words: ASEAN Community, ASEAN Socio-Culture Community, Dispute, Civil Society Organizations (CSO).","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76568533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims to study the problems and issues of China's relations with ASEAN, which has achieved the establishment of ASEAN Economic Community by 2015. Taking into consideration the institutional framework constituted by the multiple agreements signed between China and ASEAN, how will the development of China-ASEAN relations be influenced by increasing economic interdependence between the two? What will be the difficulties ahead in enhancing trade and investments? Does promoting economic cooperation lead to more mutual trust in the political-strategic arena? China's recent policy in developing "one belt, one road", and Chinese relations to the US-led Trans-Pacific Partnership and their implications to ASEAN will also be examined in this paper.
{"title":"Increasing Economic Interdependence between China and ASEAN and Its Implications","authors":"Wai Ting","doi":"10.21512/JAS.V4I2.1524","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/JAS.V4I2.1524","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to study the problems and issues of China's relations with ASEAN, which has achieved the establishment of ASEAN Economic Community by 2015. Taking into consideration the institutional framework constituted by the multiple agreements signed between China and ASEAN, how will the development of China-ASEAN relations be influenced by increasing economic interdependence between the two? What will be the difficulties ahead in enhancing trade and investments? Does promoting economic cooperation lead to more mutual trust in the political-strategic arena? China's recent policy in developing \"one belt, one road\", and Chinese relations to the US-led Trans-Pacific Partnership and their implications to ASEAN will also be examined in this paper.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72552129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
By means of neo-liberal perspective and supported by empirical evidences, this essay argues that despite the neo-realists’ assumption of China’s potential threat over the current liberal international system (which is led by the United States as the hegemonic state), China’s tremendous economic rise can be accommodated peacefully for two reasons. The first reason is that China’s economic rise itself is enabled by the existing liberal international system, which perpetuated by the United States’ and its allies. Whereas the second reason is because it is less costly for the one-party-rule China to achieve its national interests by maintaining a cooperative strategic relationship with the United States compared to challenging the United States’ leadership and revising the current liberal international system. This essay will be organized into three main parts. The first part of this essay will elaborate the theoretical debate between neo-realism and neo-liberalism perspectives and their assumptions about the ‘China Threat Theory’. The second part will provide empirical evidences to support the analysis of China’s likelihood to challenge United States’ hegemony in the 21 st century based on the neo-liberalism perspective. The third part will analyse the potential of China to become the regional hegemonic power in South East Asia, and then followed by a conclusion.
{"title":"How Does Neo-liberalism Explain the Likelihood of China’s Threat Towards United States’ Hegemony in the 21stCentury","authors":"D. Gabiella","doi":"10.21512/jas.v4i1.840","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/jas.v4i1.840","url":null,"abstract":"By means of neo-liberal perspective and supported by empirical evidences, this essay argues that despite the neo-realists’ assumption of China’s potential threat over the current liberal international system (which is led by the United States as the hegemonic state), China’s tremendous economic rise can be accommodated peacefully for two reasons. The first reason is that China’s economic rise itself is enabled by the existing liberal international system, which perpetuated by the United States’ and its allies. Whereas the second reason is because it is less costly for the one-party-rule China to achieve its national interests by maintaining a cooperative strategic relationship with the United States compared to challenging the United States’ leadership and revising the current liberal international system. This essay will be organized into three main parts. The first part of this essay will elaborate the theoretical debate between neo-realism and neo-liberalism perspectives and their assumptions about the ‘China Threat Theory’. The second part will provide empirical evidences to support the analysis of China’s likelihood to challenge United States’ hegemony in the 21 st century based on the neo-liberalism perspective. The third part will analyse the potential of China to become the regional hegemonic power in South East Asia, and then followed by a conclusion.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74114894","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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