Reactivation of Indonesia’s full membership to the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) triggered discussion surrounding global petroleum governance. The country which decided to suspend its full membership at the end of 2008, currently labelled as net oil importer. However, in OPEC terms Indonesia never really left, instead of the organization termed it as a "suspension”. Departing from the abovementioned context and perspectives, purpose of this essay is to answer the questions about the significance of the Indonesia’s membership reactivation to OPEC, and the strategic context of the reactivation in the current global oil market. In answering these questions, this article draws the dynamics of the relation of Indonesia and OPEC through the history in the first part and explores Indonesia’s interests in rejoining OPEC in the second one. In the third part, this essay will explore the possible benefit for OPEC as an organization as well as for its member countries could achieve by approving Indonesia’s request to reactivate its membership, despite its status as a net oil importer.
{"title":"Indonesia Rejoining OPEC: Dynamics of the Oil Importer and Exporter Countries","authors":"M. Badaruddin","doi":"10.21512/JAS.V3I2.841","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/JAS.V3I2.841","url":null,"abstract":"Reactivation of Indonesia’s full membership to the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) triggered discussion surrounding global petroleum governance. The country which decided to suspend its full membership at the end of 2008, currently labelled as net oil importer. However, in OPEC terms Indonesia never really left, instead of the organization termed it as a \"suspension”. Departing from the abovementioned context and perspectives, purpose of this essay is to answer the questions about the significance of the Indonesia’s membership reactivation to OPEC, and the strategic context of the reactivation in the current global oil market. In answering these questions, this article draws the dynamics of the relation of Indonesia and OPEC through the history in the first part and explores Indonesia’s interests in rejoining OPEC in the second one. In the third part, this essay will explore the possible benefit for OPEC as an organization as well as for its member countries could achieve by approving Indonesia’s request to reactivate its membership, despite its status as a net oil importer.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"116-132"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87501800","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Indonesia is undergoing transition and soon, a new president will be inaugurated. The new president brings promises of new foreign and defence policy for Indonesia, building upon Indonesia’s prior principles and putting renewed consideration on Indonesia’s geopolitical position in the Indo-Pacific. This paper examines the “maritime axis”, the concept coined by President Joko Widodo and the possible changes in Indonesian foreign and defence policy required as to achieve the maritime axis. In foreign policy, Indonesia is expected to contribute more to the Indian Ocean Rim Association while maintaining its ASEAN centrality. In defence, there is a significant change in Indonesia’s defence outlook from land-based to maritime-based. Also, Indonesia looks towards India as a security partner in securing the Indian Ocean.
印尼正处于过渡时期，新总统即将就职。新总统为印尼带来了新的外交和国防政策的承诺，以印尼先前的原则为基础，并重新考虑印尼在印度-太平洋地区的地缘政治地位。本文探讨了“海洋轴”，由总统佐科·维多多创造的概念，以及为实现海洋轴所需的印度尼西亚外交和国防政策可能发生的变化。在外交政策方面，印尼有望在保持其东盟中心地位的同时，为环印度洋联盟(Indian Ocean Rim Association)做出更多贡献。在国防方面，印尼的国防前景发生了重大变化，从陆基转向海基。此外，印度尼西亚将印度视为确保印度洋安全的安全伙伴。
{"title":"Jokowi's Maritime Axis: Change and Continuity of Indonesia's Role in Indo-Pacific","authors":"Anak Agung Banyu Perwita, I. G. B. D. Agastia","doi":"10.21512/JAS.V3I1.751","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/JAS.V3I1.751","url":null,"abstract":"Indonesia is undergoing transition and soon, a new president will be inaugurated. The new president brings promises of new foreign and defence policy for Indonesia, building upon Indonesia’s prior principles and putting renewed consideration on Indonesia’s geopolitical position in the Indo-Pacific. This paper examines the “maritime axis”, the concept coined by President Joko Widodo and the possible changes in Indonesian foreign and defence policy required as to achieve the maritime axis. In foreign policy, Indonesia is expected to contribute more to the Indian Ocean Rim Association while maintaining its ASEAN centrality. In defence, there is a significant change in Indonesia’s defence outlook from land-based to maritime-based. Also, Indonesia looks towards India as a security partner in securing the Indian Ocean.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":"381 1","pages":"32-41"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76764416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Before it developed into a dispute among China and Southeast Asian nations, the South China Sea has been disputed long before it became what it is today. The post-World War II era brought a fresh start to a new chapter of dispute, as China, Taiwan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Brunei Darussalam laid their claims one by one. This study contends that under Suharto’s iron fist rule, Indonesia’s interest to the South China Sea dispute grew from maintaining Indonesia’s territorial integrity to maintaining domestic stability. The former took shape after being threatened by China’s map which claimed a part of the former’s territorial waters, while the later grew in through establishing deeper trade cooperation with China. Despite the half-hearted normalization with China, Indonesia managed to establish a track-two forum for parties involved in the South China Sea dispute, which is later proven to be instrumental. Under President Yudhoyono, Indonesia gradually played its initial role from a passive into an active honest broker, which brought improvements to the process. This research attempts to show that constraint to Indonesia’s role in the South China Sea dispute originates from both the ideological and historical factors. Indonesia’s long-running ideological constraints set its priorities to its interest to the dispute, while its foreign policy doctrine serves as a pragmatic means to achieve its goals of interests. Indonesia’s past relationship with China also played a part in influencing Indonesia’s response which later evolved as the relations went through ups and downs. Moreover, the unclear integration process of ASEAN sets the task of the honest broker became a one-country-show for Indonesia.
{"title":"Indonesia’s Response in the South China Sea Disputes: A comparative analysis of the Soeharto and the post-Soeharto era","authors":"Derry Aplianta","doi":"10.21512/JAS.V3I1.749","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/JAS.V3I1.749","url":null,"abstract":"Before it developed into a dispute among China and Southeast Asian nations, the South China Sea has been disputed long before it became what it is today. The post-World War II era brought a fresh start to a new chapter of dispute, as China, Taiwan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Brunei Darussalam laid their claims one by one. This study contends that under Suharto’s iron fist rule, Indonesia’s interest to the South China Sea dispute grew from maintaining Indonesia’s territorial integrity to maintaining domestic stability. The former took shape after being threatened by China’s map which claimed a part of the former’s territorial waters, while the later grew in through establishing deeper trade cooperation with China. Despite the half-hearted normalization with China, Indonesia managed to establish a track-two forum for parties involved in the South China Sea dispute, which is later proven to be instrumental. Under President Yudhoyono, Indonesia gradually played its initial role from a passive into an active honest broker, which brought improvements to the process. This research attempts to show that constraint to Indonesia’s role in the South China Sea dispute originates from both the ideological and historical factors. Indonesia’s long-running ideological constraints set its priorities to its interest to the dispute, while its foreign policy doctrine serves as a pragmatic means to achieve its goals of interests. Indonesia’s past relationship with China also played a part in influencing Indonesia’s response which later evolved as the relations went through ups and downs. Moreover, the unclear integration process of ASEAN sets the task of the honest broker became a one-country-show for Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":"1-21"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72758176","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Eastern side of the Sunda Strait coastal line is an area which faces directly towards the source of the disaster . Mount Krakatau’s explosion causes m ajor eruptions and destructive tsunami waves back in 1883, causing severe damages to the area and a death-count reaching 30,000 people. Learning from past, it is important to convey the understanding of natural hazards to the public. Spreading knowledge of the threat needs to be done by using methods that can easily be accepted, understood and implemented by any kind of communit ies . This preliminary research compels that the general population does not have sufficient understanding on this natural disaster . They are also oblivious to what procedure should be taken when such a tragedy occur. The research also illustrates that the audio-visual media is the most appropriate and favored method of gaining knowledge by the community. The media is constituted of multiple segments of 3D animations, digital computer animations, and short field-filmed clips, which are then assembled into one single documentary presenting both a virtual-reconstruction of the event whilst giving a variety of information concerning the subject. The content of the documentary will provide information about the Krakatau tsunami, the current condition of Mount Anak Krakatau, the signs leading to a volcanic eruption and a tsunami, and the necessary steps that they will have to follow in response to such threat . This documentary movie will hopefully become an educational tool to expand people's knowledge and awareness at the event of an eruption and a tsunami.
{"title":"Media Dissemination “The Threat of Tsunami Unleashed from the Eruption of Mount Anak Krakatau” Through Documentary Movie","authors":"M. Y. Rezaldi, Wahjoue Soeprihantoro","doi":"10.21512/JAS.V3I1.753","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/JAS.V3I1.753","url":null,"abstract":"The Eastern side of the Sunda Strait coastal line is an area which faces directly towards the source of the disaster . Mount Krakatau’s explosion causes m ajor eruptions and destructive tsunami waves back in 1883, causing severe damages to the area and a death-count reaching 30,000 people. Learning from past, it is important to convey the understanding of natural hazards to the public. Spreading knowledge of the threat needs to be done by using methods that can easily be accepted, understood and implemented by any kind of communit ies . This preliminary research compels that the general population does not have sufficient understanding on this natural disaster . They are also oblivious to what procedure should be taken when such a tragedy occur. The research also illustrates that the audio-visual media is the most appropriate and favored method of gaining knowledge by the community. The media is constituted of multiple segments of 3D animations, digital computer animations, and short field-filmed clips, which are then assembled into one single documentary presenting both a virtual-reconstruction of the event whilst giving a variety of information concerning the subject. The content of the documentary will provide information about the Krakatau tsunami, the current condition of Mount Anak Krakatau, the signs leading to a volcanic eruption and a tsunami, and the necessary steps that they will have to follow in response to such threat . This documentary movie will hopefully become an educational tool to expand people's knowledge and awareness at the event of an eruption and a tsunami.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":"134 1","pages":"53-67"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77397769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims to illustrate how international remittances may relate to food consumption and deprivation in Indonesia. The idea is that international remittances may contribute to the reduction of poverty, and since food consumption is an element with which to measure poverty line, this paper intends to show whether international remittances are more likely to be received by poorer households–based on food consumption level in the households. Using Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and the data from the Indonesia Family Life Survey (IFLS4), this paper illustrates the mapping of international remittances and food consumption in some of Indonesia’s provinces. The spatial analysis shows correlation between international remittances and food consumption. International remittances tend to be received by households who have less spending on food. The geographical pattern shows that international remittances are more likely to be received by poorer households based on their food consumption. The result to some extent supports the view that international remittances might benefit the poor the most, particularly on tackling poverty, as poorer households are more likely to receive the remittances.
{"title":"A Spatial Analysis on International Remittances, Food Consumption and Deprivation in Indonesia","authors":"Maria Elfani","doi":"10.21512/jas.v3i1.752","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/jas.v3i1.752","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to illustrate how international remittances may relate to food consumption and deprivation in Indonesia. The idea is that international remittances may contribute to the reduction of poverty, and since food consumption is an element with which to measure poverty line, this paper intends to show whether international remittances are more likely to be received by poorer households–based on food consumption level in the households. Using Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and the data from the Indonesia Family Life Survey (IFLS4), this paper illustrates the mapping of international remittances and food consumption in some of Indonesia’s provinces. The spatial analysis shows correlation between international remittances and food consumption. International remittances tend to be received by households who have less spending on food. The geographical pattern shows that international remittances are more likely to be received by poorer households based on their food consumption. The result to some extent supports the view that international remittances might benefit the poor the most, particularly on tackling poverty, as poorer households are more likely to receive the remittances.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":"205 1","pages":"42-52"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77035205","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The emergence of the Indo- Pacific construct brings about interesting avenues for cooperation among states in the region. Characterised by the intertwining geographies of the Indian and the Pacific Oceans, the Indo- Pacific region is home to some of the most diverse peoples and economies in the world. In a speech delivered at the CSIS, Washington in 2013, the former Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegwa outlined the need for an “Indo- Pacific Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation”. In efforts to continue to address the prospects and challenges for a treaty among the major powers in the Indo- Pacific region, the article argues that a treaty would be necessary step and but should be concluded when sufficient groundwork for it is concluded. The article also argues that, the Indo – pacific concept would be best addressed if there is increased institutionalization of the concept and increased cooperation among middle powers such as India, Indonesia and Australia.
{"title":"The Proposal for an Indo-Pacific Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation: A Critical Reassessment","authors":"Vignesh Ram","doi":"10.21512/JAS.V3I1.750","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/JAS.V3I1.750","url":null,"abstract":"The emergence of the Indo- Pacific construct brings about interesting avenues for cooperation among states in the region. Characterised by the intertwining geographies of the Indian and the Pacific Oceans, the Indo- Pacific region is home to some of the most diverse peoples and economies in the world. In a speech delivered at the CSIS, Washington in 2013, the former Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegwa outlined the need for an “Indo- Pacific Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation”. In efforts to continue to address the prospects and challenges for a treaty among the major powers in the Indo- Pacific region, the article argues that a treaty would be necessary step and but should be concluded when sufficient groundwork for it is concluded. The article also argues that, the Indo – pacific concept would be best addressed if there is increased institutionalization of the concept and increased cooperation among middle powers such as India, Indonesia and Australia.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":"189 1","pages":"22-31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79458341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The South China Sea, Indo-Pacific Cooperation and Indonesian Perspective","authors":"T. Mursitama","doi":"10.21512/jas.v3i1.748","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/jas.v3i1.748","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":"21 1","pages":"26999"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85020960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Editorial: ASEAN and Taiwan","authors":"T. Mursitama","doi":"10.21512/JAS.V1I2.104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/JAS.V1I2.104","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75739791","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As one of China’s most intricate territorial dispute, the South China Sea dispute has sufficiently consumed significant amount of Chinese leaders’ attention in Beijing. This paper reveals that China exerts signaling strategy in its crisis bargaining over the South China Sea dispute. This strategy contains reassurance as positive signal through offering negotiation and appearing self-restraint and of negative signal by means of escalatory acts and verbal threats. China’s crisis bargaining in the South China Sea dispute aims to preserve crisis stability: a stabilized condition after escalation in which neither further escalation nor near-distant resolution is in order. From the yearly basis analysis in the four-year span study, China’s longing for crisis stability fits into its conduct in crisis bargaining with Southeast Asian states.
{"title":"China’s Crisis Bargaining in the South China Sea Dispute (2010-2013)","authors":"Eryan Ramadhani","doi":"10.21512/JAS.V2I2.302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/JAS.V2I2.302","url":null,"abstract":"As one of China’s most intricate territorial dispute, the South China Sea dispute has sufficiently consumed significant amount of Chinese leaders’ attention in Beijing. This paper reveals that China exerts signaling strategy in its crisis bargaining over the South China Sea dispute. This strategy contains reassurance as positive signal through offering negotiation and appearing self-restraint and of negative signal by means of escalatory acts and verbal threats. China’s crisis bargaining in the South China Sea dispute aims to preserve crisis stability: a stabilized condition after escalation in which neither further escalation nor near-distant resolution is in order. From the yearly basis analysis in the four-year span study, China’s longing for crisis stability fits into its conduct in crisis bargaining with Southeast Asian states.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":"110 1","pages":"103-120"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74679126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the 1990s, governments around the world have emphasized the core concepts of globalization. Many governments initiated a series of political policies regarding liberalization and privatization in response to the inevitable phenomenon. In Southeast Asia, Thailand participated in the development as well by reconstructing its financial system to allow greater foreign capital for investments. Unfortunately, the importance of prudential regulations was underestimated, and the neglect thereafter caused the Asian Financial Crisis which initially occurred in Thailand on the second of June, 1997. The Thai government received 17.2 billion US dollars from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to stabilize its domestic situation and implemented structural reform to minimize losses from the crisis. Meanwhile, different voices regarding the policies for globalization were expressed. These opinions mainly referred to regionalization/ regionalism and localization/ localism. This study discusses how the Thai state transformed under globalization from three industries: the Telecommunication industry, the Automobile industry, and the Cultural Creative industry. This article observes that Thailand turned to take regionalization and localization into consideration, which in turn demanded the state to increase domestic autonomy and capacity. The findings also suggest that cooperation with other governments in the region to accelerate economic recovery from the crisis was inevitable. However, political instability and close state-business relations continue to make the future of Thailand uncertain.
{"title":"The Political Economy of Industrial Development in Thailand","authors":"Sha Chen","doi":"10.21512/jas.v2i2.297","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21512/jas.v2i2.297","url":null,"abstract":"Since the 1990s, governments around the world have emphasized the core concepts of globalization. Many governments initiated a series of political policies regarding liberalization and privatization in response to the inevitable phenomenon. In Southeast Asia, Thailand participated in the development as well by reconstructing its financial system to allow greater foreign capital for investments. Unfortunately, the importance of prudential regulations was underestimated, and the neglect thereafter caused the Asian Financial Crisis which initially occurred in Thailand on the second of June, 1997. The Thai government received 17.2 billion US dollars from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to stabilize its domestic situation and implemented structural reform to minimize losses from the crisis. Meanwhile, different voices regarding the policies for globalization were expressed. These opinions mainly referred to regionalization/ regionalism and localization/ localism. This study discusses how the Thai state transformed under globalization from three industries: the Telecommunication industry, the Automobile industry, and the Cultural Creative industry. This article observes that Thailand turned to take regionalization and localization into consideration, which in turn demanded the state to increase domestic autonomy and capacity. The findings also suggest that cooperation with other governments in the region to accelerate economic recovery from the crisis was inevitable. However, political instability and close state-business relations continue to make the future of Thailand uncertain.","PeriodicalId":52561,"journal":{"name":"Journal of ASEAN Studies","volume":"1023 1","pages":"62-79"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77181718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：