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Enhancing People-to-People Cooperation between ASEAN and East Asia Countries through Counterparts: The Case of Indonesian Student in Taiwan 通过对口伙伴加强东盟与东亚国家的人文合作:以印尼学生在台湾为例
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2013-12-31 DOI: 10.21512/JAS.V1I2.69
Paramitaningrum Paramitaningrum
Besides businessmen and workers, Indonesian students have become one of the recent important actors in Indonesia - Taiwan bilateral relations. Currently, Taiwan became one of the popular destinations among Indonesians to pursue their highest degree.  In 2013, the numbers of Indonesian students has reached 3000 persons, made them the third largest group of Southeast Asian students in Taiwan after Vietnamese and Malaysians. The Indonesian students are quite organized and active. Giving the lack of diplomatic relations between both countries, these students are potential to be one of the significant actors to bridge Indonesia - Taiwan relations. However, they have some limitations on conducting their activities. On the Taiwan side, this trend has not gained sufficient responds.  Indonesia is still considered an unattractive object to study, comparing to other Southeast Asian countries. Therefore interaction tends to be one side only. This paper would discuss on (1) what the Indonesian students in Taiwan can do to maximize their capabilities to attract Taiwanese to learn more about Indonesia; (2) How the Taiwanese should respond to these trends, in order to create two ways of interaction. In that case, the counterparts are significant to bridge the limitations of mutual interaction between both states, especially to eliminate the unclear perceptions among Taiwanese to Indonesia, which might affect Indonesia – Taiwan bilateral relations, and to promote Indonesia in the better outlook.
除了商人和工人,印尼学生也成为近年来印尼与台湾双边关系的重要角色之一。目前,台湾已成为印尼人攻读最高学位的热门目的地之一。2013年,印尼学生人数已达3000人,成为继越南和马来西亚之后在台湾的第三大东南亚学生群体。印尼学生很有组织,也很活跃。鉴于印尼与台湾之间缺乏外交关系,这些学生有可能成为沟通印尼与台湾关系的重要角色之一。然而,他们在开展活动时有一些限制。在台湾方面,这一趋势没有得到足够的回应。与其他东南亚国家相比,印度尼西亚仍然被认为是一个没有吸引力的研究对象。因此,相互作用往往是单方面的。本文将探讨(1)在台印尼学生如何才能最大限度地吸引台湾人了解印尼;(2)台湾人应如何因应这些趋势,以创造两种互动方式。在这种情况下,对应物对于跨越两国互动的局限性,特别是消除台湾人对印尼的不明确认知,可能会影响印尼与台湾的双边关系,并促进印尼走向更好的前景具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 4
ASEAN Migrants: A Boon for Taiwan's Aging Populace 东盟移民:台湾老龄化人口的福音
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2013-12-31 DOI: 10.21512/JAS.V1I2.68
Hongshan Huang, J. Soong
Taiwan is home to a rapidly growing aging population as life expectancy rates increase and birth rates go down in this island. The government of Taiwan opted to bring in migrant workers to care for the elderly following a shortage in adequate domestic manpower who were willing to take on the positions of caregivers for the elderly. In time, eldercare in Taiwan switched hands: from the actual families of the elderly to migrant workers coming in from across the Southeast Asian region. Questions have arisen in light of this development. Is the government policy that allows for Southeast Asian migrants to care for the elderly in Taiwan a good one, or a bad one? Who benefits most from this deal: the elderly, their families or the migrant care workers? Is providing care for the elderly in their own homes by just one caregiver the only option? And can such a policy help both ends: the elderly person who requires safer care, and the migrant care worker whose labor rights require full protection? This paper, drafted out following the review of relevant literature and the conducting of interviews by Hong-Ming Huang and Jenn-Jaw Soon, analyzes the political-economic aspects of this policy and offers certain recommendations and conclusions. One conclusion is the fact that Southeast Asian workers take better care of the elderly in Taiwan when eldercare is provided through institutions, rather than if the care was provided by just one foreign caregiver engaged directly by families of the elderly. The positive effects of ‘institution-style’ workers are reflected in the work performance, life quality and management as well as labor rights protection.
随着台湾预期寿命的增加和出生率的下降,台湾的老龄化人口正在迅速增长。台湾政府选择引进外来务工人员来照顾老人,是因为国内没有足够的人力愿意承担照顾老人的工作。随着时间的推移,台湾的养老服务也发生了转变:从真正的老人家庭到来自东南亚地区的外来务工人员。鉴于这一发展,出现了一些问题。政府允许东南亚移民来台湾照顾老人的政策是好是坏?谁是这笔交易的最大受益者:老人、他们的家人还是流动的护工?只有一名护理员在老人家中照顾他们是唯一的选择吗?这样的政策是否能对两方面都有帮助:需要更安全护理的老年人,以及劳动权利需要充分保护的流动护工?本文是在对相关文献的回顾和对黄洪明(Hong-Ming Huang)和孙珍(Jenn-Jaw Soon)的访谈之后起草的,分析了这一政策的政治经济方面,并提出了一些建议和结论。其中一个结论是,当台湾的老年人由机构提供照顾时,东南亚工人会更好地照顾老年人,而不是由老年人家庭直接聘请的一位外国照顾者提供照顾。“事业单位型”劳动者的积极作用体现在工作绩效、生活质量和管理以及劳动权益保护等方面。
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引用次数: 2
Relationship between Military Expenditure and Economic Growth in ASEAN: Evidence from Indonesia 东盟国家军费开支与经济增长的关系:来自印度尼西亚的证据
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2013-12-31 DOI: 10.21512/jas.v1i2.63
T. Chairil, Dedy S. Sinaga, A. Febrianti
World military expenditure in post-Cold War world shows increasing trend especially in ASEAN region; Indonesia is no exception. The trend may have been supported by the argument that military expenditure has positive multiplier effects on economic growth. Unfortunately, there have been not too many studies on the effect of military expenditure on economic growth in the Indonesia context. This paper examines the topic by first reviewing literature on the relationship between military expenditure and economic growth, then by empirically testing the causal relationship between the two variables by using the Augmented Sollow Growth Model. The result shows that Indonesia's military expenditure has positive effect on the country's economic growth, which is most possibly caused by development of human capital as effect of military expenditure.
冷战后世界各国军费开支呈上升趋势,尤其是东盟地区;印尼也不例外。军费开支对经济增长具有积极的乘数效应,这一论点可能支持了这一趋势。不幸的是,在印度尼西亚的情况下,没有太多关于军事开支对经济增长的影响的研究。本文首先回顾了有关军费与经济增长关系的文献,然后利用增强的索洛增长模型对两个变量之间的因果关系进行了实证检验。研究结果表明,印尼军费开支对该国经济增长具有积极的影响,这很可能是由于军费开支对人力资本发展的影响。
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引用次数: 21
A Secure Connection: Finding the Form of ASEAN Cyber Security Cooperation 安全连接:寻找东盟网络安全合作的形式
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2013-07-31 DOI: 10.21512/JAS.V1I1.60
Khanisa Krisman
Internet security is somehow being understated in ASEAN’s strategy facing 2015. ASEAN Connectivity as the blue print of ASEAN’s development strategy to strengthen the region al bond has not put proper attention in building security for guiding the connectivity plan among ASEAN member countries. This paper will discuss the future of cyber security cooperation particularly as ASEAN is planning to connect the region through ICT. This paper will try to analyse what kind of framework ASEAN will need on preparation to widen its security agenda to cyber world in the future to complete its preparation of being connected.
在东盟面向2015年的战略中,互联网安全似乎被低估了。东盟互联互通作为东盟发展战略的蓝图,旨在加强地区联系,但在引导东盟互联互通规划时,没有对安全建设给予应有的重视。本文将讨论网络安全合作的未来,特别是在东盟计划通过信息通信技术连接该地区的情况下。本文将试图分析东盟需要什么样的框架来准备将其安全议程扩大到未来的网络世界,以完成其连接的准备。
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引用次数: 7
Indonesia-China Energy Trade: Analyzing Global and Domestic Political Economic Significance in Indonesia-China LNG Trade 印尼-中国能源贸易:印尼-中国液化天然气贸易的全球和国内政治经济意义分析
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2013-07-31 DOI: 10.21512/JAS.V1I1.59
M. Badaruddin
Indonesia had been the largest LNG exporter for almost three decades since 1977 to 2005. During 1970s and 1980s, Indonesia’s energy industry boosted its economic growth that valued 80% of the country’s annual exports and 70% of its annual revenues. Meanwhile, Indonesia presents an exceptional case since it decreases its LNG export while it has been developing its largest LNG plant in Tangguh due to prioritizing domestic energy demand. But, since Indonesia eagerly links its economy to China, it uses LNG export as a medium to strengthen Indonesia-China strategic partnership. Tangguh LNG export to China, although it is not Indonesia’s largest LNG export contract, reflects a unique case of a developing country’s international energy trade. Because it presents evolution of Indonesia’s LNG export policy through dynamics of regional and global economic turbulences. This paper analyses the LNG export in the context of Asian economic crisis and its recovery, the peak of crude oil price in 2008 and followed by global financial crisis as the context as well as Indonesia’s domestic political dynamics.
从1977年到2005年,印尼在近30年的时间里一直是最大的液化天然气出口国。在20世纪70年代和80年代,印尼的能源行业推动了经济增长,占该国年出口的80%和年收入的70%。与此同时,印度尼西亚是一个例外,由于优先考虑国内能源需求,该国在Tangguh开发其最大的液化天然气工厂,同时减少了液化天然气出口。但是,由于印尼急切地将其经济与中国联系起来,它将液化天然气出口作为加强印尼与中国战略伙伴关系的媒介。Tangguh对中国的液化天然气出口,虽然不是印尼最大的液化天然气出口合同,但反映了发展中国家国际能源贸易的一个独特案例。因为它通过区域和全球经济动荡的动态呈现了印度尼西亚液化天然气出口政策的演变。本文以亚洲经济危机及其复苏、2008年原油价格见顶及随后的全球金融危机为背景,以及印尼国内政治动态为背景,对印尼LNG出口进行了分析。
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引用次数: 4
Economic and Socio-Cultural Relations between Indonesia and Taiwan: An Indonesian Perspective, 1990-2012 印尼与台湾的经济与社会文化关系:印尼视角,1990-2012
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2013-07-31 DOI: 10.21512/JAS.V1I2.65
L. N. R. W. Kabinawa
This paper analyzes the puzzle why did Indonesia maintain durable economic and socio-cultural relations with Taiwan? In order to answer that question, this paper argues that due to the Indonesian people as promoter of ideas lead interactions with Taiwan, Indonesia is able to maintain its durable economic and socio-cultural relations with Taiwan despite under the absence of diplomatic relations. People-to-people interaction builds three kinds of interactions between Indonesia and Taiwan on the issue of economic and socio-cultural: unofficial interaction, semi-official interaction, and official interaction. This paper employs Indonesian perspective approach that stressed on the pattern of relations that stem from people-to-people interactions between Indonesia and Taiwan. Thus, the paper aims to fill the gap in the literature on Taiwan and Indonesia relations that mostly focus on analysis of economic diplomacy, interest (Leifer 2001; Ku 1995, Leong 1995, Lee 1990, Klintworth 1995, Rich 2009), shifting on international order (Ku;1998), and the PRC’s factor on Indonesia and Taiwan relations (Ku 2002; Irawan 2006).
本文分析印尼为何能与台湾维持持久的经济与社会文化关系?为了回答这个问题,本文认为,由于印尼人民作为与台湾互动的思想推动者,印尼能够在没有外交关系的情况下与台湾保持持久的经济和社会文化关系。民间互动构建了印尼与台湾在经济和社会文化问题上的三种互动:非官方互动、半官方互动和官方互动。本文采用印尼视角的研究方法,着重探讨印尼与台湾之间源自民间互动的关系模式。因此,本文旨在填补台湾与印尼关系文献中主要集中于经济外交、利益分析的空白(Leifer 2001;Ku 1995, Leong 1995, Lee 1990, Klintworth 1995, Rich 2009),国际秩序的转变(Ku;1998),以及中国对印尼和台湾关系的影响(Ku 2002;Irawan 2006)。
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引用次数: 3
State and Industrial Policy: Comparative Political Economic Analysis of Automotive Industrial Policies in Malaysia and Thailand 国家与产业政策:马来西亚与泰国汽车产业政策的比较政治经济分析
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2013-07-31 DOI: 10.21512/JAS.V1I1.61
Wan-Ping Tai, Samuel C. Y. Ku
Numerous differences exist between the neoclassical and national development schools of economics on how an economy should develop. For example, should the state interfere in the market using state resources, and cultivate certain industries to achieve specific developmental goals? Although the automotive industries in both Thailand and Malaysia developed in the 1970s with considerable government involvement, they have evolved along very different lines. Can these differences be traced to different interactions between the state and industry in these two countries? This paper examines this issue and finds that although industries in developing countries need government assistance, the specific political and economic contexts of each country affect the policies adopted and their effectiveness. The choice between “autonomous development” (Malaysia) and “dependent development” (Thailand) is the first issue. The second issue is that politics in Malaysia has deterred the automotive industry from adopting a “market following” position. This paper finds that the choice of strategy and political interference are the two main reasons the automotive industry in Malaysia is less competitive than that in Thailand.
在经济应该如何发展的问题上,新古典学派和国家发展学派之间存在着许多分歧。例如,国家是否应该利用国家资源干预市场,并培育某些行业以实现特定的发展目标?尽管泰国和马来西亚的汽车工业都是在20世纪70年代在政府的大力参与下发展起来的,但它们的发展方向却截然不同。这些差异可以追溯到这两个国家的政府和工业之间不同的相互作用吗?本文研究了这一问题,发现虽然发展中国家的工业需要政府援助,但每个国家的具体政治和经济背景会影响所采取的政策及其有效性。“自主发展”(马来西亚)和“依赖发展”(泰国)之间的选择是第一个问题。第二个问题是,马来西亚的政治阻碍了汽车行业采取“跟随市场”的立场。本文发现,战略选择和政治干预是马来西亚汽车行业竞争力低于泰国的两个主要原因。
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引用次数: 9
Why ASEAN Could Stay Strong 为什么东盟可以保持强大
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2013-07-31 DOI: 10.21512/JAS.V1I1.58
Dinna Wisnu
How confident are ASEAN as a regional organization? Will ASEAN turn into a mere coffee-talk forum? This article evaluates the bases for ASEAN and demonstrates that ASEAN has reasons to stay strong as regional cooperation. Rather than denying tensions, this article agrees that there are tensions among members but it also recognizes such challenge as the one that unites ASEAN members together. There are some dilemmas among members of ASEAN that does not left much room for members but to cooperate with each other: the dilemma of risking higher tensions among members, the dilemma of risking the benefits of existing pooling of resources, the dilemma of improving connectivity among members and the dilemma of facing global pressure on good governance and liberal democracy.
东盟作为区域组织的信心如何?东盟会变成一个纯粹的咖啡聊天论坛吗?本文对东盟的基础进行了评估,并论证了东盟作为区域合作有其保持强大的理由。本文并非否认紧张关系,而是同意成员国之间存在紧张关系,但它也承认这种挑战将东盟成员国团结在一起。东盟成员国之间存在着一些困境,这些困境给成员国留下的空间不多,只能相互合作:成员国之间面临加剧紧张局势的风险的困境,现有资源集中带来的利益面临风险的困境,改善成员国之间连通性的困境,以及面临善治和自由民主的全球压力的困境。
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引用次数: 1
India’s Democratic Identity and Its Policy towards Myanmar from 1988 to 2010 1988 - 2010年印度的民主认同及其对缅政策
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2013-07-31 DOI: 10.21512/JAS.V1I2.64
Htwe Hteik Tin Lwin
Since the 1990s, India has reengaged with Myanmar government. The Indian government’s engagement with Myanmar’s military junta provoked a controversial issue in international community, claiming that ‘the oldest democratic country in Asia' is not doing enough to promote democracy in her neighborhood. The question raised was what has motivated India to develop cordial relations with Myanmar’s military junta. The paper emphasizes the role of India’s democratic identity in Indo-Myanmar policy during 1988-2010. Previous literatures revealed India’s policy towards Myanmar in economic and security assumptions. They tended to sketch India Policy as ‘in-active’ in promotion of democracy practiced from west democratic institutions norms, such as ‘isolation’ and ‘totally disengagement’. The paper briefly explains Indo-Myanmar relations from 1988 to 2010. Security and economic interests play a larger role than the intention to promote democratic identity in Myanmar. The paper argues that in the background of Indo-Myanmar development cooperation, India has made efforts to promote democratic value in Myanmar differently from other western democratic countries. Engagement policy has shaped Indo-Myanmar relations in the 1990s. India ‘engagement policy’, ‘non-isolation’ and ‘development cooperation’ with Myanmar government has brought up contractions.
自20世纪90年代以来,印度重新与缅甸政府接触。印度政府与缅甸军政府的接触引发了国际社会的争议,有人指责“亚洲最古老的民主国家”在促进邻国民主方面做得不够。人们提出的问题是,是什么促使印度与缅甸军政府发展友好关系。本文强调了印度民主身份在1988-2010年印缅政策中的作用。以前的文献揭示了印度在经济和安全假设方面对缅甸的政策。他们倾向于将印度政策描述为“不积极”地促进西方民主制度规范的民主实践,比如“孤立”和“完全脱离接触”。本文简要介绍了1988年至2010年的印缅关系。在缅甸,安全和经济利益比促进民主认同的意图发挥更大的作用。本文认为,在印缅发展合作的背景下,印度在缅甸推广民主价值的努力不同于其他西方民主国家。上世纪90年代,接触政策塑造了印缅关系。印度与缅甸政府的“接触政策”、“不孤立”和“发展合作”带来了收缩。
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引用次数: 1
Education for the ASEAN Community - the Case of Indonesia 东盟共同体教育——以印度尼西亚为例
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2013-07-31 DOI: 10.21512/JAS.V1I1.62
P. Umboh
Education plays a significant role in all of the strategies made and initiatives taken to achieve various outcomes of ASEAN. One of the core strategies which engage the Higher Education sector to meet the ASEAN Community in 2015 was “Cross‐border mobility and internationalisation of education—to promote regional sharing, cultivate a regional perspective among member states and contribute to the spirit of regional unity and excellence.” The purpose of this practice note is to find and analyse initiatives taken by the Government and Higher Education institutions focussing in Indonesia, the largest population and largest economy country in ASEAN and how the initiatives positioned the education in the region. This note is intended to contribute to the knowledge of ASEAN Community, especially on its education area.
教育在东盟为实现各种成果而制定的所有战略和倡议中发挥着重要作用。2015年,高等教育部门参与东盟共同体的核心战略之一是“教育的跨境流动和国际化——促进区域共享,培养成员国之间的区域视角,促进区域团结和卓越的精神。”本练习笔记的目的是寻找和分析政府和高等教育机构采取的举措,重点关注印度尼西亚这个东盟人口最多、经济规模最大的国家,以及这些举措如何定位该地区的教育。本说明旨在增进对东盟共同体的了解,特别是对其教育领域的了解。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Journal of ASEAN Studies
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