Pub Date : 2020-04-02DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v2i1.6387
Rifi Rivani Radiansyah
Bureaucratic reform which initially existed to support the success of regional autonomy, in practice often creates inconsistency problems which actually give birth to paradoxes. So it happened in West Bandung Regency. On the other hand, the bureaucracy improves itself through the implementation of bureaucratic reform, but on the other hand it slows down the progress of the bureaucracy with the practice of corruption. This paper aims to find out the problems of bureaucratic reform and to find out whether the implementation of bureaucratic reform has shown optimal results in West Bandung Regency. This paper review uses qualitative methods through empirical normative-juridical approach and institutional theory approach. Data collection is done by official document collection techniques. Data analysis techniques in this study were carried out using interpretive descriptive methods. The results of the study in this paper show that the bureaucratic reform carried out by the West Bandung regency government through the practice of regional autonomy has not shown signs that are more optimal in the effort to realize Good Governance. Normatively, this condition is caused by the still low quality (competency) of apparatus resources, accompanied by other things that are mimetic and coercive which also influence the apparatus mentality as a whole based on their interests such as the influence of leadership, culture and the bureaucratic environment.
{"title":"Reformasi Birokrasi Sebagai Upaya Mewujudkan Good Governance Melalui Kerangka Otonomi Daerah","authors":"Rifi Rivani Radiansyah","doi":"10.33474/jisop.v2i1.6387","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33474/jisop.v2i1.6387","url":null,"abstract":"Bureaucratic reform which initially existed to support the success of regional autonomy, in practice often creates inconsistency problems which actually give birth to paradoxes. So it happened in West Bandung Regency. On the other hand, the bureaucracy improves itself through the implementation of bureaucratic reform, but on the other hand it slows down the progress of the bureaucracy with the practice of corruption. This paper aims to find out the problems of bureaucratic reform and to find out whether the implementation of bureaucratic reform has shown optimal results in West Bandung Regency. This paper review uses qualitative methods through empirical normative-juridical approach and institutional theory approach. Data collection is done by official document collection techniques. Data analysis techniques in this study were carried out using interpretive descriptive methods. The results of the study in this paper show that the bureaucratic reform carried out by the West Bandung regency government through the practice of regional autonomy has not shown signs that are more optimal in the effort to realize Good Governance. Normatively, this condition is caused by the still low quality (competency) of apparatus resources, accompanied by other things that are mimetic and coercive which also influence the apparatus mentality as a whole based on their interests such as the influence of leadership, culture and the bureaucratic environment.","PeriodicalId":52771,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49038536","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-19DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4803
Hirshi Anadza
Integration becomes a solution when global government does not have capability to overcome power domination of state. By having integration, it is expected that all of member state can put all their authority in supranational governance, such as European Union (EU) so balance could be happen. By giving such kind of integration, the agreement of policies can be followed by the members of EU based on solidarity and tolerance among the members. However, this integration has not succeeded in reducing domination of country sovereignty that influences the variety of each country necessity, even it happen in not powerful state. This phenomenon is reflected when Greece broke the agreement of EU policy related to refugees protection, called Common European Asylum System (CEAS), by refuse asylum seekers from Syria. There are two things that must be highlighted when Greece refuse asylum seekers from Syria. First, domestic problem that can restrain Greece government in obeying CEAS policies. Second, the value of tolerance and solidarity from other countries has not be adhered in the policies agreed by each members of EU. Therefore, this paper explain further about studies to find the relationship between integration in supranational governance and country sovereignty.
{"title":"Dominasi Kedaulatan Negara dalam Integrasi Pemerintahan Uni Eropa: Penolakan Yunani Terhadap Pengungsi Syria","authors":"Hirshi Anadza","doi":"10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4803","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4803","url":null,"abstract":"Integration becomes a solution when global government does not have capability to overcome power domination of state. By having integration, it is expected that all of member state can put all their authority in supranational governance, such as European Union (EU) so balance could be happen. By giving such kind of integration, the agreement of policies can be followed by the members of EU based on solidarity and tolerance among the members. However, this integration has not succeeded in reducing domination of country sovereignty that influences the variety of each country necessity, even it happen in not powerful state. This phenomenon is reflected when Greece broke the agreement of EU policy related to refugees protection, called Common European Asylum System (CEAS), by refuse asylum seekers from Syria. There are two things that must be highlighted when Greece refuse asylum seekers from Syria. First, domestic problem that can restrain Greece government in obeying CEAS policies. Second, the value of tolerance and solidarity from other countries has not be adhered in the policies agreed by each members of EU. Therefore, this paper explain further about studies to find the relationship between integration in supranational governance and country sovereignty.","PeriodicalId":52771,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49645969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-19DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4791
Dionisius Aditya Yoganata
The purpose of this research is to find out whether exposure to advertising and brand loyalty influences buying interest of Samsung Galaxy products. The theory used in this study is the AIDA model (Attention, Interest, Desire, Action), and the Advertising Exposure Process proposed by David. A Aaker. The research method used by the authors in this study is a quantitative method approach. The objects in this study are those who want to make purchases of Samsung Galaxy products, as well as those who have already used Samsung Galaxy products, which are determined by 85 respondents of the study sample. This research is quantitative descriptive, where the primary data collected through questionnaires are processed statistically, so that the measurement scale. The results of this study indicate that the variable exposure to advertising has an influence on buying interest of Samsung Galaxy by 46.6 percent. Also, the brand variable variable has an influence on buying interest of Samsung Galaxy products by 48.4 percent. Also, the variable exposure to advertising and brand loyalty has an influence on buying interest of Samsung Galaxy products by 61.8 percent together. Meanwhile, the rest is influenced by other variables not examined in this study. The conclusion of this study shows that there is an influence between exposure to advertising and brand loyalty on the purchase interest of Samsung Galaxy products, both partially and simultaneously. Suggestions from this study that the author can provide include further research of a similar nature in order to use other variables not contained in this study. Also, it is hoped that this research can be used as a reference, both for producers and those who should be consumers.
{"title":"Pengaruh Terpaan Iklan Dan Brand Loyalty Terhadap Minat Beli Produk Samsung Galaxy","authors":"Dionisius Aditya Yoganata","doi":"10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4791","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4791","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this research is to find out whether exposure to advertising and brand loyalty influences buying interest of Samsung Galaxy products. The theory used in this study is the AIDA model (Attention, Interest, Desire, Action), and the Advertising Exposure Process proposed by David. A Aaker. The research method used by the authors in this study is a quantitative method approach. The objects in this study are those who want to make purchases of Samsung Galaxy products, as well as those who have already used Samsung Galaxy products, which are determined by 85 respondents of the study sample. This research is quantitative descriptive, where the primary data collected through questionnaires are processed statistically, so that the measurement scale. The results of this study indicate that the variable exposure to advertising has an influence on buying interest of Samsung Galaxy by 46.6 percent. Also, the brand variable variable has an influence on buying interest of Samsung Galaxy products by 48.4 percent. Also, the variable exposure to advertising and brand loyalty has an influence on buying interest of Samsung Galaxy products by 61.8 percent together. Meanwhile, the rest is influenced by other variables not examined in this study. The conclusion of this study shows that there is an influence between exposure to advertising and brand loyalty on the purchase interest of Samsung Galaxy products, both partially and simultaneously. Suggestions from this study that the author can provide include further research of a similar nature in order to use other variables not contained in this study. Also, it is hoped that this research can be used as a reference, both for producers and those who should be consumers.","PeriodicalId":52771,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42726523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-19DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4799
B. Kusuma, Theresia Octastefani
Muslim communities in Southern Thailand have experienced in discrimination among in economic, social, and politics. This condition has even occurred in the last seven decades under King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who was known to be wise king. Basically, King Bhumibol as the head of state always stated that social welfare approace is the best way to solve the problem, but almost every Thai Prime Minister as the head of government unfortunately always uses a militaristic approach that triggers social resistance. Since King Bhumibol died, Thailand has faced with the potential crisis for two reasons. First, Maha Vajiralongkorn as a successor, he is considered have different charisma with his father because he is very glamorous and have controversial lifestyle. Secondly, the absence of King Bhumibol, who has been a counterweight to the state made the Thai military more often coups. This conditions give impact to Muslim communities in the South who always live with uncertainty condition with two possibilities. First, Muslim communities have a better life under the new monarchy regime with social welfare and humanity approaches. Secondly, the condition of the Muslim communities will remains stagnant under the controversial king with continued by martial law.
{"title":"Rezim Baru Monarki Thailand: Antara Darurat Militer Dan Kesejahteraan Sosial Di Wilayah Selatan","authors":"B. Kusuma, Theresia Octastefani","doi":"10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4799","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4799","url":null,"abstract":"Muslim communities in Southern Thailand have experienced in discrimination among in economic, social, and politics. This condition has even occurred in the last seven decades under King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who was known to be wise king. Basically, King Bhumibol as the head of state always stated that social welfare approace is the best way to solve the problem, but almost every Thai Prime Minister as the head of government unfortunately always uses a militaristic approach that triggers social resistance. Since King Bhumibol died, Thailand has faced with the potential crisis for two reasons. First, Maha Vajiralongkorn as a successor, he is considered have different charisma with his father because he is very glamorous and have controversial lifestyle. Secondly, the absence of King Bhumibol, who has been a counterweight to the state made the Thai military more often coups. This conditions give impact to Muslim communities in the South who always live with uncertainty condition with two possibilities. First, Muslim communities have a better life under the new monarchy regime with social welfare and humanity approaches. Secondly, the condition of the Muslim communities will remains stagnant under the controversial king with continued by martial law.","PeriodicalId":52771,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48426882","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-19DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4806
Pradipto Bhagaskoro, Rommel Utungga Pasopati, S. Syarifuddin
Today, 'transnational ideology' is much assumed as a threat for Indonesian local wisdom. Then, how can local wisdom survive amid the spread of transnational ideology? In essence, current recognized Indonesian religions, even coming from outside Nusantara, are well received because of their interaction with local conditions. These religions open, understand, and accommodate local conditions in order to conform to their teachings. The key point of religious life in Indonesia is the spectrum of its understanding with local wisdom. This paper describes the interaction between local wisdom and transnational ideology in Indonesia and how Pancasila should function in this condition. The first part of this paper describes local wisdom as a cultural product and its habitual manifestations. Second, explanations of transnational ideology and its relations to religions in Indonesia. Third, Pancasila is a reflection of local Indonesian wisdom and a path of interaction with any party, including transnational ideologies that are not yet understood. Fourth, conclusion that explains Pancasila as a form of nation-state presence that provides further understanding for local wisdom towards transnational ideology. This condition may happen as long as the spirit of mutual understanding becomes the basis for every interaction that may come.
{"title":"Pancasila Dalam Interaksi Kearifan Lokal Dan Ideologi Transnasional","authors":"Pradipto Bhagaskoro, Rommel Utungga Pasopati, S. Syarifuddin","doi":"10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4806","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4806","url":null,"abstract":"Today, 'transnational ideology' is much assumed as a threat for Indonesian local wisdom. Then, how can local wisdom survive amid the spread of transnational ideology? In essence, current recognized Indonesian religions, even coming from outside Nusantara, are well received because of their interaction with local conditions. These religions open, understand, and accommodate local conditions in order to conform to their teachings. The key point of religious life in Indonesia is the spectrum of its understanding with local wisdom. This paper describes the interaction between local wisdom and transnational ideology in Indonesia and how Pancasila should function in this condition. The first part of this paper describes local wisdom as a cultural product and its habitual manifestations. Second, explanations of transnational ideology and its relations to religions in Indonesia. Third, Pancasila is a reflection of local Indonesian wisdom and a path of interaction with any party, including transnational ideologies that are not yet understood. Fourth, conclusion that explains Pancasila as a form of nation-state presence that provides further understanding for local wisdom towards transnational ideology. This condition may happen as long as the spirit of mutual understanding becomes the basis for every interaction that may come.","PeriodicalId":52771,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45321548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-19DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4808
Piers Andreas Noak, I. K. A. Erawan
This study examines the implementation of village funds related to the development of cross-cultural activities in Badung and Buleleng. Whether the pattern is instructive translation of sloganitic deconcentration tasks or participatory institutionalization that sets out the need for cross-cultural issues in the village. The Tamatea Study (2006), Parker (2017), and Gottowick (2010) discuss multiculturalism as the nature of local wisdom which is described as responding to people's daily problems. Another study, Kwon (2018) and Selenica (2018) looked at multiculturalism in the perspective of intercultural conflict. This research takes a different position from previous research by criticizing the construction of state control over multiculturalism that runs at the grassroots. Control construction is seen from the management of village funds for cross-cultural activities that are operationalized through guaranteed equality of ethnic and religious groups. The research paradigm is non-positive with case studies. Data collection methods utilize observation, interviews and documentation. The perspective used is interpretive with the theory of discourse. Research results show that state control is firmly embedded in the development of multiculturalism in villages. The nature of control is meaningfully driven, administrative control of budgeting has the potential to have an inhibiting effect on the development of the potential of the village concerned, including the development of multiculturalism activities in the village. Such as overlapping regulations on financial accountability, lack of socialization of regulations and assume that village human resources have understood every multicultural development program (especially the deconcentration program), injustice attitude views the potential of the village and bias behavior rules that are biased. Various attitudes are often shown by vertical government officials, such as sub-districts, offices (OPD), and ministries, which are counterproductive to oversee the development of the attitude of the development of multiculturalism in the village. Villages are forced to translate multicultural development programs that are trapped in administrative accountability which in reality compartmentalize the potential of the resources within.
{"title":"Multikulturalisme Desa Di Bali Dalam Kontrol Negara: Implementasi Dana Desa bagi Kegiatan Lintas Budaya di Badung dan Buleleng","authors":"Piers Andreas Noak, I. K. A. Erawan","doi":"10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4808","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4808","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the implementation of village funds related to the development of cross-cultural activities in Badung and Buleleng. Whether the pattern is instructive translation of sloganitic deconcentration tasks or participatory institutionalization that sets out the need for cross-cultural issues in the village. The Tamatea Study (2006), Parker (2017), and Gottowick (2010) discuss multiculturalism as the nature of local wisdom which is described as responding to people's daily problems. Another study, Kwon (2018) and Selenica (2018) looked at multiculturalism in the perspective of intercultural conflict. This research takes a different position from previous research by criticizing the construction of state control over multiculturalism that runs at the grassroots. Control construction is seen from the management of village funds for cross-cultural activities that are operationalized through guaranteed equality of ethnic and religious groups. The research paradigm is non-positive with case studies. Data collection methods utilize observation, interviews and documentation. The perspective used is interpretive with the theory of discourse. Research results show that state control is firmly embedded in the development of multiculturalism in villages. The nature of control is meaningfully driven, administrative control of budgeting has the potential to have an inhibiting effect on the development of the potential of the village concerned, including the development of multiculturalism activities in the village. Such as overlapping regulations on financial accountability, lack of socialization of regulations and assume that village human resources have understood every multicultural development program (especially the deconcentration program), injustice attitude views the potential of the village and bias behavior rules that are biased. Various attitudes are often shown by vertical government officials, such as sub-districts, offices (OPD), and ministries, which are counterproductive to oversee the development of the attitude of the development of multiculturalism in the village. Villages are forced to translate multicultural development programs that are trapped in administrative accountability which in reality compartmentalize the potential of the resources within.","PeriodicalId":52771,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42338699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-19DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4802
Muhtar Haboddin
Populism, defence politics, and local leader are interrelated in the study of power. In the framework of maintaining power, local leaders will use populist policies to gain political support from the community. Community support is essential in an electoral democracy. Therefore, the local leaders will respond to the needs of its citizens in the form of populist policy. The ability of local leaders to meet the needs of their citizens is an important part of the working of populist politics. In this populist politics, the beneficiaries are leaders and society. Nevertheless, the beneficiaries are more certainly the local leaders. Why? Is it because local leaders use populism policies as instrumentation in maintaining power? By relying on that question, the choice of populist policy is aimed at two things for the local leaders. First, to gain legitimacy from the community. For local leaders, legitimacy is needed in building political power (Ramlan Surbakti, 1992; 96). It’s because the strong legitimacy will make to the local leaders more confident. Second, to strengthen the personal capacity of the local leaders in front of the community and other political forces. By relying on these two goals, the local leaders will have power stronger. Strengthening and maintaining power are the main objective for the local leaders. Therefore, this paper will attempt to present the ability of the local leaders in maintaining his power through the politics of populism at the local level (Vedi R Hadiz, 2017; Willy Purna Samadhi, 2016).
在权力研究中，民粹主义、国防政治和地方领导人是相互关联的。在维持权力的框架内，地方领导人将利用民粹主义政策获得社区的政治支持。社区的支持对选举民主至关重要。因此，地方领导人将以民粹主义政策的形式回应其公民的需求。地方领导人满足公民需求的能力是民粹主义政治工作的重要组成部分。在这种民粹主义政治中，受益者是领导人和社会。然而，受益者更肯定是地方领导人。为什么？是因为地方领导人利用民粹主义政策作为维持权力的工具吗？基于这个问题，民粹主义政策的选择对地方领导人来说有两个目的。第一，从社会中获得合法性。对于地方领导人来说，建立政治权力需要合法性（Ramlan Surbakti，1992；96）。这是因为强大的合法性会让地方领导人更有信心。第二，加强地方领导人在社区和其他政治力量面前的个人能力。依靠这两个目标，地方领导人将拥有更强大的权力。加强和维护权力是地方领导人的主要目标。因此，本文将试图展示地方领导人通过地方层面的民粹主义政治来维持其权力的能力（Vedi R Hadiz，2017；Willy Purna Samadhi，2016）。
{"title":"Populisme, Politik Pertahanan, Dan Pemimpin Lokal","authors":"Muhtar Haboddin","doi":"10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4802","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4802","url":null,"abstract":"Populism, defence politics, and local leader are interrelated in the study of power. In the framework of maintaining power, local leaders will use populist policies to gain political support from the community. Community support is essential in an electoral democracy. Therefore, the local leaders will respond to the needs of its citizens in the form of populist policy. The ability of local leaders to meet the needs of their citizens is an important part of the working of populist politics. In this populist politics, the beneficiaries are leaders and society. Nevertheless, the beneficiaries are more certainly the local leaders. Why? Is it because local leaders use populism policies as instrumentation in maintaining power? By relying on that question, the choice of populist policy is aimed at two things for the local leaders. First, to gain legitimacy from the community. For local leaders, legitimacy is needed in building political power (Ramlan Surbakti, 1992; 96). It’s because the strong legitimacy will make to the local leaders more confident. Second, to strengthen the personal capacity of the local leaders in front of the community and other political forces. By relying on these two goals, the local leaders will have power stronger. Strengthening and maintaining power are the main objective for the local leaders. Therefore, this paper will attempt to present the ability of the local leaders in maintaining his power through the politics of populism at the local level (Vedi R Hadiz, 2017; Willy Purna Samadhi, 2016).","PeriodicalId":52771,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43998386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-19DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4807
I. Joni, Ni Nyoman Dewi Pascarani, Tedi Erviantono
This article explores a form of symbolic interaction between the formal security apparatus of the State and sex workers in Bali. The study uses qualitative research methods with data collection methods for interviews and observations. Through this type of research traced the efforts of sex workers to communicate in order to negotiate their interests with the power represented by the local government security apparatus (apparatus). Sanders' (2001) and O'Neill's (2001) study shows sex workers are resistant to control. But in this capacity, sex workers have a communication style to negotiate activities with local state officials. Theory used symbolic interactionism from Blumer. In the field data obtained there are two types of meaning in symbolic interactions. Sex worker as a party spreading disease and violation of morality. Even this is used as building the meaning of the moral image of regional leaders. In this symbolic interaction meaning, sex workers with bureaucratic state apparatus are very dependent on social structures in society which depend on social status, involvement in sex trade organizations, and laws or policies related to the regulation of CSWs. Bali as a world tourism destination prioritizes the basic value of the development of cultural tourism and has never once declared it as sex tourism. It's just ironic that Bali is often used as a transit point for the existence of the trafficking industry before they depart overseas. Bali is used as the main transit of commercial sex workers in the women's trafficking network. Although in the interactionism the symbolic meaning of the repression of the state apparatus is still considered to manifest a patriarchal value system that provides more legal sanctions to service providers in this case sex workers, especially women, than their users, namely men.
{"title":"Interaksionisme Simbolik Aparatus Dan Pekerja Seks Di Bali","authors":"I. Joni, Ni Nyoman Dewi Pascarani, Tedi Erviantono","doi":"10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4807","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4807","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores a form of symbolic interaction between the formal security apparatus of the State and sex workers in Bali. The study uses qualitative research methods with data collection methods for interviews and observations. Through this type of research traced the efforts of sex workers to communicate in order to negotiate their interests with the power represented by the local government security apparatus (apparatus). Sanders' (2001) and O'Neill's (2001) study shows sex workers are resistant to control. But in this capacity, sex workers have a communication style to negotiate activities with local state officials. Theory used symbolic interactionism from Blumer. In the field data obtained there are two types of meaning in symbolic interactions. Sex worker as a party spreading disease and violation of morality. Even this is used as building the meaning of the moral image of regional leaders. In this symbolic interaction meaning, sex workers with bureaucratic state apparatus are very dependent on social structures in society which depend on social status, involvement in sex trade organizations, and laws or policies related to the regulation of CSWs. Bali as a world tourism destination prioritizes the basic value of the development of cultural tourism and has never once declared it as sex tourism. It's just ironic that Bali is often used as a transit point for the existence of the trafficking industry before they depart overseas. Bali is used as the main transit of commercial sex workers in the women's trafficking network. Although in the interactionism the symbolic meaning of the repression of the state apparatus is still considered to manifest a patriarchal value system that provides more legal sanctions to service providers in this case sex workers, especially women, than their users, namely men.","PeriodicalId":52771,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48571860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-19DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4800
N. Alfiyah
Based on Presidential Instruction Number 3 of 2003 concerning National Policies and Strategies regarding E-government. Demand governments at various levels to take the necessary steps according to their respective duties, functions and authorities for the implementation of e-government development programs. To apply e-government in Sumenep Regency, the local government began to take steps in responding to the presidential decree issued by the central government by launching the g-online program. The g-online program is able to provide benefits to local government organizations in integrating public service systems. As technology and information are developing rapidly, government programs are undergoing renewal, with the birth of the smart city development program as a step towards strengthening the implementation of e-government in the regional government of Sumenep Regency. So this writing aims to answer how the influence of e-government in the construction of smart cities in Sumenep Regency. The method used in this research is an explanative descriptive method with the support of library or library data.
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Pub Date : 2019-10-19DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4801
Dwi Listia Rika Tini
This study aims to explain the Development of Productive Economic Business Programs in Sumenep Regency in the context of empowering women and improving the quality of women as development resources. The Development of Productive Economic Business Program is an effort of Sumenep Regency in order to build a better economy going forward related to the village economy. The method used in this study is a qualitative analysis method in which references are the basis for analysis. The Productive Economic Business Program Policy in Sumenep Regency is implemented under the auspices of the Community and Women's Empowerment Agency (BPMP) in the form of craftsmen business groups that utilize Natural Resources and Human Resources in each Village. This phase of UEP development activities is carried out through an empowerment process carried out over a period of 3 (three) years and the phasing plans are 1) First Year (2013), namely the Growth Stage; 2) Second Year (2014) Development Phase and 3) Third Year (2015) Independence Phase. From the UEP development activities that have a positive impact on women in rural areas, they can make money and help husbands without having to work far outside the home.
{"title":"Pengembangan Program Usaha Ekonomis Produktif dalam Pemberdayaan Perempuan di Kabupaten Sumenep","authors":"Dwi Listia Rika Tini","doi":"10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4801","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4801","url":null,"abstract":"This study aims to explain the Development of Productive Economic Business Programs in Sumenep Regency in the context of empowering women and improving the quality of women as development resources. The Development of Productive Economic Business Program is an effort of Sumenep Regency in order to build a better economy going forward related to the village economy. The method used in this study is a qualitative analysis method in which references are the basis for analysis. The Productive Economic Business Program Policy in Sumenep Regency is implemented under the auspices of the Community and Women's Empowerment Agency (BPMP) in the form of craftsmen business groups that utilize Natural Resources and Human Resources in each Village. This phase of UEP development activities is carried out through an empowerment process carried out over a period of 3 (three) years and the phasing plans are 1) First Year (2013), namely the Growth Stage; 2) Second Year (2014) Development Phase and 3) Third Year (2015) Independence Phase. From the UEP development activities that have a positive impact on women in rural areas, they can make money and help husbands without having to work far outside the home.","PeriodicalId":52771,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48103597","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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