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Whither Chinese Market Socialism? 中国市场社会主义何去何从?
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-10-16 DOI: 10.1142/s1013251120500046
Kang Chen
This paper aims to shed light on where China’s reform process is heading by tracing the trajectory of its market-oriented reforms. It shows that Chinese market socialism is facing a dilemma. Develo...
本文旨在通过追踪中国市场化改革的轨迹,揭示中国改革进程的走向。这表明中国市场社会主义正面临着一个困境。发展……
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引用次数: 0
The Chinese Developmental State: Threats, Challenges, and Prospects 中国的发展状态:威胁、挑战与前景
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-10-13 DOI: 10.1142/s1013251120500022
András Székely-Doby
Over the last 40 years, China’s development has been breath-taking. Its poor, centrally planned economy has been transformed into a middle-income capitalist one with a strong resemblance to highly ...
过去40年,中国的发展是惊人的。它贫穷的中央计划经济已经转变为中等收入的资本主义经济,与高度…
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引用次数: 3
Mobilizing Sophisticated Donors: What Candidate Facebook Posts Do Attract Intra- and Inter-District Donations? 动员老练的捐赠者:哪些候选人的Facebook帖子能吸引地区内和地区间的捐赠?
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-09-18 DOI: 10.1142/s1013251120500058
A. Wang, F. Lai, Fushun Hsu, Peter Shaojui Wang
Why do so many voters finance candidates, even out-of-district ones? We exploit two datasets from a candidate in the 2014 Taiwan City Mayor Election derived from 14,838 detail donation records and the candidate’s 296 Facebook posts during the campaign. We replicate previous findings at the district level, indicating that donations are influenced by both physical proximity and ideology. The post-level analysis shows that the neighboring effect does not build as a spillover of public policy or administrative reforms. Instead, residents donate more merely because they are closer to a campaign. Meanwhile, a candidate’s ideological posts can successfully increase donations within a few hours from a district where there are more friendly voters.
为什么这么多选民会资助候选人,甚至是区外的候选人?我们利用了2014年台湾市长选举候选人的两个数据集,这些数据集来自14,838个详细的捐款记录和候选人在竞选期间的296个Facebook帖子。我们在地区一级重复了先前的研究结果,表明捐赠受到物理邻近和意识形态的影响。后层次分析表明,相邻效应不会以公共政策或行政改革的溢出效应的形式形成。相反,居民捐款更多,仅仅是因为他们离竞选活动更近。与此同时,候选人的意识形态帖子可以在几个小时内成功地从一个有更多友好选民的地区增加捐款。
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引用次数: 0
The Prospects of the US Alliance System in Asia: Managing from the Hub 美国在亚洲的同盟体系展望:从枢纽管理
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-09-11 DOI: 10.1142/s1013251120400123
Ping-Kuei Chen
This paper examines the implications of the United States’ “hub-and-spoke” alliance system in Asia. It argues that the US enjoys a bargaining advantage in the current bilateral security relations w...
本文探讨了美国“中心辐射型”联盟体系对亚洲的影响。它认为,在当前的双边安全关系中,美国享有讨价还价的优势。
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引用次数: 0
Interpreting Indonesia’s “Look East” Policy: The Security Dimension of Foreign Aid 解读印尼的“向东看”政策:外援的安全维度
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-09-11 DOI: 10.1142/s101325112040010x
Baiq Wardhani, Vinsensio Dugis
As Indonesia’s economy gradually improves, the government has been actively promoting its horizontal cooperation among developing countries by playing a prominent role as a non-DAC (Development Ass...
随着印尼经济的逐步好转,印尼政府一直在积极推动发展中国家间的横向合作,发挥着非发展援助机构的突出作用。
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引用次数: 2
Introduction to the Special Issue — Multidimensional Security Issues in Asia 特刊导言-亚洲的多维安全问题
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-09-11 DOI: 10.1142/s1013251120020038
Chyungly Lee
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引用次数: 0
The People’s Republic of China’s Cyber Coercion: Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the South China Sea 中华人民共和国的网络胁迫:台湾、香港和南中国海
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-09-11 DOI: 10.1142/s1013251120400135
M. Manantan
This paper investigates the increasing use of cyber coercion by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) among its core interests: Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the South China Sea. It argues that the PRC’s d...
本文研究了中华人民共和国(PRC)在其核心利益(台湾、香港和南中国海)中越来越多地使用网络胁迫。它认为中华人民共和国的…
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引用次数: 4
Evolving Toward a Balanced Cyber Strategy in East Asia: Cyber Deterrence or Cooperation? 东亚网络平衡战略的演变:网络威慑还是网络合作?
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1013251120400111
Hon-min Yau
This paper investigates the limits of implementing a cyber deterrence strategy in East Asia. Given that national security documents from both Taiwan and Japan indicate the need to deter state-sponsored cyberattacks, there is very little literature that empirically and theoretically investigates the utility of such an approach in this region. This paper looks into the various deterrence constructs and argues that none of them can be implemented without problems. The paper looks further into a deeper level of the conceptual issues upon which deterrence thinking is based and argues that an alternative strategy promoting regional cooperation is not only possible but also desirable in the current political climate. It is later concluded that looking for a one-size-fits-all solution is idealistic, and policymakers should develop security countermeasures that align with the threats posed by the actors they wish to confront.
本文探讨了在东亚实施网络威慑战略的局限性。鉴于台湾和日本的国家安全文件都表明有必要阻止国家支持的网络攻击,很少有文献从经验和理论上调查这种方法在该地区的效用。本文研究了各种威慑结构,并认为没有一种可以毫无问题地实施。本文进一步探讨了威慑思维所依据的更深层次的概念问题,并认为在当前的政治气候下,促进区域合作的替代战略不仅是可能的,而且是可取的。后来得出的结论是,寻找一刀切的解决方案是理想主义的,政策制定者应该制定与他们希望对抗的行为者所构成的威胁相一致的安全对策。
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引用次数: 0
Asia’s Lesser Powers Confront US–China Threat to the Regional Order 亚洲小国面对中美对地区秩序的威胁
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-07-18 DOI: 10.1142/s1013251120400056
T. J. Pempel
Tensions between the United States and China have been on the rise under Xi Jinping and Donald Trump, challenging longstanding regional moves to peace and prosperity. In response, a number of less ...
作为回应,一些少…
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引用次数: 2
Introduction to the Special Issue — The Asia-Pacific Middle Powers’ Strategic Options in the Era of China–US Rivalry 《亚太中等大国在中美竞争时代的战略选择》特刊导言
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-07-18 DOI: 10.1142/s1013251120020026
Chiung-Chiu Huang, C. Kou
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引用次数: 0
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