Pub Date : 2023-08-03DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2023.2242628
Shashank S. A., Neha Singh
{"title":"Media and coexistence: review of the documentary The Elephant Whisperers","authors":"Shashank S. A., Neha Singh","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2023.2242628","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2023.2242628","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48762327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-02DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2023.2241743
Romylyn A. Metila, A. Morallo, Nerissa O. Zara
{"title":"Discourse analysis of news frames in Philippine banner stories on COVID-19: implications for media and information literacy during crises","authors":"Romylyn A. Metila, A. Morallo, Nerissa O. Zara","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2023.2241743","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2023.2241743","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42770610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-17DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2023.2217607
Ronald U. Mendoza, Camille Kristina S. Elemia, Juan Miguel M. Recto, Bea Alyssa B. de Castro
Abstract Mis-/disinformation has increasingly become a global threat to democratic societies, creating distrust in institutions, fomenting deep societal divisions, and disrupting democratic elections. To complement earlier studies on the Philippines, this paper develops a case study approach to analyze one specific false narrative that went “viral” prior to and during the Philippine Presidential elections in 2022. Specifically, this paper examines the Tallano gold myth, using an empirical analysis of an extensive social media dataset of almost 24,000 social media posts compiled using CrowdTangle. Three key sets of messages appear central to the myth: (1) Marcos gold is critical for economic revival; (2) Marcos’ wealth is legitimate; and (3) the opposition wants to steal the gold. This paper finds evidence that the Tallano gold myth spread across partisan groups prior to the 2022 Presidential elections, proving difficult to overcome with mere fact-checking efforts. A final section concludes by briefly reviewing various country responses to fake news, and outlining possible policy responses with an eye to their possible timing in the virality pattern. Lessons from this case study emphasize the need to catch fake news in time to stop them from reaching virality and generating large adverse impacts on society.
{"title":"When fake news infects political networks: case study of the Tallano gold myth in the Philippines","authors":"Ronald U. Mendoza, Camille Kristina S. Elemia, Juan Miguel M. Recto, Bea Alyssa B. de Castro","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2023.2217607","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2023.2217607","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Mis-/disinformation has increasingly become a global threat to democratic societies, creating distrust in institutions, fomenting deep societal divisions, and disrupting democratic elections. To complement earlier studies on the Philippines, this paper develops a case study approach to analyze one specific false narrative that went “viral” prior to and during the Philippine Presidential elections in 2022. Specifically, this paper examines the Tallano gold myth, using an empirical analysis of an extensive social media dataset of almost 24,000 social media posts compiled using CrowdTangle. Three key sets of messages appear central to the myth: (1) Marcos gold is critical for economic revival; (2) Marcos’ wealth is legitimate; and (3) the opposition wants to steal the gold. This paper finds evidence that the Tallano gold myth spread across partisan groups prior to the 2022 Presidential elections, proving difficult to overcome with mere fact-checking efforts. A final section concludes by briefly reviewing various country responses to fake news, and outlining possible policy responses with an eye to their possible timing in the virality pattern. Lessons from this case study emphasize the need to catch fake news in time to stop them from reaching virality and generating large adverse impacts on society.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"501 - 527"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42227483","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2023.2238364
Danilo Araña Arao
This issue titled “Framing” contains six refereed articles, two commentaries, and four reviews. As regards the refereed articles, they critically analyze various aspects of media framing focusing on the alternative media, disaster response, digital spaces, sexual harassment in the newsroom, misrepresentation of women in cinema, and feminine beauty on Instagram. Pamyo Chamroy (People’s Archive of Rural India as alternative media) stresses that the alternative media should build bridges within and beyond media, maintain reflexivity and adaptability in navigating its identity, and respond to the dominant conceptions of journalism. Hermin Indah Wahyuni, Muhammad Rum, Theresia Octastefani, and Andi Awaluddin Fitrah (Between science, religion, and politics: multi-layered communication responses to maritime disaster in Indonesia) observe the local media’s inability to play a vital role in disaster communication. John Mervin Embate (Triggered together: the circulation of emotions in the digital virtual during the COVID-19 pandemic) studies the emotionality of the COVID-19 pandemic discourse on social media where emotions are both psychological responses to stimuli and relational, ethical, and political bodies produced in its circulation. Sadia Jamil (The growing norm of sexual harassment in Pakistan’s mainstream and ethnic news media) uses the postcolonial feminist theory and intersectionality framework to analyze how Pakistani female journalists experience sexual harassment. Avishek Suman and D. S. Poornananda (Matrilineality and the portrayal of women in Meghalaya cinema) conclude that women experience symbolic annihilation in cinema through representational absence, condemnation, and trivialization. Doris Trevi~ nos-Rodr ıguez and Paloma D ıaz-Soloaga (Ideal feminine beauty according to Korean cosmetic brand’s Instagram profiles) notice a recurring aesthetic ideal in the form of a young, slim woman with a flawless white complexion, a small V-shaped face, a small nose, and almond-shaped eyes with double eyelids. On the other hand, the two commentaries by Tom Sykes, Aniruddha Jena, Chinmoyee Deka, Jyoti Prakash Mohapatra, Anurag Sahu, and Rajeev Kumar Panda discuss media framing in the context of liberal orientalist journalism in the Philippines and media coverage of natural disasters in selected areas of India. The four reviews by Melwyn S. Pinto, Indumathi Somashekar, Manoj Kumar, Amit Sharma, and Shantharaju Siddegowda critically analyze a book on environmental journalism in India, a popular series in Korea, and two critically acclaimed films in India. We hope that these refereed articles and non-refereed commentaries and reviews would help raise the level of discourse on media framing.
本期“框架”包含6篇审稿文章、2篇评论和4篇评论。至于审稿文章,他们批判性地分析了媒体框架的各个方面,重点是另类媒体、灾难应对、数字空间、新闻编辑室的性骚扰、电影中对女性的歪曲和Instagram上的女性美。Pamyo Chamroy(《印度农村作为另类媒体的人民档案》)强调,另类媒体应该在媒体内部和媒体之外建立桥梁,在定位自身的过程中保持反身性和适应性,并对主流新闻观念做出回应。Hermin Indah Wahyuni, Muhammad Rum, Theresia octatfani和Andi Awaluddin Fitrah(在科学,宗教和政治之间:印度尼西亚海难的多层传播反应)观察到当地媒体无法在灾难传播中发挥重要作用。John Mervin Embate(共同触发:COVID-19大流行期间数字虚拟中的情绪循环)研究了社交媒体上COVID-19大流行话语的情绪,其中情绪既是对刺激的心理反应,也是在其循环中产生的关系、伦理和政治主体。萨迪亚·贾米尔(Sadia Jamil)(巴基斯坦主流和少数民族新闻媒体中性骚扰的日益增长的常态)使用后殖民女性主义理论和交叉性框架分析了巴基斯坦女记者如何经历性骚扰。Avishek Suman和D. S. Poornananda(梅加拉亚邦电影中的母系和女性形象)得出结论,女性在电影中通过代表性的缺失、谴责和轻视经历了象征性的湮灭。Doris Trevi~ nos-Rodr ıguez和Paloma D ıaz-Soloaga(韩国化妆品品牌Instagram资料中的理想女性美)注意到一种反复出现的审美理想,即年轻、苗条、皮肤白皙、小v型脸、小鼻子、杏仁形双眼皮的女性。另一方面,Tom Sykes、Aniruddha Jena、Chinmoyee Deka、Jyoti Prakash Mohapatra、Anurag Sahu和Rajeev Kumar Panda的两篇评论讨论了菲律宾自由东方主义新闻背景下的媒体框架,以及印度特定地区自然灾害的媒体报道。Melwyn S. Pinto、Indumathi Somashekar、Manoj Kumar、Amit Sharma和shanantharaju Siddegowda的四篇评论批判性地分析了一本关于印度环境新闻的书、一个在韩国很受欢迎的系列节目和两部在印度广受好评的电影。我们希望这些经过审定的文章和未经审定的评论和评论能够有助于提高媒体框架的讨论水平。
{"title":"Framing the issues","authors":"Danilo Araña Arao","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2023.2238364","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2023.2238364","url":null,"abstract":"This issue titled “Framing” contains six refereed articles, two commentaries, and four reviews. As regards the refereed articles, they critically analyze various aspects of media framing focusing on the alternative media, disaster response, digital spaces, sexual harassment in the newsroom, misrepresentation of women in cinema, and feminine beauty on Instagram. Pamyo Chamroy (People’s Archive of Rural India as alternative media) stresses that the alternative media should build bridges within and beyond media, maintain reflexivity and adaptability in navigating its identity, and respond to the dominant conceptions of journalism. Hermin Indah Wahyuni, Muhammad Rum, Theresia Octastefani, and Andi Awaluddin Fitrah (Between science, religion, and politics: multi-layered communication responses to maritime disaster in Indonesia) observe the local media’s inability to play a vital role in disaster communication. John Mervin Embate (Triggered together: the circulation of emotions in the digital virtual during the COVID-19 pandemic) studies the emotionality of the COVID-19 pandemic discourse on social media where emotions are both psychological responses to stimuli and relational, ethical, and political bodies produced in its circulation. Sadia Jamil (The growing norm of sexual harassment in Pakistan’s mainstream and ethnic news media) uses the postcolonial feminist theory and intersectionality framework to analyze how Pakistani female journalists experience sexual harassment. Avishek Suman and D. S. Poornananda (Matrilineality and the portrayal of women in Meghalaya cinema) conclude that women experience symbolic annihilation in cinema through representational absence, condemnation, and trivialization. Doris Trevi~ nos-Rodr ıguez and Paloma D ıaz-Soloaga (Ideal feminine beauty according to Korean cosmetic brand’s Instagram profiles) notice a recurring aesthetic ideal in the form of a young, slim woman with a flawless white complexion, a small V-shaped face, a small nose, and almond-shaped eyes with double eyelids. On the other hand, the two commentaries by Tom Sykes, Aniruddha Jena, Chinmoyee Deka, Jyoti Prakash Mohapatra, Anurag Sahu, and Rajeev Kumar Panda discuss media framing in the context of liberal orientalist journalism in the Philippines and media coverage of natural disasters in selected areas of India. The four reviews by Melwyn S. Pinto, Indumathi Somashekar, Manoj Kumar, Amit Sharma, and Shantharaju Siddegowda critically analyze a book on environmental journalism in India, a popular series in Korea, and two critically acclaimed films in India. We hope that these refereed articles and non-refereed commentaries and reviews would help raise the level of discourse on media framing.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"331 - 332"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45653216","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2023.2229162
Yerkebulan Sairambay, Assel Kamza, Yessengul Kap, B. Nurumov
{"title":"Monitoring public electoral sentiment through online comments in the news media: a comparative study of the 2019 and 2022 presidential elections in Kazakhstan","authors":"Yerkebulan Sairambay, Assel Kamza, Yessengul Kap, B. Nurumov","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2023.2229162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2023.2229162","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43728407","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-31DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2023.2218769
I. A. Wani, T. Islam
(
(
{"title":"Right-wing media landscape and the emergence of Indian “Muslim media”","authors":"I. A. Wani, T. Islam","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2023.2218769","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2023.2218769","url":null,"abstract":"(","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"633 - 639"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44296505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-18DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2023.2212507
Ajay Kumar
Abstract It has been argued that BJP - the current ruling party of India - comprises unapologetic hyper nationalists known as Hindu nationalists. It has also been claimed that the BJP government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi has a tight grip over the mainstream TV media and non-conformists are finding it increasingly challenging to express their opinion in the world’s largest democracy. If such concerns are true, then support for the nationalist politics of the ruling dispensation must reflect in the mainstream media narratives. To explore, this study conducted a thematic discourse analysis on the media coverage of the TikTok ban in India post Indo-China border conflict. Results revealed a prevalence of media support for state nationalism as interests of the state were conflated with public interest – in contrast with the normative assumptions of objective journalism. However, the study did not find any evidence of popular nationalism on this occasion.
{"title":"State nationalism or popular nationalism? Analysing media coverage of TikTok ban on mainstream Indian TV news channels","authors":"Ajay Kumar","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2023.2212507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2023.2212507","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract It has been argued that BJP - the current ruling party of India - comprises unapologetic hyper nationalists known as Hindu nationalists. It has also been claimed that the BJP government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi has a tight grip over the mainstream TV media and non-conformists are finding it increasingly challenging to express their opinion in the world’s largest democracy. If such concerns are true, then support for the nationalist politics of the ruling dispensation must reflect in the mainstream media narratives. To explore, this study conducted a thematic discourse analysis on the media coverage of the TikTok ban in India post Indo-China border conflict. Results revealed a prevalence of media support for state nationalism as interests of the state were conflated with public interest – in contrast with the normative assumptions of objective journalism. However, the study did not find any evidence of popular nationalism on this occasion.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"616 - 632"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44609898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-17DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2023.2212502
Jiun-Chi Lin, L. d’Haenens, Da-chi Liao
Abstract Despite the fruitful research on populist communication patterns of fringe parties on social network sites, mainstream parties’ communicative behaviors have often been ignored. From a perspective of political campaign, this study argues that mainstream parties could professionalize their use of populist frameworks as the campaign strategy on social network sites. The professionalization of populist communication is defined as a) mainstream parties’ deliberate selections to stylistic devices to present certain affects in political campaign and b) mainstream parties’ increasing use of populist frameworks with an increasing online user engagement. With a focus on the Taiwan’s 2020 national election, a dataset composed of Facebook posts of parliamentary parties (N total = 3,315) is analyzed. Our findings indicate that mainstream parties per se tend to adopt more moderate populist frameworks on Facebook. While stylistic devices are positively associated with populist communication, mainstream parties tend to present populist frameworks in negative and emotional styles. While online user engagement is partially associated with populist communication, higher online engagement does not intensify mainstream parties’ degrees of using populist frameworks on Facebook.
{"title":"On mainstream parties’ professionalized use of populist communication on social networking sites: an analysis of party Facebook contents in Taiwan’s 2020 national election","authors":"Jiun-Chi Lin, L. d’Haenens, Da-chi Liao","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2023.2212502","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2023.2212502","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Despite the fruitful research on populist communication patterns of fringe parties on social network sites, mainstream parties’ communicative behaviors have often been ignored. From a perspective of political campaign, this study argues that mainstream parties could professionalize their use of populist frameworks as the campaign strategy on social network sites. The professionalization of populist communication is defined as a) mainstream parties’ deliberate selections to stylistic devices to present certain affects in political campaign and b) mainstream parties’ increasing use of populist frameworks with an increasing online user engagement. With a focus on the Taiwan’s 2020 national election, a dataset composed of Facebook posts of parliamentary parties (N total = 3,315) is analyzed. Our findings indicate that mainstream parties per se tend to adopt more moderate populist frameworks on Facebook. While stylistic devices are positively associated with populist communication, mainstream parties tend to present populist frameworks in negative and emotional styles. While online user engagement is partially associated with populist communication, higher online engagement does not intensify mainstream parties’ degrees of using populist frameworks on Facebook.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"596 - 615"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41872893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-16DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2023.2212216
Ressi Dwiana, Sinam M. Sutarno
Abstract This article explores the remote learning program conducted by community radios in Indonesia during the COVID-19 pandemic. The program was aimed at solving the increasing digital divide after the Indonesian government had enacted Study from Home policy. While some schools were able to carry out online learning, there were schools which encountered difficulties in doing the same due to digital divide. These schools had to look for alternative remote teaching methods. The research uses a qualitative multi-case research method by limiting research subjects to radio stations that once broadcast the remote learning program from mid 2020 until April 2021. This time limit was chosen with the assumption that these radios were able to provide in-depth information about how learning on community radios bridging the digital divide during the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. Researchers analyzed seven community radio stations in seven regions in Indonesia. Data was collected from interviews with community radio managers. The results revealed that the emergence of remote learning program in each community radio stations took place as a response to the obstacles faced by locals in accessing digital facilities such as internet access in blank spots areas, access to technological gadgets, and purchasing internet quota. Some areas might face two or even all these problems. Some remote learning initiatives came from the radio management and some other from local school. The programs initiated by the community radio management collaborated with the schools as main partner. Meanwhile, the program that was initiated by schools was managed independently.
{"title":"Bridging digital divide during COVID-19 pandemic with the remote learning program on community radio","authors":"Ressi Dwiana, Sinam M. Sutarno","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2023.2212216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2023.2212216","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explores the remote learning program conducted by community radios in Indonesia during the COVID-19 pandemic. The program was aimed at solving the increasing digital divide after the Indonesian government had enacted Study from Home policy. While some schools were able to carry out online learning, there were schools which encountered difficulties in doing the same due to digital divide. These schools had to look for alternative remote teaching methods. The research uses a qualitative multi-case research method by limiting research subjects to radio stations that once broadcast the remote learning program from mid 2020 until April 2021. This time limit was chosen with the assumption that these radios were able to provide in-depth information about how learning on community radios bridging the digital divide during the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. Researchers analyzed seven community radio stations in seven regions in Indonesia. Data was collected from interviews with community radio managers. The results revealed that the emergence of remote learning program in each community radio stations took place as a response to the obstacles faced by locals in accessing digital facilities such as internet access in blank spots areas, access to technological gadgets, and purchasing internet quota. Some areas might face two or even all these problems. Some remote learning initiatives came from the radio management and some other from local school. The programs initiated by the community radio management collaborated with the schools as main partner. Meanwhile, the program that was initiated by schools was managed independently.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"546 - 571"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49637565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-09DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2023.2210433
A. Sharma, M. Kumar
{"title":"Infodemic, migration and social inequality: review of the film Bheed","authors":"A. Sharma, M. Kumar","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2023.2210433","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2023.2210433","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46725896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}