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Can a religious-niche party change – or was Kirchheimer right? Analysing the Finnish Christians’ search to become a catchall electoral party 一个宗教小众政党会改变吗?或者基尔海默是对的?分析芬兰基督徒寻求成为一个包罗万象的选举政党
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-28 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2103909
D. Arter
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引用次数: 0
The European Union’s crises and the resilience of EU societies 欧盟的危机和欧盟社会的复原力
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-25 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2102771
Ö. Sefer
Resilience is one of the most popular and yet ambiguous topics in the social sciences. It has been examined not only in an individual sense but also in relation to communities. The European Union (EU) has faced several crises in the 2000s that have shown the level of resilience of EU societies. This paper discusses community resilience within the framework of the EU’s recent crises to examine how EU societies have coped with adversity. Specifically, it analyses competences and common policies at the EU level in relation to resilience and crises within the EU. © 2022 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
弹性是社会科学中最受欢迎但也最模棱两可的话题之一。它不仅在个人意义上而且在与社区的关系上进行了审查。欧盟(EU)在2000年代面临了几次危机,这些危机显示了欧盟社会的弹性水平。本文讨论了欧盟近期危机框架内的社区弹性,以研究欧盟社会如何应对逆境。具体来说,它分析了欧盟层面的能力和共同政策,与欧盟内部的弹性和危机有关。©2022 Informa UK Limited,以Taylor & Francis Group的名义交易。
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引用次数: 0
Quality control of negotiated multi-source policy advice: the example of the German Coal Exit Commission 协商多来源政策咨询的质量控制:以德国煤炭退出委员会为例
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-20 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2095748
Sybille Reitz
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引用次数: 0
COVID-19 and party competition over the EU: Italy in Early Pandemic Times COVID-19和欧盟政党竞争:大流行早期的意大利
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2095170
Andrea Capati, Marco Improta, Federico Trastulli
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引用次数: 3
Radical left Euroscepticism meets government participation in Iceland: the case of the Left-Green Movement 在冰岛,激进的左翼欧洲怀疑主义遇到了政府的参与:左翼绿色运动的例子
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-21 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2090487
Akif Cem Ozkardes
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引用次数: 0
Serving one client only? Assessing the openness and inclusiveness of European Parliament's intergroups 只为一个客户服务?评估欧洲议会集团间的开放性和包容性
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-12 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2065769
Laura Landorff
ABSTRACT Openness and inclusiveness are central mechanisms for civil society participation in EU governance. Focusing on European Parliament’s intergroups, this article explores unofficial participatory venues and their receptiveness towards civil society. Based on a novel data set with 135 intergroup meetings and 435 civil society speakers across four intergroups in the 8th European Parliament (2014-2019), this study delivers the first empirical account of intergroup participants, and thereby provides original insights into the types and functions of intergroups as participatory mechanisms. Employing openness and inclusiveness to assess the density, diversity and insider status of civil society, this explorative study maps intergroups on a continuum of participatory vehicles that serve both pluralist interests and individual clients. It reveals an insider status for different types of interests across the four intergroups and points to the special role of EU associations in intergroups. By opening the black box of intergroups, this study explores an understudied phenomenon in EP-civil society research and sheds light on civil society practices taking place beyond the official structures of the Parliament. It adds to the literature on civil society access in EU governance and contributes to the wider political and academic debates on civil society’s contribution to the EU’s democratic legitimacy.
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引用次数: 0
Emotion in british politics – a mixed methods analysis of conservative and labour party speeches from 1900–2019 英国政治中的情感——对1900-2019年保守党和工党演讲的混合方法分析
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-12 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2081016
Sheena F. Bartscherer
Abstract In recent years, an increasing ‘emotionality’ in Britain’s political discourse has been attested by many researchers and public commentators alike, regularly accusing alleged modern-day ‘populists’ of having caused this emotionalization with their unusual conduct and rhetoric. In these analyses, however, emotional speech is too often conflated with ‘populist’ speech, without offering substantial historical proof to support such claims. To scrutinize this alleged novel emotionalization of the general political discourse in Britain and to historically contextualize the influence that alleged ‘populists’ have had on it, I conducted a comparative, sequential mixed methods study of political speeches from British Labour and Conservative Party leaders (quant → QUAL), performing a manual neopragmatist discourse analysis as well as an automated dictionary analysis. With this approach, I was able to determine the distinct argumentative characteristics of the speeches and explore the discourses’ emotional quality, reporting a multitude of qualitative and quantitative differences as well as similarities between the two parties. Thus, the paper offers a (historical) overview of the general employment of emotion within political speech and consequently, argumentation used by British politicians. These findings are then used to contextualize claims about the influence that alleged ‘populists’ have had on the emotionality of recent politics.
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引用次数: 0
Political narrative, collective EU security and the State of the Union 政治叙事、欧盟集体安全和国情咨文
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-29 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2082035
J. Cachia, André P. Debattista
ABSTRACT The EU has always struggled to convince its member states for more security powers. The European Commission Presidents often use the State of the Union address to build a narrative on the need for the European Union to become a security player. The State of the Union address was established with the Lisbon Treaty and serves to highlight the priorities of the Commission. This makes it one of the most important addresses in political terms. Such a speech draws attention to the function of narratives and their role in shaping human communication which can be used by politicians to transfer ideologies, beliefs and information to a wider audience [Shenhav, S. R. (2005). Concise narratives: A structural analysis of political discourse. Discourse Studies, 7 (3), 315–335. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461445605052189; Della Sala, V. (2018). Narrating Europe: The EU’s ontological security dilemma. European Security, 27(3), 266–279. https://doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2018.1497978]. This paper will evaluate issues of security as tackled in the State of the Union addresses from the first delivered by Jose Manuel Barroso in 2010 to the last speech delivered by Ursula von der Leyen in 2021. This will serve to evaluate the evolving narrative concerning European Security as the Commission attempted to build a stronger case for transforming the EU into a security player.
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引用次数: 0
Putting the blame back on Brussels: strategic communication of the populist radical right in the 2019 European Parliament elections 把责任推回布鲁塞尔:民粹主义激进右翼在2019年欧洲议会选举中的战略沟通
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-29 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2082708
Boris Popivanov
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引用次数: 0
National parliaments and the European Union: capturing the distributive consequences of democratic intergovernmentalism 各国议会和欧洲联盟:捕捉民主政府间主义的分配后果
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-29 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2078560
Stuart Brown
ABSTRACT European Parliament elections are frequently held to be insufficient for conferring democratic legitimacy on the EU’s policy process. This has led a growing number of actors to suggest that deriving legitimacy from national parliaments offers a suitable remedy for the EU’s democratic deficit, following the principles of ‘democratic intergovernmentalism’. Yet little attention has been paid to the effect such reforms might have on representation in practice. This article presents a novel way of visualising the problem by recalibrating the balance of power in the European Parliament between 2009 and 2024 to reflect the composition of national parliaments and the results of national elections. It finds that actors within the Greens/EFA group would be particularly vulnerable to a loss of influence. This raises important questions about the potential representative costs associated with democratic intergovernmentalist approaches.
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引用次数: 1
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European Politics and Society
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