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The political economy of national-neoliberalism 国家新自由主义的政治经济学
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-10 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2021.1956241
Cornel Ban, G. Scheiring, Mihai D. Vasile
ABSTRACT Has a post-neoliberal policy regime emerged from the challenges to neoliberalism that have accompanied the rise of nationalism and populism in some Eastern and Central European countries? Why has the political organization of these challenges to neoliberalism endured in some countries but not in others? By drawing on a mix of primary and secondary sources culled from the institutional, political and economic realities of Hungary and Romania, this paper makes two claims. First, the article sugegsts that these transformations have amounted to a distinctive variety of neoliberalism that can be dubbed ‘national-neoliberalism.’ At its core one finds the slightly modified old goals of neoliberal orthodoxy embedded into a protective cocoon of orthodox and unorthodox economic policy instruments and institutions. The second claim of the paper is that the political organization of the national-neoliberal project was resilient in Hungary but not in Romania. The evidence suggests that this variation owes not only to the fact that the ‘national’ elements of national-neoliberalism had protections against the bond markets. While this factor was indeed critical, the resilience of Hungarian national-neoliberalism seems to have been made possible by the fact that its proponents could manage a broader social bloc and deploy techno-political capabilities that bolstered their political power relative to that of challengers. In contrast, the challengers to orthodox ("globalist") neoliberalism did not posess these characteristics in Romania. As such, the paper rejects the hypothesis of a nationalist-heterodox successor to neoliberalism and takes a first cut at a theory of policy resilience for national-neoliberalism.
随着一些东欧和中欧国家民族主义和民粹主义的兴起,新自由主义面临挑战,是否出现了后新自由主义政策体制?为什么这些挑战新自由主义的政治组织在一些国家得以延续,而在另一些国家却没有?通过从匈牙利和罗马尼亚的制度、政治和经济现实中挑选出的一手和一手资料,本文提出了两个主张。首先,这篇文章认为,这些转变已经形成了一种独特的新自由主义,可以被称为“民族新自由主义”。在其核心,人们会发现新自由主义正统的旧目标被稍微修改了一下,这些目标被嵌入了正统和非正统的经济政策工具和制度的保护性茧中。本文的第二个主张是,国家新自由主义计划的政治组织在匈牙利具有弹性,但在罗马尼亚则不然。证据表明,这种差异不仅归因于国家新自由主义的“国家”因素对债券市场的保护。虽然这一因素确实至关重要,但匈牙利民族新自由主义的韧性似乎是由于其支持者能够管理更广泛的社会集团,并部署技术政治能力,从而增强了他们相对于挑战者的政治力量。相比之下,正统(“全球主义”)新自由主义的挑战者在罗马尼亚不具备这些特征。因此,本文拒绝了新自由主义的民族主义-非正统继承者的假设,并对民族-新自由主义的政策弹性理论进行了初步探讨。
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引用次数: 10
Illiberal thought collectives and policy networks in Hungary and Poland 匈牙利和波兰的非自由思想集体和政策网络
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-30 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2021.1956238
A. Buzogány, Mihai Varga
ABSTRACT Focusing on the emergence of ideas and the knowledge networks involved in producing a counter-narrative to the liberal and neoliberal ideational consensus of the 1990s and 2000s, this contribution traces the intellectual trajectory of the illiberal turn in Poland and Hungary. We make use of the ideational scholarship differentiating between public philosophies, problem definitions and policy solutions to discuss how illiberal state transformation and heterodox socio-economic policies became the new paradigm that the two ruling parties PiS and Fidesz have promoted during the last decade. We suggest that the viability of PiS and Fidesz’s policies was largely conditioned by the increasing influence of conservative networks in the public sphere which prepared the grounds for these reforms. The contribution discusses the main intellectual actors, structures, and ideas paving the way and legitimizing illiberalism in the two countries.
摘要这篇文章聚焦于思想的出现和知识网络,这些思想和知识网络参与了对20世纪90年代和21世纪初自由主义和新自由主义思想共识的反叙事,追溯了波兰和匈牙利非自由主义转变的智识轨迹。我们利用区分公共哲学、问题定义和政策解决方案的概念学术来讨论非自由国家转型和非正统社会经济政策如何成为两个执政党PiS和Fidesz在过去十年中推动的新范式。我们认为,PiS和Fidesz政策的可行性在很大程度上取决于保守派网络在公共领域日益增长的影响力,这为这些改革奠定了基础。这篇文章讨论了为两国非自由主义铺平道路并使其合法化的主要知识分子、结构和思想。
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引用次数: 10
‘Anti-liberal Europe’, an opposing narrative to normative power Europe in the Eastern neighbourhood? The case of Georgia “反自由主义的欧洲”,一个与东欧规范力量欧洲相反的叙事?格鲁吉亚的情况
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-28 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2021.1956240
Ana Andguladze
ABSTRACT In recent years Georgia saw the rise of anti-liberal, far-right powers, comprised of political parties, societal groups, and media outlets, that found solid ground in exploiting the conflict over values in a predominantly conservative and religious society. While the literature focuses on how different ‘non-democratic regional powers’ are countering against efforts of Western democracy promotion, including by empowering anti-liberal actors in neighbouring countries, less attention has been paid to the importance of transnational diffusion of ideas from Europe's promoters of ‘illiberal democracies’ beyond the European Union. This article shows how Georgia's anti-liberal domestic actors have found the ‘anti-liberal Europe’ as a powerful narrative to pit against ‘normative power Europe.’ Drawing on frame analysis and analysing how two online outlets have reported about Europe/the European Union from January 2018 to August 2020, this article sheds light on how ultranationalist online media outlets in Georgia are diffusing anti-liberal narratives about Europe, aimed at building a counter-model, an anti-liberal vision pitted against normative power Europe.
近年来,格鲁吉亚出现了由政党、社会团体和媒体组成的反自由主义极右翼势力,他们在一个以保守和宗教为主的社会中利用价值观冲突找到了坚实的基础。虽然文献关注的是不同的“非民主地区大国”如何抵制西方民主推广的努力,包括授权邻国的反自由主义行动者,但很少有人关注欧盟以外欧洲“非自由民主”倡导者的思想跨国传播的重要性。本文展示了格鲁吉亚反自由主义的国内行动者如何将“反自由主义的欧洲”作为对抗“规范性权力欧洲”的有力叙事。通过框架分析和分析两家网络媒体从2018年1月到2020年8月对欧洲/欧盟的报道,本文揭示了格鲁吉亚极端民族主义网络媒体如何传播关于欧洲的反自由主义叙事,旨在建立一个反模式,一个与规范权力欧洲对立的反自由主义愿景。
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引用次数: 0
Anti-liberal ideas and institutional change in Central and Eastern Europe 中欧和东欧的反自由主义思想和制度变革
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-26 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2021.1956236
R. Coman, Clara Volintiru
ABSTRACT Three decades since the collapse of communism in Central and Eastern Europe, the ideal of liberal democracy is under considerable strain. Recent developments in the region show that democratic institutions do not only evolve and consolidate, but they can also decay. The article intends to provide a comprehensive theoretical account to shed light on the ongoing multifaceted and multi-layered processes of change in the region. Drawing on the literature on the role of ideas and on the body of research explaining ongoing transformations in Central and Eastern Europe, it conceptualises the normative core of anti-liberal ideas. It shows that this core is embedded in a set of narratives pitted against liberal democracy, which take the form of causal stories, put forward values and solutions, being ultimately used to legitimise institutional change in politics (i.e. agency and the social power structures) policies (i.e. how economic nationalism alters the neoliberal model) and the polity (i.e. the rules of the political game). This conceptual map, which is derived inductively from the literature, is meant to guide future empirical studies and theory building exercises seeking to understand institutional change in the region and beyond.
摘要共产主义在中欧和东欧崩溃三十年后,自由民主的理想面临着巨大的压力。该地区最近的事态发展表明,民主体制不仅在发展和巩固,而且还可能衰落。这篇文章旨在提供一个全面的理论说明,以阐明该地区正在进行的多方面和多层次的变革进程。它借鉴了关于思想作用的文献和解释中欧和东欧正在进行的变革的研究成果,概念化了反自由主义思想的规范核心。它表明,这一核心嵌入了一系列反对自由民主的叙事中,这些叙事以因果故事的形式提出了价值观和解决方案,最终被用来使政治(即机构和社会权力结构)政策(即经济民族主义如何改变新自由主义模式)和政体(即政治游戏规则)的制度变革合法化。这张概念图是从文献中归纳得出的,旨在指导未来的实证研究和理论构建工作,以了解该地区及其他地区的制度变化。
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引用次数: 9
The shaping power of anti-liberal ideas 反自由主义思想的塑造力
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-26 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2021.1956244
R. Coman, Valentin Behr, Jan Beyer
ABSTRACT This special issue sheds light on the shift from consensus over democracy and liberal values to increased dissensus. With a focus on Central and Eastern Europe, it explores the nature and the origins of anti-liberal ideas and their diffusion beyond the EU. While anti-liberal ideas are not new per se, this special issue shows how in recent years they have re-emerged, being invoked by a wide range of political and social actors who seek to translate them into policy solutions and by the same token to change the foundations of national polities, policies and politics.
这期特刊揭示了从对民主和自由价值观的共识到日益增加的分歧的转变。本书以中欧和东欧为重点,探讨了反自由主义思想的本质和起源,以及它们在欧盟以外的传播。虽然反自由主义思想本身并不新鲜,但本期特刊显示了近年来它们是如何重新出现的,被广泛的政治和社会行动者所引用,他们试图将它们转化为政策解决方案,并以此改变国家政治、政策和政治的基础。
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引用次数: 3
Constitutional politics and populist conservatism: the contrasting cases of Poland and Romania 宪法政治与民粹主义保守主义:波兰与罗马尼亚的比较
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-22 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2021.1956243
Paul Blokker
ABSTRACT The constitution-making processes and trajectories of the East-Central European democracies have been more challenging than often supposed. Consolidation allegedly rests on the ‘liberal consensus’ that emerged after communism. This consensus has been much less robust and widespread than often believed and has increasingly been confronted with illiberal counter-forces. The article contributes to a critical discussion of constitution-making and constitutional politics in the context of the forceful (re-)emergence of conservative, populist forces in the region. The aim is to demonstrate that, first, constitutional politics in post-communist societies have involved significant, ‘post-consolidation’ forms of contestation throughout the post-1989 period. Second, the article shows that anti-liberal, conservative-populist positions have played substantial but rather variegated roles in different societies. In the most frequently discussed cases, conservative populist forces have mobilized to start an illiberal counter-revolution. In others, largely understudied, such a ‘revolution’ seems hardly in the making, even if the political conflict is evident.
摘要:中东欧民主国家的宪法制定过程和轨迹比通常想象的更具挑战性。据称,合并建立在共产主义之后出现的“自由主义共识”之上。这种共识远没有人们通常认为的那么有力和广泛,而且越来越多地面临着不自由的反作用力。这篇文章有助于在该地区保守民粹主义势力强势(重新)出现的背景下,对宪法制定和宪法政治进行批判性讨论。其目的是证明,首先,后共产主义社会的宪法政治在整个1989年后时期都涉及重大的“后巩固”形式的争论。其次,文章表明,反自由、保守的民粹主义立场在不同的社会中发挥了实质性但相当多样化的作用。在最常被讨论的案例中,保守的民粹主义力量动员起来,开始了一场不自由的反革命。在另一些研究不足的国家,即使政治冲突显而易见,这样的“革命”似乎也很难形成。
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引用次数: 3
Towards a transnational and social history of anti-liberalism. Insights from the trajectory of Ryszard Legutko 走向反自由主义的跨国和社会历史。Ryszard Legutko的发展轨迹
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-20 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2021.1956237
Valentin Behr
ABSTRACT The ideological roots of the democratic backslide in Central Europe have rarely been linked to the reconfigurations of the conservative right in Europe and in the United States. Here an attempt is made to fill this gap by retracing Ryszard Legutko’s social trajectory and political activities since the 1980s. A founder of one of Poland’s main conservative think tanks and a member of the European Parliament from the Law and Justice party, Legutko has played a key role in the intellectual structuring of Polish conservatives. He also has become one of the leading figures in an emerging anti-liberal Internationale. Drawing on the analytical framework of Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory, I study Legutko’s social properties in relation with the structure of the fields – intellectual and political, Polish and transnational – in which he has been involved since the 1980s. Examining the contexts of the production and reception of Legutko’s writings, I propose a nuanced geography of transnational intellectual exchanges, emphasizing that ideas can circulate from the ‘semi-periphery’ to the ‘core’, under certain conditions. The article thus provides new insights into the ways in which some fractions of the right have redefined their ideology along anti-liberal stances.
中欧民主倒退的意识形态根源很少与欧洲和美国保守右翼的重组联系在一起。在这里,我们试图通过追溯Ryszard Legutko自20世纪80年代以来的社会轨迹和政治活动来填补这一空白。Legutko是波兰主要保守派智库之一的创始人,也是法律与正义党的欧洲议会议员,他在波兰保守派的思想结构中发挥了关键作用。他也成为了一个新兴的反自由国际运动的领军人物之一。根据皮埃尔·布迪厄领域理论的分析框架,我研究了勒古特科自20世纪80年代以来参与的领域结构——知识和政治、波兰和跨国——的社会属性。通过考察莱古特科作品的产生和接受的背景,我提出了跨国知识交流的微妙地理,强调在某些条件下,思想可以从“半边缘”传播到“核心”。因此,这篇文章为一些右翼分子以反自由主义立场重新定义意识形态的方式提供了新的见解。
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引用次数: 8
Immoral morality: gender and sexuality politics, right-wing populism and church-state relations in Macedonia under Nikola Gruevski (2006–2016)* 不道德道德:尼古拉·格鲁埃夫斯基领导下的马其顿的性别与性政治、右翼民粹主义与政教关系(2006-2016)*
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-20 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2021.1956242
Jan Beyer
ABSTRACT Recently we have witnessed ferocious attacks on gender and sexuality across Eastern Europe. Governments headed by right-wing populist parties have taken a particularly prominent role in the backlash against progressive gender norms. By studying how one of these right-wing populist governments, the administration of Nikola Gruevski in Macedonia, came to embrace regressive gender and sexuality policies, this article shows the following. Firstly, it illustrates how right-wing populism provides ideas and discursive mechanisms for the legitimization of attacks on progressive gender legislation. Secondly, it depicts how, in the Macedonian case, the embrace of these illiberal ideas and discourses was a part of a wider strategy to re-shape church-state relations. The article examines how the government and the church not only converged in their rhetoric concerning gender and sexuality politics but how both entities increasingly fostered an exchange of mobilization and political resources. Finally, by outlining avenues for future research, it delineates how parts of the Macedonian experience might hold lessons for Eastern Europe at large.
最近,我们在东欧目睹了对性别和性行为的猛烈攻击。右翼民粹主义政党领导的政府在反对进步的性别规范方面发挥了特别突出的作用。通过研究其中一个右翼民粹主义政府——马其顿的尼古拉·格鲁埃夫斯基(Nikola Gruevski)政府是如何接受倒退的性别和性取向政策的,本文展示了以下内容。首先,它说明了右翼民粹主义如何为攻击进步性别立法的合法化提供了思想和话语机制。其次,它描述了在马其顿的情况下,对这些非自由主义思想和话语的拥抱是如何成为重塑政教关系的更广泛战略的一部分。本文考察了政府和教会如何不仅在关于性别和性政治的言论上趋同,而且两个实体如何越来越多地促进动员和政治资源的交换。最后,通过概述未来研究的途径,它描绘了马其顿的部分经验如何为整个东欧提供教训。
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引用次数: 1
From organisational learning and knowledge acquisition to the learning organisation: the case of the European Commission through DG DEVCO 从组织学习和知识获取到学习型组织:欧盟委员会通过DG DEVCO的案例
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-18 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2021.1953308
Ileana Daniela Serban
ABSTRACT The current article looks at types of organisational learning and connects them with knowledge acquisition processes and governance arrangements. Conceptually, it contributes by placing organisational learning within the broader context of knowledge production and governance. Moreover, it questions the learning organisation concept by showing that depending on the type of organisational learning, we may witness or not the emergence of learning organisations. Empirically, the analysis proceeds by applying the proposed theoretical lenses to the case of the European Commission’s learning journey, and more specifically to the case of the Directorate-General for International Cooperation and Development (DG DEVCO). While accounting for the evolution of DG DEVCO towards an evidence-based organisation and the still missing elements for becoming a learning organisation, the analysis shows that learning organisation as an institutional label should be used carefully and applied only when specific organisational learning sources are used, in relation to specific processes of knowledge acquisition and governance arrangements.
当前的文章着眼于组织学习的类型,并将它们与知识获取过程和治理安排联系起来。从概念上讲,它通过将组织学习置于知识生产和治理的更广泛背景中来做出贡献。此外,它对学习型组织概念提出了质疑,表明根据组织学习的类型,我们可能会看到学习型组织的出现,也可能不会。从经验上看,本文通过将提出的理论视角应用于欧盟委员会的学习之旅,更具体地应用于国际合作与发展总局(DG DEVCO)的案例来进行分析。考虑到DG DEVCO向循证组织的演变,以及成为学习型组织仍然缺少的要素,分析表明学习型组织作为一个机构标签应该谨慎使用,并且只有在使用特定的组织学习资源时,与知识获取和治理安排的特定过程有关。
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引用次数: 4
Labour and left-wing parties’ programmatic orientations: salience, valence and the impact of the Great Recession 工党和左翼政党的纲领取向:显著性、效价和大衰退的影响
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-07 DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2021.1935579
M. Lisi
ABSTRACT The steady weakening of the relationship between parties and civil society, in particular trade unions, has been the subject of considerable research. The same cannot be said, however, of the programmatic salience assigned by political parties to labour issues. This paper aims to explore how different party families relate to labour through a quantitative and qualitative approach. First, data from the MARPOR/Comparative Manifestos Project is used to compare the relative salience of labour in distinct party families, thus allowing us to analyse trends over time and across countries. Second, we focus on Southern Europe, before and after the crisis, to conduct a qualitative analysis of left-of-centre party positions toward labour. The findings suggest that labour issues are less salient in contemporary party platforms and that the mainstream left depoliticised this dimension of competition over the last decades. The historical links between parties and trade unions, the ideological legacies of left-of-centre parties and electoral pressures are the main factors that explain variations of party positions toward labour.
政党与民间社会,特别是工会之间关系的不断削弱,一直是大量研究的主题。然而,政党对劳工问题的纲领性重视程度却不尽相同。本文旨在通过定量和定性的方法探讨不同党派家庭与劳动力的关系。首先,MARPOR/比较宣言项目的数据用于比较不同政党家庭中劳动力的相对突出程度,从而使我们能够分析一段时间内和不同国家的趋势。其次,我们关注危机前后的南欧,对中左翼政党对工党的立场进行定性分析。研究结果表明,劳工问题在当代政党纲领中不那么突出,而且在过去几十年中,主流左翼将这一竞争层面非政治化。政党和工会之间的历史联系、中间偏左政党的意识形态遗产和选举压力是解释政党对劳工立场变化的主要因素。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
European Politics and Society
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