Pub Date : 2022-05-17DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2074398
A. Matveeva
ABSTRACT Without negating geopolitics, the developments in the breakaway entities of Donbas post-cessation of active war; and the fate of the dominant policy options for resolving the conflict need to be understood to explain the missing piece in the puzzle of Russia's choice for war in 2022. These territories were unable to evolve into viable socio-economic and political entities. The conflict never ended, and was spiralling by 2021; corruption was rampant; while professionalising the ‘self-defence forces' was an uphill task. Deindustrialising trends and food insecurity prompted population flight and left the areas dependant on Russian support. Ukrainian government continued with military hostilities and an economic blockade, denuding support for Ukrainian unity. These factors together with COVID movement restrictions pushed the population along an irredentist pathway: seeking integration with Russia. In the light of these changes, the dominant policy options that had previously been conceived as potential solutions fared differently. The idea that Donbas would become the viable example of Russian World failed. The option of re-joining a ‘reformed Ukraine’ failed because Ukraine moved in different direction, also pursuing security agenda considered hostile by Russia. Eventually, recognition and incorporation into Russia appeared as the only prospect left, and triggered a policy pivot.
{"title":"Donbas: the post-Soviet conflict that changed Europe","authors":"A. Matveeva","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2074398","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2074398","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 Without negating geopolitics, the developments in the breakaway entities of Donbas post-cessation of active war; and the fate of the dominant policy options for resolving the conflict need to be understood to explain the missing piece in the puzzle of Russia's choice for war in 2022. These territories were unable to evolve into viable socio-economic and political entities. The conflict never ended, and was spiralling by 2021; corruption was rampant; while professionalising the ‘self-defence forces' was an uphill task. Deindustrialising trends and food insecurity prompted population flight and left the areas dependant on Russian support. Ukrainian government continued with military hostilities and an economic blockade, denuding support for Ukrainian unity. These factors together with COVID movement restrictions pushed the population along an irredentist pathway: seeking integration with Russia. In the light of these changes, the dominant policy options that had previously been conceived as potential solutions fared differently. The idea that Donbas would become the viable example of Russian World failed. The option of re-joining a ‘reformed Ukraine’ failed because Ukraine moved in different direction, also pursuing security agenda considered hostile by Russia. Eventually, recognition and incorporation into Russia appeared as the only prospect left, and triggered a policy pivot.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":"23 1","pages":"410 - 441"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41821456","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-11DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2074652
I. Vlase, Ionela Băluță
ABSTRACT This paper explores the gendered assessment of political leadership in Romania. Using recent survey data obtained from a nationally representative sample, we found that men and women are unevenly impacted by various individual, household, and socio-cultural variables that have an unequal influence on their support for the cultural belief that men make better political leaders than women do. Our findings suggest that women’s stereotypical view of male leadership is eroded mostly by education, the presence of older children in the household, and upholding a feminist agenda. For men, only the category of those with tertiary education has a lower likelihood to believe in this stereotype, compared with the reference category of men with secondary education or below. In addition, men are less inclined to support this cultural belief when they choose reading as first leisure preference as compared to men privileging other leisure activities, while for women this relationship has not been identified. A higher income of respondents as compared to their spouses’/partners’ income reinforces the cultural stereotype of men as natural political leaders among male respondents, while for women a positive association is found in relationship with their partners undertaking masculine activities such as fixing things around the house.
{"title":"Women on the margins of political power. Drivers of the gendered assessment of political leadership in Romania","authors":"I. Vlase, Ionela Băluță","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2074652","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2074652","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 This paper explores the gendered assessment of political leadership in Romania. Using recent survey data obtained from a nationally representative sample, we found that men and women are unevenly impacted by various individual, household, and socio-cultural variables that have an unequal influence on their support for the cultural belief that men make better political leaders than women do. Our findings suggest that women’s stereotypical view of male leadership is eroded mostly by education, the presence of older children in the household, and upholding a feminist agenda. For men, only the category of those with tertiary education has a lower likelihood to believe in this stereotype, compared with the reference category of men with secondary education or below. In addition, men are less inclined to support this cultural belief when they choose reading as first leisure preference as compared to men privileging other leisure activities, while for women this relationship has not been identified. A higher income of respondents as compared to their spouses’/partners’ income reinforces the cultural stereotype of men as natural political leaders among male respondents, while for women a positive association is found in relationship with their partners undertaking masculine activities such as fixing things around the house.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46491562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-06DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2065725
M. Steven, A. Szczerbiak
After the 2019 European Parliament (EP) election, the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) party grouping experienced a major change in its representation and leadership, with the wholescale departure of its core British Conservative MEPs. Yet the ECR remained an important and coherent transnational party federation in Strasbourg, acting as a strong voice for conservatism in Europe as distinct from Christian Democracy and the radical right. With large numbers of MEPs from Poland ’ s Law and Justice (PiS) party within the grouping, there was also much continuity with policies that were opposed to ‘ ever closer union ’ , in favour of business and the single market and also of the wider role of the USA and NATO in international relations. Often written o ff as merely a ‘ Eurosceptic ’ faction, the start of the 2019 – 2024 EP session saw the grouping consolidate its in fl uence and pro fi le in EU a ff airs as a distinctive right-of-centre party in the Hemicycle.
{"title":"Conservatism and ‘Eurorealism’ in the European Parliament: the European Conservatives and Reformists under the leadership of Poland’s Law and Justice","authors":"M. Steven, A. Szczerbiak","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2065725","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2065725","url":null,"abstract":"After the 2019 European Parliament (EP) election, the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) party grouping experienced a major change in its representation and leadership, with the wholescale departure of its core British Conservative MEPs. Yet the ECR remained an important and coherent transnational party federation in Strasbourg, acting as a strong voice for conservatism in Europe as distinct from Christian Democracy and the radical right. With large numbers of MEPs from Poland ’ s Law and Justice (PiS) party within the grouping, there was also much continuity with policies that were opposed to ‘ ever closer union ’ , in favour of business and the single market and also of the wider role of the USA and NATO in international relations. Often written o ff as merely a ‘ Eurosceptic ’ faction, the start of the 2019 – 2024 EP session saw the grouping consolidate its in fl uence and pro fi le in EU a ff airs as a distinctive right-of-centre party in the Hemicycle.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46002993","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-28DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2068788
Steve Wood
ABSTRACT An avoidance of overt status-seeking behaviour contrasts the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) with many other states. Does the FRG desire international status? Is it substantially different? This article contends that the FRG appreciates status and acquired it through economic and civil achievement, and relatively subtle diplomatic and political means. It does not engage in blatant status pursuit nor ostentatiously impress that which it has. Yet there are rarer examples of more robust status defence, lending insight into an evolving national persona. The article explores the status concept and variations in status as a political motivation. It then examines the FRG in general and specific contexts: sport, the goal of a permanent UNSC seat, and bilateral relations with the USA.
{"title":"Status and the Federal Republic of Germany: an international exception?","authors":"Steve Wood","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2068788","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2068788","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT An avoidance of overt status-seeking behaviour contrasts the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) with many other states. Does the FRG desire international status? Is it substantially different? This article contends that the FRG appreciates status and acquired it through economic and civil achievement, and relatively subtle diplomatic and political means. It does not engage in blatant status pursuit nor ostentatiously impress that which it has. Yet there are rarer examples of more robust status defence, lending insight into an evolving national persona. The article explores the status concept and variations in status as a political motivation. It then examines the FRG in general and specific contexts: sport, the goal of a permanent UNSC seat, and bilateral relations with the USA.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47724122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-20DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2063229
M. Skrzypek
ABSTRACT After the economic collapse in 2008, we observed rapid changes among media markets, digital transformation of information, and the increasing role of social networks in communication, anti-democratic forces use the freedom of speech and the press to share illiberal rhetoric. Considering these phenomena, this study aims to verify how ruling elites use militant democracy means in consolidated democracies to combat anti-democrats by restricting citizens’ fundamental freedoms to express their thoughts and beliefs. The main argument is that different threats for the freedom of speech and the press have occurred in a consolidated democracy: abusing regulations about hate speech crimes and public incitement to hatred, political interventions in the media system, violating relations between the media market and political system, favouring public media and avoiding using restrictions against them. The scope of those threats is different, resulting from using neo-militant instruments or replacing them with quasi-militant democracy means. The methods employed for the analysis are the qualitative analysis of sources and the quantitative analysis of data in the comparative perspective. Austria, Finland, and Sweden – three EU member states recognised as consolidated democracies, with a democratic corporatist model of media systems – were selected for the study.
{"title":"Between neo-militant and quasi-militant democracy: restrictions on freedoms of speech and the press in Austria, Finland, and Sweden 2008–2019","authors":"M. Skrzypek","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2063229","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2063229","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT After the economic collapse in 2008, we observed rapid changes among media markets, digital transformation of information, and the increasing role of social networks in communication, anti-democratic forces use the freedom of speech and the press to share illiberal rhetoric. Considering these phenomena, this study aims to verify how ruling elites use militant democracy means in consolidated democracies to combat anti-democrats by restricting citizens’ fundamental freedoms to express their thoughts and beliefs. The main argument is that different threats for the freedom of speech and the press have occurred in a consolidated democracy: abusing regulations about hate speech crimes and public incitement to hatred, political interventions in the media system, violating relations between the media market and political system, favouring public media and avoiding using restrictions against them. The scope of those threats is different, resulting from using neo-militant instruments or replacing them with quasi-militant democracy means. The methods employed for the analysis are the qualitative analysis of sources and the quantitative analysis of data in the comparative perspective. Austria, Finland, and Sweden – three EU member states recognised as consolidated democracies, with a democratic corporatist model of media systems – were selected for the study.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":"24 1","pages":"552 - 571"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60110232","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-17DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2064623
Giray Gozgor
ABSTRACT This paper investigates the impact of labour market flexibility on the share of right-wing populism votes within a balanced panel dataset of 21 European Union countries between 1995 and 2020. The findings indicate that greater labour market flexibility leads to an increase in populist votes. The evidence is robust to various sensitivity analyses, i.e. utilising different econometric techniques, including various controls (e.g. the role of globalisation), and excluding outliers.
{"title":"Amplifying impact of labour market flexibility on right-wing populism in the EU countries","authors":"Giray Gozgor","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2064623","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2064623","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 This paper investigates the impact of labour market flexibility on the share of right-wing populism votes within a balanced panel dataset of 21 European Union countries between 1995 and 2020. The findings indicate that greater labour market flexibility leads to an increase in populist votes. The evidence is robust to various sensitivity analyses, i.e. utilising different econometric techniques, including various controls (e.g. the role of globalisation), and excluding outliers.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42716561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-17DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2058753
M. Griffini
ABSTRACT This paper draws attention to the role of colonial memory in the Italian populist radical right. Italy’s colonial past has been long confined on the fringes of memory in Italian politics and in the Italian public debate. While recent academic attention has been devoted to the selective colonial memory transpiring from Italian cultural products, scarce attention has been paid to colonial memory in contemporary Italian political parties’ discourse. Therefore, by applying Critical Discourse Analysis to semi-structured interviews with Italian populist radical right representatives from the Lega and Fratelli d’Italia (FdI), this paper aims at investigating which role colonial memory plays in these parties’ discourse. This paper argues that the Lega and FdI reproduce colonial discourse in constructing the image of the contemporary immigrant Other. At the same time, they forge a selective memory of Italy’s colonial past, cleansed from its most controversial aspects.
{"title":"‘How can you feel guilty for colonialism? it is a folly’: colonial memory in the Italian populist radical right","authors":"M. Griffini","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2058753","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2058753","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper draws attention to the role of colonial memory in the Italian populist radical right. Italy’s colonial past has been long confined on the fringes of memory in Italian politics and in the Italian public debate. While recent academic attention has been devoted to the selective colonial memory transpiring from Italian cultural products, scarce attention has been paid to colonial memory in contemporary Italian political parties’ discourse. Therefore, by applying Critical Discourse Analysis to semi-structured interviews with Italian populist radical right representatives from the Lega and Fratelli d’Italia (FdI), this paper aims at investigating which role colonial memory plays in these parties’ discourse. This paper argues that the Lega and FdI reproduce colonial discourse in constructing the image of the contemporary immigrant Other. At the same time, they forge a selective memory of Italy’s colonial past, cleansed from its most controversial aspects.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":"24 1","pages":"477 - 493"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42692659","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-07DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2058754
Marc Esteve-del-Valle, Julia Costa López
ABSTRACT This paper brings together the literature on far right parties, medievalism and opinion leadership in order to more closely interrogate the memory politics of the far right. We address two broad questions: what does the mobilization of distant-past events do in far right discourse? And how do these memories circulate online? We unpack one specific case study: the mobilization of the topic ‘La Reconquista’ (The Reconquest) among the computer-mediated networks of one Europe’s newest national-populist parties: Spain’s VOX. First, we show three strategies through which the Reconquest trope reproduced a conservative historiography that creates a transhistorical, exclusionary and Catholic Spanish nation: the creation of memory sites, the glorification of heroes and a specifically antagonistic memory. Second, we show that the one-word nature of the historical narrative, through its Twitter circulation, gave it a crucial ability to mobilize in the context of an election. Finally, drawing from opinion leader theory we show how these Reconquest narratives were put forward by traditional elite actors such as political parties and newspapers, but relied on the role of ordinary citizens to spread and circulate.
{"title":"Reconquest 2.0: the Spanish far right and the mobilization of historical memory during the 2019 elections","authors":"Marc Esteve-del-Valle, Julia Costa López","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2058754","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2058754","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper brings together the literature on far right parties, medievalism and opinion leadership in order to more closely interrogate the memory politics of the far right. We address two broad questions: what does the mobilization of distant-past events do in far right discourse? And how do these memories circulate online? We unpack one specific case study: the mobilization of the topic ‘La Reconquista’ (The Reconquest) among the computer-mediated networks of one Europe’s newest national-populist parties: Spain’s VOX. First, we show three strategies through which the Reconquest trope reproduced a conservative historiography that creates a transhistorical, exclusionary and Catholic Spanish nation: the creation of memory sites, the glorification of heroes and a specifically antagonistic memory. Second, we show that the one-word nature of the historical narrative, through its Twitter circulation, gave it a crucial ability to mobilize in the context of an election. Finally, drawing from opinion leader theory we show how these Reconquest narratives were put forward by traditional elite actors such as political parties and newspapers, but relied on the role of ordinary citizens to spread and circulate.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":"24 1","pages":"494 - 517"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46267450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2058751
Daniel Rueda
ABSTRACT Contrary to what common sense suggests, the meaning of historical figures and events is not fixed once and for ever. Instead, the battle over history plays an important role at an identity-building and political competition level, thus becoming what post-structuralist literature refers to as ‘a site of struggle’. This article intends to study such aspects of history through the analysis of Rassemblement National and its leader, Marine Le Pen. It shows how French history is not only of interest to historians and educated citizens but also of political parties. Moreover, the article aims to be a study of the relationship between the contemporary far-right and the past.
{"title":"A certain idea of France’s past: Marine Le Pen’s history wars","authors":"Daniel Rueda","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2058751","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2058751","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Contrary to what common sense suggests, the meaning of historical figures and events is not fixed once and for ever. Instead, the battle over history plays an important role at an identity-building and political competition level, thus becoming what post-structuralist literature refers to as ‘a site of struggle’. This article intends to study such aspects of history through the analysis of Rassemblement National and its leader, Marine Le Pen. It shows how French history is not only of interest to historians and educated citizens but also of political parties. Moreover, the article aims to be a study of the relationship between the contemporary far-right and the past.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":"24 1","pages":"445 - 460"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46761032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2022.2058756
Sabine Volk
ABSTRACT This article contributes to cultural approaches to populism, focusing on the uses of memory in far-right protest politics. Conceptually, it develops a novel approach to memory politics suitable to investigate the uses of memory in grassroots mobilization by integrating scholarship on ‘the politics of memory’ and the ‘movement-memory nexus’. Also, it argues for the conceptualization of populism as a collective action frame to explain the emergence and persistence of populist street mobilization. Methodologically, the article draws from the critical case study of the Dresden-based ‘Patriotic Europeans against the Islamization of the Occident’ (PEGIDA), one of contemporary Europe’s most sustained instances of populist far-right protest. Based on the interpretive analysis of original ethnographic data generated in demonstrations in Dresden in 2019-20, it shows how PEGIDA deploys controversial reinterpretations of regional, national, and European history to sustain the populist master frame of ‘resistance against dictatorship’, articulating the antagonism between ‘the people’ and ‘the elites’ as a long-standing struggle of democracy against leftist totalitarianism. Uncovering the many ways in which PEGIDA strategically mobilizes the past, the analysis emphasizes the constitutive relationship between culture and populist protest, and demonstrates the dovetailing of populist and far-right ideational elements in grassroots mobilization.
{"title":"Resisting ‘leftist dictatorship’? Memory politics and collective action framing in populist far-right street protest","authors":"Sabine Volk","doi":"10.1080/23745118.2022.2058756","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2022.2058756","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 This article contributes to cultural approaches to populism, focusing on the uses of memory in far-right protest politics. Conceptually, it develops a novel approach to memory politics suitable to investigate the uses of memory in grassroots mobilization by integrating scholarship on ‘the politics of memory’ and the ‘movement-memory nexus’. Also, it argues for the conceptualization of populism as a collective action frame to explain the emergence and persistence of populist street mobilization. Methodologically, the article draws from the critical case study of the Dresden-based ‘Patriotic Europeans against the Islamization of the Occident’ (PEGIDA), one of contemporary Europe’s most sustained instances of populist far-right protest. Based on the interpretive analysis of original ethnographic data generated in demonstrations in Dresden in 2019-20, it shows how PEGIDA deploys controversial reinterpretations of regional, national, and European history to sustain the populist master frame of ‘resistance against dictatorship’, articulating the antagonism between ‘the people’ and ‘the elites’ as a long-standing struggle of democracy against leftist totalitarianism. Uncovering the many ways in which PEGIDA strategically mobilizes the past, the analysis emphasizes the constitutive relationship between culture and populist protest, and demonstrates the dovetailing of populist and far-right ideational elements in grassroots mobilization.","PeriodicalId":53479,"journal":{"name":"European Politics and Society","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49335262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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