Abstract:This article examines the development of Myanmar’s national ideology and political socialization, and the role of the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) in this process. The central argument is that Myanmar has had four dominant stages in the development of its national ideology, while the fifth is ongoing. The first stage, “Freedom at All Costs,” occurred during colonialism. After independence, the second phase was characterized by the belief in a politico-economic system based on principles of justice, liberty, and equality, whose essence is captured in the term “Democratic Socialism.” The third stage, “the Burmese Way to Socialism” was declared in 1962. The fourth, “Our Three National Causes,” developed during the State Law and Order Restoration Council. The Council, promulgated in the 2008 constitution, guaranteed the Tatmadaw’s leading role in national politics in order to establish a disciplined democracy. The fifth stage is an ongoing process of national reconciliation or peace led by State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi’s government, an effort that started in 2011 under President Thein Sein’s government. In this process, the fourth stage of national ideology, “Our Three National Causes,” is still vital to upholding the principles for a future democratic federal union. In each of these developmental contexts, the Tatmadaw has been central in the prescription, implementation, and socialization process of these ideologies.
摘要:本文考察了缅甸国家意识形态和政治社会化的发展，以及缅甸武装部队在这一过程中的作用。核心论点是，缅甸在其国家意识形态的发展中经历了四个主要阶段，而第五个阶段仍在进行中。第一阶段，“不惜一切代价获得自由”，发生在殖民主义时期。独立后，第二阶段的特点是对建立在正义、自由和平等原则基础上的政治经济制度的信仰，其本质可以用“民主社会主义”一词来概括。第三阶段，即1962年宣布的“缅甸式社会主义”。第四，“我们的三大民族事业”，是在国家恢复法律和秩序委员会期间发展起来的。该委员会在2008年宪法中颁布，保证了武装部队在国家政治中的领导作用，以建立一个有纪律的民主国家。第五阶段是国家参赞昂山素季(Aung San Suu Kyi)政府领导的民族和解或和平进程，这一努力始于2011年吴登盛(Thein Sein)总统领导的政府。在这个过程中，国家意识形态的第四个阶段，即“我们的三个民族事业”，对于维护未来民主联邦联盟的原则仍然至关重要。在每一种发展背景下，武装部队都是这些意识形态的制定、实施和社会化过程的中心。
{"title":"The Development of National Ideology in Myanmar: Political Socialization and the Role of the Tatmadaw since the Second World War","authors":"Ye Phone Kyaw","doi":"10.1353/jbs.2020.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jbs.2020.0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article examines the development of Myanmar’s national ideology and political socialization, and the role of the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) in this process. The central argument is that Myanmar has had four dominant stages in the development of its national ideology, while the fifth is ongoing. The first stage, “Freedom at All Costs,” occurred during colonialism. After independence, the second phase was characterized by the belief in a politico-economic system based on principles of justice, liberty, and equality, whose essence is captured in the term “Democratic Socialism.” The third stage, “the Burmese Way to Socialism” was declared in 1962. The fourth, “Our Three National Causes,” developed during the State Law and Order Restoration Council. The Council, promulgated in the 2008 constitution, guaranteed the Tatmadaw’s leading role in national politics in order to establish a disciplined democracy. The fifth stage is an ongoing process of national reconciliation or peace led by State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi’s government, an effort that started in 2011 under President Thein Sein’s government. In this process, the fourth stage of national ideology, “Our Three National Causes,” is still vital to upholding the principles for a future democratic federal union. In each of these developmental contexts, the Tatmadaw has been central in the prescription, implementation, and socialization process of these ideologies.","PeriodicalId":53638,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Burma Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"147 - 195"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jbs.2020.0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44640180","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"About the Cover","authors":"Catherine Raymond","doi":"10.1353/jbs.2019.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jbs.2019.0014","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53638,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Burma Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jbs.2019.0014","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47010191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:In addition to being one of Myanmar's most popular tourist destinations, Inle Lake is also the country's largest tomato growing centre. As a cash crop grown year-round by Intha ethnic farmers upon the floating gardens for which the lake is renowned, the Inle tomato is not only embedded in commodity networks and flows of exchange, but also moves through a complex intersection of ecological, sociocultural and political networks. Considered symbolically, the Inle tomato represents the region whose communities, culture and livelihoods rely dependently on the lake's water. However, contemporary environmental discourses on Inle Lake's current sustainability crisis present the floating agriculture as toxic, due to the heavy use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides used to generate high yields of tomato crops. Popular environmental narratives combine these concerns with wider fears about the pressures of climate change, pollution, silt accumulation, a growing population, and the processes of dispossession, exploitation and contestation that result in order to construct Inle Lake as an ecosystem in severe threat of destruction. Based on ethnographic fieldwork completed in 2017 and 2018, this article will use object biography to explore the life of the Inle tomato and the world it inhabits in its movements through three phases of life identified as: 1) symbol; 2) seed; and 3) commodity. In doing so, this article seeks to denaturalize and complicate simplified narratives of sustainability and environmental change to question how these topics might be creatively reimagined.
{"title":"Toxic Tomatoes: Using Object Biography to Explore Inle Lake's Sustainability Crisis","authors":"Anthea Snowsill","doi":"10.1353/jbs.2020.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jbs.2020.0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In addition to being one of Myanmar's most popular tourist destinations, Inle Lake is also the country's largest tomato growing centre. As a cash crop grown year-round by Intha ethnic farmers upon the floating gardens for which the lake is renowned, the Inle tomato is not only embedded in commodity networks and flows of exchange, but also moves through a complex intersection of ecological, sociocultural and political networks. Considered symbolically, the Inle tomato represents the region whose communities, culture and livelihoods rely dependently on the lake's water. However, contemporary environmental discourses on Inle Lake's current sustainability crisis present the floating agriculture as toxic, due to the heavy use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides used to generate high yields of tomato crops. Popular environmental narratives combine these concerns with wider fears about the pressures of climate change, pollution, silt accumulation, a growing population, and the processes of dispossession, exploitation and contestation that result in order to construct Inle Lake as an ecosystem in severe threat of destruction. Based on ethnographic fieldwork completed in 2017 and 2018, this article will use object biography to explore the life of the Inle tomato and the world it inhabits in its movements through three phases of life identified as: 1) symbol; 2) seed; and 3) commodity. In doing so, this article seeks to denaturalize and complicate simplified narratives of sustainability and environmental change to question how these topics might be creatively reimagined.","PeriodicalId":53638,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Burma Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"119 - 146"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jbs.2020.0005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43792102","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article deals with the allocation of access to alluvial land (kaing" myei) and island (myei-nu'kyun" or kaing"kyun") on the Ayeyarwady River. Alluvial land, depicted as very fertile, is often the ground of disputes between neighboring settlements. Building on fieldwork in Pyitawtha, an island-village, I critically reflect on how inhabitants' gain access and maintain their access to these always-shifting lands. Focusing on empirical findings, I show that the ability of local inhabitants to access newly formed alluvial land does not reflect a mere grasping or seizing of opportunities, following land accretion and erosion, but reflects a tactical work of construction and maintenance of access. Tactics reviewed in this article include predatory attitudes, subtle compromise, the purchase of land rights and occasional collaboration with authorities. By navigating into the gaps and ambiguities of law application and anticipating on alterations and transformations in their physical environment, villagers preemptively deploy tactics to hold onto the land. A critical analysis of local land practices helps to develop a better understanding of the ways these unstable lands are actively turned into resources, becoming a constant site of possession and dispossession.
{"title":"Alluvial Tactics: Land Access and Control on the Ayeyarwady River","authors":"B. Ivars","doi":"10.1353/jbs.2020.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jbs.2020.0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article deals with the allocation of access to alluvial land (kaing\" myei) and island (myei-nu'kyun\" or kaing\"kyun\") on the Ayeyarwady River. Alluvial land, depicted as very fertile, is often the ground of disputes between neighboring settlements. Building on fieldwork in Pyitawtha, an island-village, I critically reflect on how inhabitants' gain access and maintain their access to these always-shifting lands. Focusing on empirical findings, I show that the ability of local inhabitants to access newly formed alluvial land does not reflect a mere grasping or seizing of opportunities, following land accretion and erosion, but reflects a tactical work of construction and maintenance of access. Tactics reviewed in this article include predatory attitudes, subtle compromise, the purchase of land rights and occasional collaboration with authorities. By navigating into the gaps and ambiguities of law application and anticipating on alterations and transformations in their physical environment, villagers preemptively deploy tactics to hold onto the land. A critical analysis of local land practices helps to develop a better understanding of the ways these unstable lands are actively turned into resources, becoming a constant site of possession and dispossession.","PeriodicalId":53638,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Burma Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"37 - 78"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jbs.2020.0003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44897255","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:By looking at the transmission of inheritance as a process of redefining authority and responsibility, this paper argues that what organizes land relations in the central plain of Myanmar are the dynamics of kinship and the moral and social obligations between family members. In Gawgyi, a Burmese village of Buddhists, entitlement to inheritance pervaded the organization of land relations since the precolonial period while successive state projects attempted to systemize land tenure. Saying that nobody owns the land today means that it is uncertain who will own this or that piece of land. It is a statement about the dynamics of family relationships, about the complexity of transmitting inheritance, and about how land relations have been codified. A case study shows that what makes a family – hierarchy, commensality – and the mutual obligations between its members – gratitude, care – create entitlement to property. Foregrounding the fact that land is entangled in multiple relationships, my contribution is an effort to describe how my interlocutors think about ownership in their own terms, that is, as a matter of stewardship: taking care of a patrimony for which others are also entitled. As land tenure and natural resources are increasingly debated in Myanmar in relation to law, policy and customary rights, this article revisit land relations from an anthropological perspective to highlight the complex and fragile linkages between intimate temporalities and question of access, wealth, obligation and responsibility.
{"title":"Nobody Owns the Land: How Inheritance Shapes Land Relations in the Central Plain of Myanmar","authors":"S. Huard","doi":"10.1353/jbs.2020.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jbs.2020.0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:By looking at the transmission of inheritance as a process of redefining authority and responsibility, this paper argues that what organizes land relations in the central plain of Myanmar are the dynamics of kinship and the moral and social obligations between family members. In Gawgyi, a Burmese village of Buddhists, entitlement to inheritance pervaded the organization of land relations since the precolonial period while successive state projects attempted to systemize land tenure. Saying that nobody owns the land today means that it is uncertain who will own this or that piece of land. It is a statement about the dynamics of family relationships, about the complexity of transmitting inheritance, and about how land relations have been codified. A case study shows that what makes a family – hierarchy, commensality – and the mutual obligations between its members – gratitude, care – create entitlement to property. Foregrounding the fact that land is entangled in multiple relationships, my contribution is an effort to describe how my interlocutors think about ownership in their own terms, that is, as a matter of stewardship: taking care of a patrimony for which others are also entitled. As land tenure and natural resources are increasingly debated in Myanmar in relation to law, policy and customary rights, this article revisit land relations from an anthropological perspective to highlight the complex and fragile linkages between intimate temporalities and question of access, wealth, obligation and responsibility.","PeriodicalId":53638,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Burma Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"117 - 79"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jbs.2020.0004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45523987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article examines negotiations over teak and rifle sales during the reign of King Mindon (1853–1878) to consider the relationship between religious formations and the economic control of teak in the last Burmese kingdom. This article focuses on archival documents from 1864–1865 that describe the Konbaung court's struggle to purchase Enfield Rifles from a private British merchant while the British government would not allow the guns to pass through its territory. King Mindon was finally able to buy a stockpile of rifles when he threatened to stop exporting teak—the tropical hardwood highly coveted by the British for its suitability to shipbuilding. King Mindon convinced the British that he had a special Buddhist right to reserve this particular timber for monasteries and royal buildings in Mandalay. This article argues that these Enfield-teak negotiations hinged on traditional Buddhist understandings of the king as owner of the earth (bhūmisāmika) as well as on a British practice of defining Buddhism as an elevated world religion. By studying the rhetorical strategies used in these negotiations—and in related commercial treaties and royal pronouncements—this article shows how control of material resources was established through expressions of concern for the future of Buddhism. Furthermore, this article examines documents from the archives of the American Baptist mission to Burma to reveal how the powerful teak industry worked with Buddhist and Christian institutions to promote particular political leaders, ethnic groups, and religious communities at the expense of those with less access to material resources and social mobility. This collection of Burmese, British, and American sources reveals the influence of teak in the fight for religious, political, and economic control of nineteenth-century Burma.
{"title":"Buddhist Teak and British Rifles: Religious Economics in Burma's Last Kingdom","authors":"Alexandra Kaloyanides","doi":"10.1353/jbs.2020.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jbs.2020.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article examines negotiations over teak and rifle sales during the reign of King Mindon (1853–1878) to consider the relationship between religious formations and the economic control of teak in the last Burmese kingdom. This article focuses on archival documents from 1864–1865 that describe the Konbaung court's struggle to purchase Enfield Rifles from a private British merchant while the British government would not allow the guns to pass through its territory. King Mindon was finally able to buy a stockpile of rifles when he threatened to stop exporting teak—the tropical hardwood highly coveted by the British for its suitability to shipbuilding. King Mindon convinced the British that he had a special Buddhist right to reserve this particular timber for monasteries and royal buildings in Mandalay. This article argues that these Enfield-teak negotiations hinged on traditional Buddhist understandings of the king as owner of the earth (bhūmisāmika) as well as on a British practice of defining Buddhism as an elevated world religion. By studying the rhetorical strategies used in these negotiations—and in related commercial treaties and royal pronouncements—this article shows how control of material resources was established through expressions of concern for the future of Buddhism. Furthermore, this article examines documents from the archives of the American Baptist mission to Burma to reveal how the powerful teak industry worked with Buddhist and Christian institutions to promote particular political leaders, ethnic groups, and religious communities at the expense of those with less access to material resources and social mobility. This collection of Burmese, British, and American sources reveals the influence of teak in the fight for religious, political, and economic control of nineteenth-century Burma.","PeriodicalId":53638,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Burma Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"1 - 36"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jbs.2020.0002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45917081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:In 1797 King Bodawpaya became the first Konbaung king to introduce a national coinage by issuing copper and silver coins minted in both Calcutta and Amarapura. A British envoy, Hiram Cox, delivered the Calcutta coins and additional minting equipment to Amarapura and witnessed first-hand the roll-out of the new monetary system. Deriding the effort as incompetent and avaricious, Cox's account has served as the basis for all subsequent historical and numismatic treatments. This paper examines this effort in a new light, and with the support of additional evidence uncovered in the 20th century, paints a picture far less negative than British accounts. The kingdom's efforts, arguably inadequate to the task, nonetheless demonstrated a certain degree of planning and logical action. And despite Cox's characterizations, the new coinage was apparently based upon an existing system of monetary value, resulting in coinage that continued to circulate throughout most of the 19th century.
{"title":"King Bodawpaya's Effort at a Konbaung Coinage","authors":"P. Hauret","doi":"10.1353/jbs.2019.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jbs.2019.0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In 1797 King Bodawpaya became the first Konbaung king to introduce a national coinage by issuing copper and silver coins minted in both Calcutta and Amarapura. A British envoy, Hiram Cox, delivered the Calcutta coins and additional minting equipment to Amarapura and witnessed first-hand the roll-out of the new monetary system. Deriding the effort as incompetent and avaricious, Cox's account has served as the basis for all subsequent historical and numismatic treatments. This paper examines this effort in a new light, and with the support of additional evidence uncovered in the 20th century, paints a picture far less negative than British accounts. The kingdom's efforts, arguably inadequate to the task, nonetheless demonstrated a certain degree of planning and logical action. And despite Cox's characterizations, the new coinage was apparently based upon an existing system of monetary value, resulting in coinage that continued to circulate throughout most of the 19th century.","PeriodicalId":53638,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Burma Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"253 - 283"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jbs.2019.0011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48933048","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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