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Comparative Legal History最新文献

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International law and the politics of history 国际法和历史政治
IF 1.2 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2049677X.2023.2207382
Daimeon Shanks
A proficient book review should begin with a pithy statement (better yet, an epigraph) that conveys to readers a general idea of the kind of review they are about to read and an economical summary of the debate in which the author is intervening, preferably all within the first paragraph. This mise-en-scène should then give way to a methodical march through the argument, giving enough of a précis that a graduate student may reasonably consider the book ‘read’, or for a professor to cite the author in support of this or that proposition. Only after this general summation will the reviewer engage with the work critically, sometimes as a major problematic, but more often taking the form of a minor methodological or empirical quibble, before dutifully concluding with a reiteration of why the book is important even if the reviewer has some qualms here or there. This is the general template of a book review, the substance of which readers may expect to fill a particular function. But this conventional form says nothing about the heterogeneity of the content one finds in reviews – while some are tediously formulaic, a few push academic discourse in fruitful directions. The best open important debates, sometimes with lofty rhetoric and theoretical discourse, more often in tones of pugnacious defiance and grievance-airing. But in assuming that a book review is such-andsuch because it conforms to such-and-such convention – as most readers do – is to ignore the diversity inherent to the genre, thereby foreclosing many avenues of productive engagement. Such is the problem with Anne Orford’s assessment of the state of historical-legal research in her recent philippic, International Law and the Politics of History, wherein she tends to conflate the substance of recent historical scholarship with its form. By reducing the field of professional history to a few essential features in the service of fulfilling a polemical function,
一篇优秀的书评应该以简洁的陈述(最好是题词)开头,向读者传达他们即将阅读的书评的大致概念,并对作者介入的辩论进行简洁的总结,最好是在第一段内。然后,这种场景布置应该让位于有条理的论述,给出足够的理由,使研究生可以合理地认为这本书是“读过的”,或者让教授引用作者来支持这个或那个命题。只有在这个总结性的总结之后,评论者才会批判性地对待这本书,有时是作为一个主要的问题,但更多的时候是以一些小的方法论或经验上的诡辨的形式,然后尽职尽责地重申这本书为什么重要,即使评论者在这里或那里有一些疑虑。这是一篇书评的一般模板,读者可能期望其中的内容能够填补一个特定的功能。但是,这种传统的形式并不能说明评论内容的异质性——虽然有些评论是乏味的公式化的,但也有一些将学术论述推向了富有成效的方向。最好的公开重要的辩论,有时用崇高的修辞和理论的话语,更多的是用好斗的蔑视和抱怨的语气。但是,就像大多数读者一样,假设书评是这样那样的,因为它符合这样那样的惯例,这是忽视了这种类型固有的多样性,从而排除了许多富有成效的参与途径。这就是安妮·奥福德(Anne Orford)在她最近出版的著作《国际法与历史政治》(International Law and Politics of History)中对历史法学研究现状的评价所存在的问题。在这本书中,她倾向于将近代历史学术的实质与其形式混为一谈。通过将专业历史领域简化为几个基本特征,以服务于实现辩论功能,
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引用次数: 0
What is wrong with the functionalist approach used by French scholars in studying ‘điển’? 法国学者在研究“điển”时使用的功能主义方法有什么问题?
IF 1.2 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2049677X.2023.2207381
Đoàn Thanh Hải, Đoàn Thị Phương Diệp
Điển was a practice in ancient Vietnamese society that had counterparts across the Sinosphere. In the first part of this article, we study provisions on điển in ancient Vietnamese codes, together with relevant background such as Vietnamese jurisprudence and counterparts of điển. Then, we study điển in contractual practice by deconstructing legal descriptions into social behaviours to understand điển in everyday ancient Vietnamese practice and life. We argue that while ancient Vietnamese legislators did not define what điển was and what điển purported to be or to do, there was a range of uses of điển in reality, deriving from dynamic social needs and creative bargaining practice. In the second part of the article, we study French research on điển, comprising work by French academics and French-educated Vietnamese scholars. We argue that their analyses are problematic because they tried to fit điển into French paradigms despite the divergence of practice and the rich social meanings of điển. In the third part of the article, we argue that the problems with French scholarship can be understood (and thus sympathised with) in light of the need to compare across jurisdictions, with functionalism sometimes being inevitable. We call on functionalism to be reflexive and integrative to better serve comparative legal history.
Điển是古代越南社会的一种做法,在整个汉语圈都有类似的做法。在本文的第一部分,我们研究了越南古代法典中关于điển的规定,并结合了越南法理学和điển对应的相关背景。然后,我们通过将法律描述解构为社会行为来研究合同实践中的điển,以理解古代越南日常实践和生活中的điển。我们认为,虽然古代越南立法者没有定义điển是什么以及điển据称是什么或要做什么,但在现实中,由于动态的社会需求和创造性的讨价还价实践,điển的使用范围很广。在文章的第二部分,我们研究了法国对điển的研究,包括法国学者和在法国受过教育的越南学者的工作。我们认为,他们的分析是有问题的,因为他们试图将điển融入法国的范式,尽管điển的实践存在分歧,而且具有丰富的社会意义。在文章的第三部分,我们认为法国学术的问题可以理解(因此同情),因为需要跨司法管辖区进行比较,功能主义有时是不可避免的。我们呼吁功能主义具有反思性和整体性,以便更好地为比较法律史服务。
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引用次数: 0
A legal history for Australia 澳大利亚的法律史
IF 1.2 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2049677x.2023.2207376
P. Girard
pitilessly with no end in sight, international legal jurists and government officials across the globe are calling for the trial of Russian offenders at the International Criminal Court and the convening of an international tribunal on the crime of aggression. In other words, in the most significant military conflict in Europe since the Second World War, the world is looking once again to the example of Nuremberg for inspiration. Its relevance to humanitarian law in our era could not be clearer. This book is, I think, at its best in its insistence on trimming the sails of our expectations to milder winds. Defeating the impunity of state actors has always been a tall order. It remains a tall order in Ukraine; the prospect of trying Vladimir Putin or members of his government for war crimes or the crime of aggression appears far-fetched. Still, that impunity has been and can still be defeated, as the authors demonstrate, provides realistic grounds for hope. So long as our sail catches the occasional breath of wind, we can move forward toward other latitudes of justice where evil is punished and the righteous prevail.
世界各地的国际法学家和政府官员无情地呼吁在国际刑事法院审判俄罗斯罪犯,并就侵略罪召开一个国际法庭,这种呼吁看不到尽头。换句话说,在欧洲自第二次世界大战以来最重大的军事冲突中,世界正再次从纽伦堡的例子中寻找灵感。它与我们时代人道主义法的相关性再清楚不过了。我认为,这本书的最佳之处在于,它坚持将我们的期望之帆调整到更温和的风中。打击国家行为者不受惩罚一直是一项艰巨的任务。在乌克兰,这仍然是一项艰巨的任务;以战争罪或侵略罪审判弗拉基米尔•普京(Vladimir Putin)或其政府成员的前景似乎遥不可及。尽管如此,正如作者所证明的那样,有罪不罚已经并且仍然可以被打败,这为希望提供了现实的依据。只要我们的帆偶尔能吹起风来,我们就能向正义的彼岸前进,在那里邪恶会受到惩罚,正义会获胜。
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引用次数: 0
Kings as judges: power, justice, and the origins of parliaments 国王作为法官:权力、正义和议会的起源
IF 1.2 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2049677X.2023.2207383
P. Aschenbrenner
Was representative government in Western Europe the natural outcome of weak rulers? Were rulers forced to concede power to constituencies who bargained away revenue (taxes and loans to fund government operations) in return for participation in legislative assemblies? In her study Kings as Judges, Boucoyannis argues that strength at the centre is a better way to explain the growth of representative institutions. She concentrates her evidence on the centre’s capacity to deliver justice (28–36). Boucoyannis argues that the royal ambition to centralize power preceded the claims of ‘urban mercantile classes’ who sought to cash out the motto ‘no taxation without representation’, that is, to claim a role in national governance (8–9). In thirteenth-century England–an interval of ‘admittedly constant battle over consent’ to taxation (98-104)–barons refused the King’s demands for taxation in the 1240s, after having been ‘forced to grant “countless sums of money” to the King’ (99). But ‘no representatives were called’ at that time (99). ‘Conflict at the beginning and end of the thirteenth century was therefore similar: baronial opposition articulated around Magna Carta and, despite temporary set backs, and relentless conflict, an increasing relative advantage of the crown’ (101). Boucoyannis draws support from John Maddicott who has argued that ‘similarity of oppression’ (his phrase) brought ‘lords and knights together to counter the crown and to represent the community’ (100-01). ‘Initial state capacity’ to assert power (104), she argues, can be a significant factor in bringing about ‘polity-wide institutions’ (8-9). Relying on Joseph A Schumpeter’s 1918 essay ‘The Crisis of the Tax State’–which Boucoyannis calls the ‘canonical essay’ on this point (104)–a methodological point also comes into focus, one which
西欧的代议制政府是软弱统治者的自然结果吗?统治者是否被迫向选民让步,让他们放弃收入(用于资助政府运作的税收和贷款),以换取参与立法会议?在她的研究《作为法官的国王》中,布科扬尼斯认为,权力中心的力量是解释代议制机构发展的更好方式。她将证据集中在该中心伸张正义的能力上(28-36页)。Boucoyannis认为,皇室集中权力的野心先于“城市商业阶级”的要求,后者寻求兑现“无代表不征税”的座右铭,即要求在国家治理中发挥作用(8-9)。在13世纪的英格兰——一段“公认的关于同意征税的持续斗争”的时期(98-104)——男爵们在“被迫向国王授予”数不清的金钱之后,在1240年代拒绝了国王的征税要求(99)。但当时“没有代表被召集”(99人)。“因此,13世纪初和末期的冲突是相似的:男爵们围绕《大宪章》的反对,尽管有短暂的挫折和无情的冲突,但王室的相对优势越来越大”(101)。布科扬尼斯得到了约翰·麦迪科特(John Maddicott)的支持,他认为“压迫的相似性”(他的说法)使“贵族和骑士团结起来对抗国王,代表社会”(100-01)。她认为,维护权力的“初始国家能力”(104)可能是实现“全政治机构”的一个重要因素(8-9)。依靠约瑟夫·熊彼特1918年的论文《税收国家的危机》——布科扬尼斯称之为这方面的“权威论文”(104页)——一个方法论的观点也成为焦点
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引用次数: 5
The study of natural law in Coimbra, Seville, and Santiago de Chile (Eighteenth and nineteenth centuries) 科英布拉、塞维利亚和智利圣地亚哥的自然法研究(18和19世纪)
IF 1.2 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/2049677X.2022.2131524
Fernando Pérez Godoy, Carlos Fernando Teixeira Alves, Fernando Liendo Tagle
This article seeks to establish a comparative analysis of the reforms to the study of natural law in Coimbra, Seville, and Santiago de Chile. The main goal is to find differences and similarities in the implementation of legal educational reforms in the Catholic legal culture at the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth century. In this context, we argue that the introduction of the theory of modern natural law in these three areas can be understood as a transatlantic and supra-confessional process of intellectual communication, which is a phenomenon typical of the Catholic Enlightenment. Although we suggest that there was a common bond, we also propose that our cases must be understood in the local and circumstantial contexts in which particular needs prevailed. To historicise the differentiations and similarities, it is necessary to consider the roles of the Catholic legal tradition, the common heritage of the ius commune, the confessional fragmentation of Europe, the effects of the revolution of modern science, modernisation projects, and the Iberian-American revolutions. Comparative research in Seville, Coimbra, and Santiago de Chile makes it possible to explore the transnational history of natural law and the law of nations not only in the field of educational legal reforms but also in their political projections. Thus, we also examine the political-cultural dimension of the confrontation/cooperation of Protestant natural law with the bureaucratic challenges and institutional transformations of the Iberian monarchies at the end of the eighteenth century.
本文旨在对科英布拉、塞维利亚和智利圣地亚哥的自然法研究改革进行比较分析。主要目的是找出18世纪末和19世纪初天主教法律文化在实施法律教育改革方面的异同。在此背景下,我们认为现代自然法理论在这三个领域的引入可以被理解为跨大西洋和超忏悔的知识交流过程,这是天主教启蒙运动的典型现象。虽然我们建议有一种共同的联系,但我们也建议,我们的情况必须在当地和特殊需要占主导地位的环境中加以理解。为了使差异和相似之处历史化,有必要考虑天主教法律传统的作用、共同体的共同遗产、欧洲的忏悔分裂、现代科学革命的影响、现代化项目和伊比利亚美洲革命。在塞维利亚、科英布拉和智利圣地亚哥进行比较研究,不仅可以在教育法律改革领域,而且可以在政治预测领域探索自然法和国家法的跨国历史。因此,我们还研究了18世纪末伊比利亚君主制的官僚挑战和制度变革与新教自然法的对抗/合作的政治文化层面。
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引用次数: 0
What is a colonial treaty? Questioning the visible and the invisible in European and non-European legal negotiations 什么是殖民条约?质疑欧洲和非欧洲法律谈判中的有形和无形
IF 1.2 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/2049677X.2022.2131525
S. Belmessous
This article examines the use of the notion of ‘colonial treaties’ to describe the agreements that European states concluded with non-European polities from the late fifteenth century onwards. Given the absence of such a notion in international law treatises, the article first traces its genealogy before examining how it has influenced the scholarly understanding of legal negotiations between Europeans and non-Europeans. The article reflects, in particular, on the assumption that treaties signed with non-European polities were all ‘unequal treaties’ that revealed both the inequality of the political relations between Europeans and non-Europeans and that of their respective legal systems. Such an approach, it is argued, homogenises and simplifies the history of treaty relations between European and non-European polities. Finally, the article aims to remind us that the notions we use, often uncritically, have a history, and they are accompanied by presuppositions that influence the way we think about our subject of study and of which we need to be aware.
本文考察了“殖民条约”概念的使用,以描述15世纪末以来欧洲国家与非欧洲政体签订的协议。鉴于国际法论文中没有这样一个概念,本文首先追溯了它的谱系,然后考察了它是如何影响学术界对欧洲人和非欧洲人之间法律谈判的理解的。这篇文章特别反映了这样一种假设,即与非欧洲国家签订的条约都是“不平等条约”,既揭示了欧洲人和非欧洲人之间政治关系的不平等,也揭示了他们各自法律制度的不平等。有人认为,这种做法将欧洲和非欧洲政体之间的条约关系历史同质化并简化了。最后,这篇文章旨在提醒我们,我们经常不加批判地使用的概念是有历史的,它们伴随着影响我们思考研究主题的方式的预设,我们需要意识到这些预设。
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引用次数: 0
Imperial incarceration: detention without trial in the making of British Colonial Africa 帝国监禁:英属非洲殖民地时期未经审判的监禁
IF 1.2 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/2049677X.2022.2131536
S. Dorsett
deeds and so on), it is only through comparison – with other documents, with other collections, with other dates – that analytical observations about structure and process become possible. To compare exemplars from manuals to examples from the archive is one thing; to engage in large-scale comparison across time and space is another. Yet such comparisons require archival access, linguistic adroitness and analytical acumen. For an individual scholar, these demands are limiting. When presented as a call for collaboration, they become liberating. Negotiating Mughal Law makes the case for expanding collaborative efforts by illustrating the depth, detail and complexity that working with a single family’s collection can add to collective understandings of law’s operations under varied imperial formations. For example, it is only by providing opportunities to see the full picture across regions and contexts that scholars will be able to communicate the multiple meanings of zamīndār to students of South Asian history. Imagine if scholars had access not just to a single family’s collection but to several families’ collections located not just in Mughal India but throughout Persianate Eurasia and the Islamicate Indian Ocean world. How might understandings of preand early modern law change as a result of having access to expanded data sets? How might these document collections change the way we talk about the history of European imperial expansion and its attendant cultural encounters? And how might we challenge the importance and centrality of the colonial archive that dominates these histories by making collections that have been transported, transplanted, uprooted and unmoored available to anyone with an internet connection, rather than relying on the scholarly mobility of a few privileged passport holders who can piece the collections together? These are the questions that Negotiating Mughal Law implores us to ask and invites us to consider as we think about the operation of law not only in terms of nations and empires but globally and comparatively as well.
事迹等等),只有通过与其他文献、其他收藏、其他日期的比较,才能对结构和过程进行分析性观察。将手册中的示例与档案中的示例进行比较是一回事;进行跨越时间和空间的大规模比较是另一回事。然而,这种比较需要档案查阅、语言熟练和分析敏锐。对于单个学者来说,这些要求是有限的。当作为合作的号召出现时,它们就变得解放了。《莫卧儿法律》的谈判为扩大合作提供了理由,因为它说明了与单个家族的藏品合作可以增加对不同帝国形式下法律运作的集体理解的深度、细节和复杂性。例如,只有通过提供跨地区和跨背景的全面了解的机会,学者才能向南亚历史的学生传达zamīndār的多重含义。想象一下,如果学者们不仅可以接触到一个家族的藏品,还可以接触到几个家族的藏品——不仅位于莫卧儿印度,而且位于整个波斯欧亚大陆和伊斯兰印度洋世界。由于可以访问扩展的数据集,对前现代法律和早期现代法律的理解可能会发生什么变化?这些文献收藏如何改变我们谈论欧洲帝国扩张历史及其伴随的文化遭遇的方式?我们如何通过向任何有互联网连接的人提供经过运输、移植、连根拔起和拆除的藏品,而不是依靠少数特权护照持有人的学术流动性,来挑战主导这些历史的殖民档案的重要性和中心性?《莫卧儿法律谈判》恳请我们提出这些问题,并邀请我们在思考法律的运作时考虑这些问题,不仅是从国家和帝国的角度,而且是从全球和相对的角度。
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引用次数: 1
To the uttermost parts of the earth: legal imagination and international power, 1300–1870 到地球的最深处:法律想象与国际力量,1300–1870
IF 1.2 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/2049677X.2022.2131528
Lauren A. Benton
Martti Koskenniemi’s sweeping book on European legal thought is the longawaited complement to his seminal study, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations. That book detailed the rise of international law as a profession in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. This book traces multiple strands of European discourse about the law of nations across the preceding half millennium. Koskenniemi analyses the efforts of European legal writers to define property and sovereignty in relation to the projection of power beyond Europe. As reflected in the title, Koskenniemi insists that this book is not about the history of international law but instead a study of ‘legal imagination’. He defines legal imagination as the work of ‘ambitious men, mostly in Europe’ as they deployed ‘the legal vocabularies available to them’ to describe ‘the expansion of authority beyond their domestic world’ (1). Rather than revealing the origins of later legal doctrine, the goal is to illuminate ‘a form of institutional action that takes place in the context of controversy through the authoritative use of language’ (8). Legal imagination, Koskenniemi goes on to assert, was deeply rooted in specific political and institutional environments. Commentary on law always aimed at persuasion, so we must understand the aims and stakes of ongoing political conflicts if we are to grasp the development of legal discourse. Koskenniemi adapts Levi-Strauss’s term ‘bricolage’ to describe the process by which legal writers drew on materials from ‘the domestic legal system’ and built on their ‘domestic legal training’ when characterizing the juridical order beyond Europe (2, 9). The emphasis on specific formative contexts leads Koskenniemi to organize the book mainly around geographically centred traditions of legal writing. The first section contains chapters about the nature of ius gentium in late-medieval France, Spain and Italian city-states, followed by a chapter on Hugo Grotius. The next three sections focus successively on legal thought in France and its Atlantic empire, Britain and the empire, and the German states. The Conclusion and Epilogue follow. Running through the book is the theme of law’s protection of property. In an original and persuasive discussion of scholasticism in Spain, Koskenniemi shows that concerns with property pervaded the writings of Spanish political
Martti Koskenniemi关于欧洲法律思想的全面著作是对他开创性研究《国家的温和公民》期待已久的补充。这本书详细介绍了国际法作为一种职业在19世纪最后25年的兴起。这本书追溯了欧洲在前半个千年中关于国家法的多条论述。Koskenniemi分析了欧洲法律作家在界定财产和主权与欧洲以外权力投射的关系方面所做的努力。正如标题所反映的那样,Koskenniemi坚持认为,这本书不是关于国际法的历史,而是对“法律想象”的研究。他将法律想象定义为“雄心勃勃的人,主要在欧洲”的工作,因为他们使用“可用的法律词汇”来描述“权力在国内世界之外的扩张”(1)。与其揭示后来法律学说的起源,不如阐明“通过权威的语言使用,在争议背景下发生的一种制度行动形式”(8)。Koskenniemi继续断言,法律想象力深深植根于特定的政治和制度环境。法律评论总是以说服为目的,因此,如果我们要掌握法律话语的发展,就必须了解正在进行的政治冲突的目的和利害关系。Koskenniemi采用了Levi Strauss的术语“拼凑”来描述法律作家在描述欧洲以外的司法秩序时,借鉴“国内法律体系”的材料,并建立在“国内法律培训”的基础上的过程(2,9)。对特定形成语境的强调导致Koskenniemi主要围绕以地理为中心的法律写作传统来组织这本书。第一节包含了关于中世纪晚期法国、西班牙和意大利城邦的龙胆的性质的章节,然后是关于雨果·格老秀斯的章节。接下来的三个部分依次关注法国及其大西洋帝国、英国及其帝国和德意志国家的法律思想。结语和结语如下。贯穿全书的是法律保护财产的主题。在对西班牙经院哲学的一次新颖而有说服力的讨论中,Koskenniemi表明,对财产的担忧弥漫在西班牙政治学的著作中
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引用次数: 6
Negotiating Mughal law: a family of landlords across three Indian empires 谈判莫卧儿法律:一个跨越三个印度帝国的地主家庭
IF 1.2 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/2049677X.2022.2131535
Elizabeth Lhost
(218). Where such terms were preserved, Fletcher finds some interesting examples of enforcement, although he concludes that ‘[t]he main function of the regality court in relation to labour services was advertisement rather than the punishment of non-performing tenants’ (219). Given the tumultuous political history of the period, the fact that ‘the quasi military services of watching, warding, hosting, and hunting’ (221) are among the most notable duties on tenants is perhaps unsurprising. Fletcher’s conclusion, chapter nine, attempts to redeem heritable jurisdictions as being ‘a vibrant local legal culture’ (227) in contrast to their more damning popular image. Attendance at court enabled the social elite to have ‘an active role in a local legal, political, and economic jurisdiction’, while the courts also ‘offered legal protections for all members of rural society’ (227). Interestingly, both the court’s territorial limit and its competence speak to ‘a relaxed or pragmatic attitude to jurisdiction amongst landowners, far removed from the precision we often expect from the legal system’ (229). Potentially this also suggests that ‘the theoretical powers of jurisdiction holders mattered less in practice than the local circumstances which shaped procedures in each jurisdiction’ (230). Fletcher’s book concludes with the abolition of heritable jurisdictions in 1747, after which aspects of the regality court’s jurisdiction was absorbed by other local courts and office holders. Overall, Fletcher has in this book presented the results of a highly detailed study of the court records which adds to our understanding of both legal and social history. He often provides a more nuanced interpretation of jurisdictional questions than has previously been achieved, thereby increasing the subtlety of our understanding through careful case-study. However, as Fletcher himself identifies in several passages in the book, there appear to be important differences between regality courts across Scotland. His book therefore presents a powerful analysis of one regality court, against which the practice of other franchisal courts can be tested.
(218)。在保留了这些条款的情况下,Fletcher发现了一些有趣的强制执行例子,尽管他得出结论,“皇家法院在劳工服务方面的主要职能是广告,而不是惩罚不称职的租户”(219)。考虑到这一时期动荡的政治历史,“监视、看管、招待和狩猎的准军事服务”(221)是租户最显著的职责之一,这也许并不令人惊讶。Fletcher的结论,第九章,试图将可继承的司法管辖区救赎为“一种充满活力的地方法律文化”(227),与之形成鲜明对比的是,它们更受欢迎的形象。出庭使社会精英能够“在当地的法律、政治和经济管辖权中发挥积极作用”,同时法院也“为农村社会的所有成员提供法律保护”(227)。有趣的是,法院的领土限制和权限都表明了“土地所有者对管辖权的放松或务实态度,与我们通常期望的法律体系的准确性相去甚远”(229)。这也可能表明,“在实践中,管辖权持有人的理论权力不如形成每个管辖区程序的当地情况重要”(230)。弗莱彻的书以1747年废除可继承管辖权而告终,之后皇家法院的管辖权被其他地方法院和官员吸收。总的来说,弗莱彻在这本书中介绍了对法庭记录的高度详细的研究结果,这增加了我们对法律和社会历史的理解。他经常对管辖权问题做出比以往更细致的解释,从而通过仔细的案例研究增加了我们理解的微妙性。然而,正如弗莱彻本人在书中的几段话中所指出的那样,苏格兰各地的宫廷之间似乎存在着重要的差异。因此,他的书对一个帝王法庭进行了有力的分析,可以对其他特许法庭的做法进行检验。
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引用次数: 3
Justice and Society in the Highlands of Scotland: Strathspey and the Regality of Grant (c.1690–1758) 苏格兰高地的正义与社会:斯特拉斯佩与格兰特的复辟(约1690–1758)
IF 1.2 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/2049677X.2022.2131533
Adelyn L M Wilson
isprudents. Cino might be particularly useful, given his unusual commentary on the Codex which wove together the canon, civil and customary law. Also, given that the very influential civilians Bartolus and Baldus de Ubaldis both taught in Pisa during the first half of the fourteenth century, some reflection on their views might have provided additional insights. Such attention to the ius commune would have heightened the already considerable comparative dimensions of the study. To be fair, Zanetti Domingues rightly notes that the influence, if any, of Roman law on the ‘penitential model’ is difficult to trace. She contends that the principle of reciprocity likely imitated the Old Testament lex talionis more than any contemporary civilian jurisprudence or practice (150–51). These concluding observations do not detract in the slightest from this reviewer’s appreciation of this excellent work. Legal historians will find this a valuable study. The same holds true for those who examine late medieval theology and society. Zanetti Domingues has provided a nuanced, detailed study of how a late medieval commune understood violence, punishment and spirituality in complex, interdependent ways. By selecting Siena, she has challenged a body of interpretation that has often relied on evidence from Bologna and Florence. No less significant is her argument, noted above, that Siena’s statutes do not reflect the trend towards greater severity in punishment. It would be useful to test this in the statutes from other communes that, like Siena, have not received the close attention given to Florence or Bologna. Future studies of the theory and practice of criminal justice in medieval cities should pay close attention to this work of Zanetti Domingues.
isprudents。Cino可能特别有用,因为他对法典的不同寻常的评论将正典、民法和习惯法交织在一起。此外,考虑到极具影响力的平民巴托洛斯和巴尔杜斯·德·乌巴尔迪都在14世纪上半叶在比萨教书,对他们的观点进行一些反思可能会提供更多的见解。对ius社区的这种关注将提高该研究已经相当可观的比较层面。公平地说,萨内蒂·多明格斯正确地指出,罗马法律对“教养模式”的影响(如果有的话)很难追踪。她认为,互惠原则可能比任何当代民事判例或实践都更像《旧约》中的塔利奥尼斯法(150–51)。这些结论性意见丝毫无损于这位评论家对这部优秀作品的赞赏。法律历史学家会发现这是一项有价值的研究。对于那些研究中世纪晚期神学和社会的人来说也是如此。Zanetti Domingues对中世纪晚期的社区如何以复杂、相互依存的方式理解暴力、惩罚和精神进行了细致的研究。通过选择锡耶纳,她对经常依赖博洛尼亚和佛罗伦萨证据的解释提出了质疑。如上所述,她的论点同样重要,即锡耶纳的法规并没有反映出惩罚更加严厉的趋势。在锡耶纳等没有得到佛罗伦萨或博洛尼亚密切关注的其他社区的法规中检验这一点将是有益的。未来对中世纪城市刑事司法理论和实践的研究应该密切关注萨内蒂·多明格斯的这项工作。
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Comparative Legal History
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