The Serbian history of the monastery Chilandariu starts with two preserved privileges, addressed to the monks Symeon and Sabas, the former Great Župan of Serbia Stefan Nemanja and his son Rusticus. The texts have undergone their historical analysis and are basic for the history of the Serbian influence on Mount Athos. A critical edition of both documents with black-white photos is published in the collection of the Archives de l’Athos. Still missing is a mere diplomatic analysis of the documents, how the Byzantine Emperor and his chancery judged the value and importance of these documents. Indicators are the language register (and rhetorisation) and the script. To elaborate this aspect, the two privileges are examined in comparison of the other documents of the imperial chancery under the dynasty of the Angeloi.
Chilandariu修道院的塞尔维亚历史始于两个保留下来的特权，分别给了僧侣Symeon和Sabas，前塞尔维亚大Župan Stefan Nemanja和他的儿子Rusticus。这些文本经过了历史分析，是塞尔维亚人对阿索斯山影响的基本历史。这两份文件的一份带有黑白照片的重要版本在阿索斯档案馆的收藏中出版。现在还缺少对这些文件的外交分析，拜占庭皇帝和他的大臣们是如何判断这些文件的价值和重要性的。指标是语言域(和修辞)和脚本。为了详细说明这方面的问题，我们将这两项特权与安杰洛王朝时期帝国大法官的其他文件进行比较。
{"title":"Die privilegienurkunden Kaiser Alexios’ III. Angelos fur das Chilandar-Kloster (1198, 1199): Palaographisch-diplomatisches resumee im kontext der urkunden der Angeloi-Kaiser","authors":"C. Gastgeber","doi":"10.2298/ZRVI1855165G","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855165G","url":null,"abstract":"The Serbian history of the monastery Chilandariu starts with two preserved privileges, addressed to the monks Symeon and Sabas, the former Great Župan of Serbia Stefan Nemanja and his son Rusticus. The texts have undergone their historical analysis and are basic for the history of the Serbian influence on Mount Athos. A critical edition of both documents with black-white photos is published in the collection of the Archives de l’Athos. Still missing is a mere diplomatic analysis of the documents, how the Byzantine Emperor and his chancery judged the value and importance of these documents. Indicators are the language register (and rhetorisation) and the script. To elaborate this aspect, the two privileges are examined in comparison of the other documents of the imperial chancery under the dynasty of the Angeloi.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"103 1","pages":"165-178"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74794353","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Older generations of modern critics pronounced negative assessments of both Byzantine and Arabic poetry for lacking originality and creativity. Further, medieval readers of Greek and Arabic presumably could not properly understand the content of this poetry because they were too focused on its vocabulary, grammatical points, and rhetorical tropes. On occasion, modern critics have suggested that medieval Arabic culture possessed no literary criticism and that Byzantine culture in effect possessed no belles lettres. Recent positive re-evaluations in both disciplines either propose to take medieval Greek and Arabic poetic and literary texts in their own terms or analyse them in order to show that they possess characteristics valued by modernity. Arabic poetry has been much more widely studied than its Byzantine counterpart because both medieval and modern Arabic literary critics were interested in it as a repository of Arab cultural heritage. Modern judgements regarding the relation between the poetry of the pre-Christian and the pre-Islamic periods and the poetry produced within the time of monotheistic belief were frequently influenced by modern political realities, and especially calls for increased secularization pronounced both in Europe and the Ottoman empire. Detecting analogies in how medieval Greek and Arabic literary cultures have been assessed by modernity can help identify modern prejudices that obstruct more productive approaches to the medieval literary material. The paper also examines the process whereby older pagan classics were preserved and made to serve the needs in two medieval monotheistic societies, the Byzantine and the Arabic one.
{"title":"Comparing Byzantine and Arabic poetry: Introductory remarks","authors":"M. Mavroudi","doi":"10.2298/ZRVI1855257M","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855257M","url":null,"abstract":"Older generations of modern critics pronounced negative assessments of both Byzantine and Arabic poetry for lacking originality and creativity. Further, medieval readers of Greek and Arabic presumably could not properly understand the content of this poetry because they were too focused on its vocabulary, grammatical points, and rhetorical tropes. On occasion, modern critics have suggested that medieval Arabic culture possessed no literary criticism and that Byzantine culture in effect possessed no belles lettres. Recent positive re-evaluations in both disciplines either propose to take medieval Greek and Arabic poetic and literary texts in their own terms or analyse them in order to show that they possess characteristics valued by modernity. Arabic poetry has been much more widely studied than its Byzantine counterpart because both medieval and modern Arabic literary critics were interested in it as a repository of Arab cultural heritage. Modern judgements regarding the relation between the poetry of the pre-Christian and the pre-Islamic periods and the poetry produced within the time of monotheistic belief were frequently influenced by modern political realities, and especially calls for increased secularization pronounced both in Europe and the Ottoman empire. Detecting analogies in how medieval Greek and Arabic literary cultures have been assessed by modernity can help identify modern prejudices that obstruct more productive approaches to the medieval literary material. The paper also examines the process whereby older pagan classics were preserved and made to serve the needs in two medieval monotheistic societies, the Byzantine and the Arabic one.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"13 1","pages":"257-270"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76645716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
According to written sources, semantra were used to summon the faithful to prayer throughout the history of Byzantium, during more than one millennium. Semantra were first made exclusively of wood, while as of the mid-11th century some monasteries used three types of semantra - a small and big semantron made of wood, and the third, bronze semantron. Up until the Fourth Crusade, lay churches in Constantinople, including Hagia Sophia, as well as cathedral temples in the interior, maintained the ancient tradition of using wooden semantra only. The first reliable example of the use of bells originates from the mid-12th century. At a least hundred years earlier, they were brought to the Empire’s territory by traders from the Apennine peninsula for their places of worship. The erection of a high belfry in front of the Constantinople Great Church at the time of the Latin Empire had the decisive influence on the acceptance of bells after 1261, first in the liturgical practice of the capital, and then in the entire territory of the restored Empire under the Palaiologoi dynasty. The new practice did not uproot the older one - semantra continued to be used. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177032]
{"title":"Semantra and bells in Byzantium","authors":"Bojan Miljkovic","doi":"10.2298/zrvi1855271m","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1855271m","url":null,"abstract":"According to written sources, semantra were used to summon the faithful to prayer throughout the history of Byzantium, during more than one millennium. Semantra were first made exclusively of wood, while as of the mid-11th century some monasteries used three types of semantra - a small and big semantron made of wood, and the third, bronze semantron. Up until the Fourth Crusade, lay churches in Constantinople, including Hagia Sophia, as well as cathedral temples in the interior, maintained the ancient tradition of using wooden semantra only. The first reliable example of the use of bells originates from the mid-12th century. At a least hundred years earlier, they were brought to the Empire’s territory by traders from the Apennine peninsula for their places of worship. The erection of a high belfry in front of the Constantinople Great Church at the time of the Latin Empire had the decisive influence on the acceptance of bells after 1261, first in the liturgical practice of the capital, and then in the entire territory of the restored Empire under the Palaiologoi dynasty. The new practice did not uproot the older one - semantra continued to be used. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177032]","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"17 1","pages":"271-303"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81755893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Leichoudes held the pronoia of the Mangana. In this case that means that he was a pronoetes of an imperial estate, in latin a curator domus divinae. The pronoia thus implies that he held an emphyteutic lease. He held it twice between 1042 and 1050 and then again in 1057–1059, while he was mesazon. He gave back the pronoia to the emperor in 1059 because of an objection raised within the synod. Someone seems to have noticed that the pronoia would be unacceptable with his new role as patriarch. This may be due to canonical restrictions imposed on higher clergy in relation to revenue and sales of property, which would be contrary to the terms of an emphyteutic lease. Therefore, the pronoia of the Mangana was a kouratoreia, the administration of an imperial estate and Leichoudes was a curator domus divinae.
{"title":"Leichoudes’ pronoia of the Mangana","authors":"F. Lauritzen","doi":"10.2298/ZRVI1855081L","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855081L","url":null,"abstract":"Leichoudes held the pronoia of the Mangana. In this case that means that he was a pronoetes of an imperial estate, in latin a curator domus divinae. The pronoia thus implies that he held an emphyteutic lease. He held it twice between 1042 and 1050 and then again in 1057–1059, while he was mesazon. He gave back the pronoia to the emperor in 1059 because of an objection raised within the synod. Someone seems to have noticed that the pronoia would be unacceptable with his new role as patriarch. This may be due to canonical restrictions imposed on higher clergy in relation to revenue and sales of property, which would be contrary to the terms of an emphyteutic lease. Therefore, the pronoia of the Mangana was a kouratoreia, the administration of an imperial estate and Leichoudes was a curator domus divinae.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"25 1","pages":"81-96"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90983748","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite the overall opinion that John V Palaiologos was not a co-ruler while his father, Andronikos III, was alive, this article tends to show that the successor of Andronikos the Younger was bestowed the title of βασιλeύς shortly after his birth. This would, in fact, be a rather logical act of Andronikos III, who, due to his fragile health, sought to secure the throne for his minor offspring. In addition, it seems that it was a practice of the Palaiologan emperors to proclaim their eldest sons as co-rulers, at a very early age, because of a strong need to ensure the legitimacy to the new ruling family, as well as to prevent the passing of the throne into the hands of the members of the side branch of the family. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177032: Tradicija, inovacija i identitet u vizantijskom svetu]
尽管人们普遍认为，在他的父亲安德洛尼科斯三世在世时，约翰五世不是共同统治者，但这篇文章倾向于表明，小安德洛尼科斯的继承人在出生后不久就被授予了βασιλ eζ的头衔。事实上，这是安德洛尼科斯三世的一个相当合乎逻辑的行为，由于他身体虚弱，他试图为他的未成年后代保住王位。此外，由于迫切需要确保新的统治家族的合法性，以及防止王位转移到家族分支成员手中，在很小的时候就宣布他们的长子为共同统治者，似乎是Palaiologan皇帝的一种做法。[塞尔维亚教育、科学和技术发展部项目，批准号:[177032: Tradicija, invacija i identitet u vizantijskom [j]
{"title":"The co-rulership of John V Palaiologos","authors":"B. Pavlović","doi":"10.2298/zrvi1855233p","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1855233p","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the overall opinion that John V Palaiologos was not a co-ruler while his father, Andronikos III, was alive, this article tends to show that the successor of Andronikos the Younger was bestowed the title of βασιλeύς shortly after his birth. This would, in fact, be a rather logical act of Andronikos III, who, due to his fragile health, sought to secure the throne for his minor offspring. In addition, it seems that it was a practice of the Palaiologan emperors to proclaim their eldest sons as co-rulers, at a very early age, because of a strong need to ensure the legitimacy to the new ruling family, as well as to prevent the passing of the throne into the hands of the members of the side branch of the family. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177032: Tradicija, inovacija i identitet u vizantijskom svetu]","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"47 1","pages":"233-247"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77309091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Slawische musikanten vom ende des westlichen Ozeans","authors":"J. Koder","doi":"10.2298/ZRVI1855019K","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855019K","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"6 1","pages":"19-28"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85895513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The „Testament“ of St. Theodore the Studite as an apology of the Orthodoxy of the Holy fathers from Gaza Barsanuphius the Great and Abba Dorotheos","authors":"Aleksandar Stojanovic","doi":"10.2298/ZRVI1855029S","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855029S","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"1 1","pages":"29-43"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90219336","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Nochmals zum cursus honorum des Konstantinos, des neffen des Patriarchen Michael I. (Kerullarios)","authors":"Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt","doi":"10.2298/zrvi1855065w","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1855065w","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"13 1","pages":"65-80"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74879642","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The settlement of the Mardaites and their military-administrative position in the themata of the West: A chronology","authors":"M. Cvetković","doi":"10.2298/ZRVI1754065C","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1754065C","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"388 1","pages":"65-85"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77690347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Castration as a consequence of the strengthening of the dynastic principle","authors":"Bojana Krsmanović","doi":"10.2298/ZRVI1754041K","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1754041K","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"1999 1","pages":"41-64"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78109486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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