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Pseudo-tragica Prodromea: The shadow of pathos over the glitter of the Byzantine secular literature 伪悲歌前驱:拜占庭世俗文学光辉之上的悲怆阴影
0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/zrvi1956109p
Dušan V. Popović
By analyzing primarily the sources for the 1st through the 3rd books of the verse novel Rhodanthe and Dosicles by Theodore Prodromos the author of the paper attempts to point out an enormous influence exerted by the Euripidean drama on the emergence of motifs, common-places and tropes in this novel, as well as to emphasize, on the one hand, in which mesure these drama-components are consistent with the logical structure of a different literary genre, and on the other, how much they represent a ballast and a purely erudite ornament for the novelist, intended exclusively for the achievement of pathos.
通过分析主要的来源通过第三书第一节小说Rhodanthe和Dosicles西奥多Prodromos论文的作者试图指出的巨大的影响力对Euripidean戏剧主题的出现,常见的比喻在这部小说,以及强调,一方面,在这些drama-components序一致的逻辑结构不同的文学类型,另一方面,它们在多大程度上代表了小说家的压舱物和纯粹博学的点缀,完全是为了达到感伤的目的。
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引用次数: 0
A note on homer the raven 关于乌鸦荷马的笔记
0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/zrvi1956131s
Jovana Šijaković
In the works of Clement of Alexandria pieces of Homeric verses surface from time to time as a testimony to a Christian truth or an interpretation of Scripture. Such instances in Gnostic writings presented evidence that these Gnostic writers treated Homer as their own prophet. It seems that in light of these accusations, Clement takes care to note that Homer did not understand the words he gave a voice to, any more than a raven does when he echoes what he hears. Furthermore, in all cases where Clement comes conspicuously close to implying a prophetic-like status for Homer, he does not fail to employ a phrase which explicitly divorces the poet from any theological authority.
在亚历山大的克莱门特的作品中,荷马史诗的片段不时出现,作为对基督教真理的见证或对圣经的解释。这些诺斯替著作中的例子表明,这些诺斯替作家把荷马当作他们自己的先知。鉴于这些指控,克莱门特似乎注意到荷马不理解他发出的声音,就像乌鸦不理解他听到的声音一样。此外,在所有情况下,克莱门特明显接近暗示一个先知的地位,荷马,他没有没有使用一个短语,明确地将诗人从任何神学权威。
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引用次数: 0
Ενα αινιγματικο χωριο στην oratio funebris in Stylianam filiam του Mιχαηλ Ψελλου
0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/zrvi1956095p
Aleksandros Papadopulos
?his study examines the funeral oration that Michael Psellos dedicated to the memory of his only biological child, his daughter Styliane, who died before the age of marriage when she was nine years old. ?s expected, her death caused him unutterable sorrow and grief, since Styliane was his only child for which he had high hopes for a future marriage corresponding to her bodily, spiritual and mental virtues which are being thoroughly praised throughout the funeral oration. However, at the end of his speech Psellos makes an oblique reference to her using the phrase ?????????? ???????? (blessing of your siblings), raising the question of whether this statement constitutes an allusion to the fact that Styliane had probably other siblings, a brother or a sister. Therefore, the aim of the present article is to stress the absence of a consensus among scholars concerning this puzzling passage and to provide a new proposal aiming at its decipherment.
他的研究考察了迈克尔·普塞洛斯(Michael Psellos)为纪念他唯一的亲生女儿斯蒂利亚娜(Styliane)而发表的葬礼演说,斯蒂利亚娜在9岁时未到结婚年龄就去世了。正如所料,她的死给他带来了难以言喻的悲伤和悲伤,因为斯蒂利亚娜是他唯一的孩子,他对她寄予厚望,希望未来的婚姻能与她的身体、精神和精神上的美德相匹配,这些美德在整个葬礼致辞中都得到了充分的赞扬。然而,在演讲的最后,Psellos用??????????这个短语间接地提到了她? ?(祝福你的兄弟姐妹),这句话是否暗示了斯蒂利亚内可能还有其他兄弟姐妹的事实,一个兄弟或一个姐妹。因此,本文的目的是强调学者们对这一令人困惑的段落缺乏共识,并提供一个旨在解读其的新建议。
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引用次数: 0
Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid-10th century 君士坦丁卟啉genitus, De administrando imperio和10世纪中期的拜占庭史学
0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/zrvi1956039k
P. Komatina
The paper is dedicated to certain aspects of the treatise De administrando imperio, composed at the court of Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus in 948-952. It first examines the diplomatic basis of the information collected in the treatise, then the management of the information available from other sources and some common information found in it and in other contemporary works such as Theophanes Continuatus, Vita Basilii and De thematibus. It closes with a conclusion about the authorship of the treatise and its place in the context of the historiographical activity at the court of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus in the mid-10th century.
这篇论文致力于论述君士坦丁七世(Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus)在948-952年间撰写的论文《帝国论》(De administrando imperio)的某些方面。它首先考察了论文中收集的信息的外交基础,然后是对从其他来源获得的信息的管理,以及在其中和其他当代作品中发现的一些常见信息,如Theophanes Continuatus, Vita Basilii和De thematibus。它以一个关于论文作者的结论和它在10世纪中期君士坦丁七世卟啉genitus法庭的历史编纂活动的背景下的地位结束。
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引用次数: 1
A hypothesis about the origin and administrative status of the Vardariōtai in the Byzantine empire 关于Vardariōtai在拜占庭帝国的起源和管理地位的假设
0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/zrvi1956019c
M. Cvetković
The paper presents the results of research on some segments in the history of the Vardari?tai. Starting from the generally accepted premise of their Hungarian roots, the author attempts to answer the questions of when and how the Vardari?tai made their way to the Byzantine Empire. The text also proposes a hypothesis about the evolution of the administrative status of the Vardariote community in the Empire from the early 10th century (the first reference to them in the sources) to the early 13th century, when the district they inhabited was unambiguously confirmed as an imperial province/theme.
本文介绍了对瓦尔达里泰历史上一些片段的研究结果。作者从他们的匈牙利根源这一普遍接受的前提出发,试图回答瓦尔达里人何时以及如何?他们来到了拜占庭帝国。文本还提出了一个关于瓦尔达里奥特社区在帝国的行政地位演变的假设,从10世纪初(来源中第一次提到他们)到13世纪初,他们居住的地区被明确确认为帝国的一个省/主题。
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引用次数: 0
Symmachia kai philia in the histories of John Cantacuzenos Symmachia kai philia在John Cantacuzenos的历史中
0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/zrvi1956161p
Žarko Petković
The article deals with the phrase symmachia kai philia, as used by John Cantacuzenos (Hist. I 8; II 5; II 25). John Cantacuzenos was familiar with the phrase (denoting forms of treaty or alliance between the states) through classical authors (Polybius, ?specially), but it seems that symmachia kai philia (in that specific word order) was borrowed from the First Book of Maccabbes.
这篇文章讨论了John Cantacuzenos(历史学家)使用的symmachia kai philia这个短语。我8;二5;二25)。约翰·坎塔库泽诺斯通过古典作家(特别是波利比乌斯)熟悉这个短语(表示国家之间的条约或联盟的形式),但似乎symmachia kai philia(以这种特定的语序)是从《马加比书》中借用的。
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引用次数: 0
A woman’s graffito drawing from Hagia Sophia, Constantinople 一位女士在君士坦丁堡圣索菲亚大教堂涂鸦
0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/zrvi1956233s
Christina Savova, Thomas Tomov
This paper sheds light on the graffito-drawing from Hagia Sophia. It mainly discussed the possibility that the graffito presented a Western medieval woman donating a chalice. It is also very probable that the graffito was a work of the 15th century, produced by a anonymous skilled author, who must have been familiar with the woman?s fashion of his time.
这篇论文揭示了圣索菲亚大教堂的涂鸦。它主要讨论了涂鸦描绘的是一位西方中世纪妇女捐赠圣餐杯的可能性。这幅涂鸦也很有可能是15世纪的作品,由一位匿名的熟练作者创作,他一定很熟悉那个女人。这是他那个时代的时尚。
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引用次数: 0
Fu-lin dances in medieval Chinese art - Byzantine or imaginary? 中国中世纪艺术中的福林舞——是拜占庭式的还是虚构的?
0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/zrvi1956069l
A. Liveri
Chinese artists, active from the Tang dynasty to Northern Song dynasty, created famous paintings including Fu-lin musical and dancing scenes; as e. g. Yan Liben, Wu Daozi and Li Gonglin. The most of these works are unfortunately lost; thus, we have information only from written descriptions to reconstruct them. Some researchers identify Fu-lin with the Byzantines; others disagree with this interpretation. Therefore, it is worthwhile to study whether the musical and dance motifs that referred to Fu-lin and were used by the above mentioned Chinese artists and literati can be identified with Byzantine elements and their performers with Byzantines ones.
从唐朝到北宋,活跃的中国艺术家创作了著名的绘画作品,包括福临歌舞场景;如严立本、吴道子、李功林等。不幸的是,这些作品大部分都失传了;因此,我们只能从书面描述中获得信息来重建它们。一些研究者将福临与拜占庭人等同起来;其他人不同意这种解释。因此,上述中国艺术家和文人所使用的与福林有关的音乐和舞蹈母题是否可以与拜占庭元素相识别,其表演者是否可以与拜占庭元素相识别,这是值得研究的。
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引用次数: 1
A propos du cesar Preljub et de sa femme Irene
0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/zrvi1956143o
Brendan Osswald
La vie du cesar Preljub et celle de son epouse Irene sont tres mal connues, alors qu?il s?agit de personnages de premier plan des regnes des empereurs serbes Dusan et Uros, et qu?ils sont les parents de Thomas, futur despote de Ioannina. En particulier, on ignore tout de leur origine familiale et geographique. Pendant longtemps la bibliographie a presente Irene comme la fille du tsar Dusan et de la tsaritsa Helene de Bulgarie, mais cette idee est aujourd?hui abandonnee. Cet article reexamine donc les donnees a disposition et conclut qu?Irene etait une proche parente d?Helene et une membre de la famille regnante de Bulgarie. En particulier, sur la base d?un passage de Cantacuzene, il examine de fa?on favorable l?hypothese selon laquelle elle etait la soeur de la tsaritsa Helene.
塞萨尔·普雷jub和他的妻子艾琳的生活鲜为人知,而他s ?是塞尔维亚皇帝杜桑和乌洛斯统治时期的主要人物,还有什么?他们是托马斯的父母,托马斯后来成为约阿尼纳的暴君。特别是,他们的家庭和地理来源尚不清楚。很长一段时间以来,文献中都把艾琳描绘成保加利亚沙皇杜桑和沙皇海伦娜的女儿,但今天这个想法是什么呢?回族abandonnee。因此,本文回顾了现有的数据,并得出结论艾琳是d的近亲?海伦娜和保加利亚统治家族的一员。特别是,基于?坎塔库泽尼的一段话,他从fa?我们赞成吗?假设她是沙皇海伦娜的妹妹。
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引用次数: 0
The letter to Anna Palaiologina of Gregory Palamas (with the edition of the Serbian Church Slavonic translation from codex 41 of the Monastery of the holy trinity of Pljevlja) 格雷戈里·帕拉马斯给安娜·帕莱奥洛吉娜的信(附塞尔维亚教会斯拉夫语译本,来自普利耶夫利亚圣三位一体修道院的手抄本41)
0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/zrvi1956197k
M. Knežević, Jelena Z. Stojanović
The hesychast controversy was closely entwined with the political circumstances in the Eastern Roman Empire. This especially holds true for the so-called second phase of the controversy, which took place at the times of Civil War (1341-1347). A complex conflict between Gregory Palamas and Gregory Akindynos, in which Empress Anna of Savoy was personally involved, was finally resolved by the condemnation of the latter. At one point, in order to get better acquainted with theological issues that were at stake, the Empress asked for the opinion of the main protagonists of the dispute. Gregory Palamas expressed his views in the form of a short letter, in which he seeks to defend himself from the accusation of ?ditheism? and to show that his distinction between essence and energies in God is actually in accordance with patristic tradition. This paper includes historical, theological and philological analysis of Palamas?s Letter to Anna Palaiologina, with a special reference to the until now unknown Serbian Church Slavonic transcript found in Codex 41 of the Monastery of the Holy Trinity of Pljevlja. This text, accompanied by the Greek original and its translation into Modern Serbian, is given at the end of the paper. A comparative analysis shows that there are certain differences between Serbian Church Slavonic translation and the Greek original, which are probably the consequence of the fact that Serbian medieval translator might have had a slightly different source text than the one we use today.
这一争议与东罗马帝国的政治环境密切相关。在内战时期(1341-1347)发生的所谓第二阶段的争议尤其如此。格里高利·帕拉马斯和格里高利·阿金代诺斯之间的复杂冲突,萨沃伊的安娜皇后亲自参与其中,最终以后者的谴责而得到解决。有一次,为了更好地了解争论的神学问题,皇后询问了争论的主要人物的意见。格雷戈里·帕拉马斯以一封简短的信件的形式表达了他的观点,他在信中试图为自己辩护,免受“二神论”的指控。并表明他对上帝的本质和能量的区分实际上与教父的传统是一致的。本文包括对帕拉玛斯的历史、神学和语言学分析。给Anna Palaiologina的信,其中特别提到了在Pljevlja圣三一修道院的手抄本41中发现的迄今为止未知的塞尔维亚教会斯拉夫文字。这篇文章,伴随着希腊原文及其翻译成现代塞尔维亚语,是在论文的末尾给出的。比较分析表明,塞尔维亚教会斯拉夫语译本与希腊原文之间存在一定的差异,这可能是中世纪塞尔维亚语译者可能与我们今天使用的源文本略有不同的结果。
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Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta
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