The name of the fortress ??????????? is one of the only here witnessed place-names in Prokopius? Buildings. This fact, certainly, leads to a more difficult interpretation of linguistic origin of the toponym and its identification, as well. Consequently, the main part of the article examines the probable etymology of this unique name. Contrary to the prevailing view that it belongs to a large and productive group of Latin place-names with personal Latin name and specific suffixes -iana / janon, our thesis is different. Although unusual for this type of names, we assume that its basis is an appellative, Latin noun commercium which in the Greek language from a later period was taken over as ???(?)?????? and ??????????? with the meaning of ?customs station, customs?. Further, in close relation with the meaning, consideration of localization of Prokopius? fortress is followed.
{"title":"Procopius de aedificiis: κουμαρκίανα, a fortress in Macedonia","authors":"Jasminka Kuzmanovska","doi":"10.2298/zrvi1956007k","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1956007k","url":null,"abstract":"The name of the fortress ??????????? is one of the only here witnessed place-names in Prokopius? Buildings. This fact, certainly, leads to a more difficult interpretation of linguistic origin of the toponym and its identification, as well. Consequently, the main part of the article examines the probable etymology of this unique name. Contrary to the prevailing view that it belongs to a large and productive group of Latin place-names with personal Latin name and specific suffixes -iana / janon, our thesis is different. Although unusual for this type of names, we assume that its basis is an appellative, Latin noun commercium which in the Greek language from a later period was taken over as ???(?)?????? and ??????????? with the meaning of ?customs station, customs?. Further, in close relation with the meaning, consideration of localization of Prokopius? fortress is followed.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91052344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper is dedicated to certain aspects of the treatise De administrando imperio, composed at the court of Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus in 948-952. It first examines the diplomatic basis of the information collected in the treatise, then the management of the information available from other sources and some common information found in it and in other contemporary works such as Theophanes Continuatus, Vita Basilii and De thematibus. It closes with a conclusion about the authorship of the treatise and its place in the context of the historiographical activity at the court of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus in the mid-10th century.
这篇论文致力于论述君士坦丁七世(Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus)在948-952年间撰写的论文《帝国论》(De administrando imperio)的某些方面。它首先考察了论文中收集的信息的外交基础，然后是对从其他来源获得的信息的管理，以及在其中和其他当代作品中发现的一些常见信息，如Theophanes Continuatus, Vita Basilii和De thematibus。它以一个关于论文作者的结论和它在10世纪中期君士坦丁七世卟啉genitus法庭的历史编纂活动的背景下的地位结束。
{"title":"Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid-10th century","authors":"P. Komatina","doi":"10.2298/zrvi1956039k","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1956039k","url":null,"abstract":"The paper is dedicated to certain aspects of the treatise De administrando imperio, composed at the court of Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus in 948-952. It first examines the diplomatic basis of the information collected in the treatise, then the management of the information available from other sources and some common information found in it and in other contemporary works such as Theophanes Continuatus, Vita Basilii and De thematibus. It closes with a conclusion about the authorship of the treatise and its place in the context of the historiographical activity at the court of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus in the mid-10th century.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"350 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77200458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the works of Clement of Alexandria pieces of Homeric verses surface from time to time as a testimony to a Christian truth or an interpretation of Scripture. Such instances in Gnostic writings presented evidence that these Gnostic writers treated Homer as their own prophet. It seems that in light of these accusations, Clement takes care to note that Homer did not understand the words he gave a voice to, any more than a raven does when he echoes what he hears. Furthermore, in all cases where Clement comes conspicuously close to implying a prophetic-like status for Homer, he does not fail to employ a phrase which explicitly divorces the poet from any theological authority.
{"title":"A note on homer the raven","authors":"Jovana Šijaković","doi":"10.2298/zrvi1956131s","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1956131s","url":null,"abstract":"In the works of Clement of Alexandria pieces of Homeric verses surface from time to time as a testimony to a Christian truth or an interpretation of Scripture. Such instances in Gnostic writings presented evidence that these Gnostic writers treated Homer as their own prophet. It seems that in light of these accusations, Clement takes care to note that Homer did not understand the words he gave a voice to, any more than a raven does when he echoes what he hears. Furthermore, in all cases where Clement comes conspicuously close to implying a prophetic-like status for Homer, he does not fail to employ a phrase which explicitly divorces the poet from any theological authority.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79706523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
?his study examines the funeral oration that Michael Psellos dedicated to the memory of his only biological child, his daughter Styliane, who died before the age of marriage when she was nine years old. ?s expected, her death caused him unutterable sorrow and grief, since Styliane was his only child for which he had high hopes for a future marriage corresponding to her bodily, spiritual and mental virtues which are being thoroughly praised throughout the funeral oration. However, at the end of his speech Psellos makes an oblique reference to her using the phrase ?????????? ???????? (blessing of your siblings), raising the question of whether this statement constitutes an allusion to the fact that Styliane had probably other siblings, a brother or a sister. Therefore, the aim of the present article is to stress the absence of a consensus among scholars concerning this puzzling passage and to provide a new proposal aiming at its decipherment.
{"title":"Ενα αινιγματικο χωριο στην oratio funebris in Stylianam filiam του Mιχαηλ Ψελλου","authors":"Aleksandros Papadopulos","doi":"10.2298/zrvi1956095p","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1956095p","url":null,"abstract":"?his study examines the funeral oration that Michael Psellos dedicated to the memory of his only biological child, his daughter Styliane, who died before the age of marriage when she was nine years old. ?s expected, her death caused him unutterable sorrow and grief, since Styliane was his only child for which he had high hopes for a future marriage corresponding to her bodily, spiritual and mental virtues which are being thoroughly praised throughout the funeral oration. However, at the end of his speech Psellos makes an oblique reference to her using the phrase ?????????? ???????? (blessing of your siblings), raising the question of whether this statement constitutes an allusion to the fact that Styliane had probably other siblings, a brother or a sister. Therefore, the aim of the present article is to stress the absence of a consensus among scholars concerning this puzzling passage and to provide a new proposal aiming at its decipherment.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88730632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper presents the results of research on some segments in the history of the Vardari?tai. Starting from the generally accepted premise of their Hungarian roots, the author attempts to answer the questions of when and how the Vardari?tai made their way to the Byzantine Empire. The text also proposes a hypothesis about the evolution of the administrative status of the Vardariote community in the Empire from the early 10th century (the first reference to them in the sources) to the early 13th century, when the district they inhabited was unambiguously confirmed as an imperial province/theme.
{"title":"A hypothesis about the origin and administrative status of the Vardariōtai in the Byzantine empire","authors":"M. Cvetković","doi":"10.2298/zrvi1956019c","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1956019c","url":null,"abstract":"The paper presents the results of research on some segments in the history of the Vardari?tai. Starting from the generally accepted premise of their Hungarian roots, the author attempts to answer the questions of when and how the Vardari?tai made their way to the Byzantine Empire. The text also proposes a hypothesis about the evolution of the administrative status of the Vardariote community in the Empire from the early 10th century (the first reference to them in the sources) to the early 13th century, when the district they inhabited was unambiguously confirmed as an imperial province/theme.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79549620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article deals with the phrase symmachia kai philia, as used by John Cantacuzenos (Hist. I 8; II 5; II 25). John Cantacuzenos was familiar with the phrase (denoting forms of treaty or alliance between the states) through classical authors (Polybius, ?specially), but it seems that symmachia kai philia (in that specific word order) was borrowed from the First Book of Maccabbes.
这篇文章讨论了John Cantacuzenos(历史学家)使用的symmachia kai philia这个短语。我8;二5;二25)。约翰·坎塔库泽诺斯通过古典作家(特别是波利比乌斯)熟悉这个短语(表示国家之间的条约或联盟的形式)，但似乎symmachia kai philia(以这种特定的语序)是从《马加比书》中借用的。
{"title":"Symmachia kai philia in the histories of John Cantacuzenos","authors":"Žarko Petković","doi":"10.2298/zrvi1956161p","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1956161p","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the phrase symmachia kai philia, as used by John Cantacuzenos (Hist. I 8; II 5; II 25). John Cantacuzenos was familiar with the phrase (denoting forms of treaty or alliance between the states) through classical authors (Polybius, ?specially), but it seems that symmachia kai philia (in that specific word order) was borrowed from the First Book of Maccabbes.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"95 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73756010","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper sheds light on the graffito-drawing from Hagia Sophia. It mainly discussed the possibility that the graffito presented a Western medieval woman donating a chalice. It is also very probable that the graffito was a work of the 15th century, produced by a anonymous skilled author, who must have been familiar with the woman?s fashion of his time.
{"title":"A woman’s graffito drawing from Hagia Sophia, Constantinople","authors":"Christina Savova, Thomas Tomov","doi":"10.2298/zrvi1956233s","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1956233s","url":null,"abstract":"This paper sheds light on the graffito-drawing from Hagia Sophia. It mainly discussed the possibility that the graffito presented a Western medieval woman donating a chalice. It is also very probable that the graffito was a work of the 15th century, produced by a anonymous skilled author, who must have been familiar with the woman?s fashion of his time.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"27 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74678626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Chinese artists, active from the Tang dynasty to Northern Song dynasty, created famous paintings including Fu-lin musical and dancing scenes; as e. g. Yan Liben, Wu Daozi and Li Gonglin. The most of these works are unfortunately lost; thus, we have information only from written descriptions to reconstruct them. Some researchers identify Fu-lin with the Byzantines; others disagree with this interpretation. Therefore, it is worthwhile to study whether the musical and dance motifs that referred to Fu-lin and were used by the above mentioned Chinese artists and literati can be identified with Byzantine elements and their performers with Byzantines ones.
{"title":"Fu-lin dances in medieval Chinese art - Byzantine or imaginary?","authors":"A. Liveri","doi":"10.2298/zrvi1956069l","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1956069l","url":null,"abstract":"Chinese artists, active from the Tang dynasty to Northern Song dynasty, created famous paintings including Fu-lin musical and dancing scenes; as e. g. Yan Liben, Wu Daozi and Li Gonglin. The most of these works are unfortunately lost; thus, we have information only from written descriptions to reconstruct them. Some researchers identify Fu-lin with the Byzantines; others disagree with this interpretation. Therefore, it is worthwhile to study whether the musical and dance motifs that referred to Fu-lin and were used by the above mentioned Chinese artists and literati can be identified with Byzantine elements and their performers with Byzantines ones.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85470503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
La vie du cesar Preljub et celle de son epouse Irene sont tres mal connues, alors qu?il s?agit de personnages de premier plan des regnes des empereurs serbes Dusan et Uros, et qu?ils sont les parents de Thomas, futur despote de Ioannina. En particulier, on ignore tout de leur origine familiale et geographique. Pendant longtemps la bibliographie a presente Irene comme la fille du tsar Dusan et de la tsaritsa Helene de Bulgarie, mais cette idee est aujourd?hui abandonnee. Cet article reexamine donc les donnees a disposition et conclut qu?Irene etait une proche parente d?Helene et une membre de la famille regnante de Bulgarie. En particulier, sur la base d?un passage de Cantacuzene, il examine de fa?on favorable l?hypothese selon laquelle elle etait la soeur de la tsaritsa Helene.
{"title":"A propos du cesar Preljub et de sa femme Irene","authors":"Brendan Osswald","doi":"10.2298/zrvi1956143o","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1956143o","url":null,"abstract":"La vie du cesar Preljub et celle de son epouse Irene sont tres mal connues, alors qu?il s?agit de personnages de premier plan des regnes des empereurs serbes Dusan et Uros, et qu?ils sont les parents de Thomas, futur despote de Ioannina. En particulier, on ignore tout de leur origine familiale et geographique. Pendant longtemps la bibliographie a presente Irene comme la fille du tsar Dusan et de la tsaritsa Helene de Bulgarie, mais cette idee est aujourd?hui abandonnee. Cet article reexamine donc les donnees a disposition et conclut qu?Irene etait une proche parente d?Helene et une membre de la famille regnante de Bulgarie. En particulier, sur la base d?un passage de Cantacuzene, il examine de fa?on favorable l?hypothese selon laquelle elle etait la soeur de la tsaritsa Helene.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86541999","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The hesychast controversy was closely entwined with the political circumstances in the Eastern Roman Empire. This especially holds true for the so-called second phase of the controversy, which took place at the times of Civil War (1341-1347). A complex conflict between Gregory Palamas and Gregory Akindynos, in which Empress Anna of Savoy was personally involved, was finally resolved by the condemnation of the latter. At one point, in order to get better acquainted with theological issues that were at stake, the Empress asked for the opinion of the main protagonists of the dispute. Gregory Palamas expressed his views in the form of a short letter, in which he seeks to defend himself from the accusation of ?ditheism? and to show that his distinction between essence and energies in God is actually in accordance with patristic tradition. This paper includes historical, theological and philological analysis of Palamas?s Letter to Anna Palaiologina, with a special reference to the until now unknown Serbian Church Slavonic transcript found in Codex 41 of the Monastery of the Holy Trinity of Pljevlja. This text, accompanied by the Greek original and its translation into Modern Serbian, is given at the end of the paper. A comparative analysis shows that there are certain differences between Serbian Church Slavonic translation and the Greek original, which are probably the consequence of the fact that Serbian medieval translator might have had a slightly different source text than the one we use today.
{"title":"The letter to Anna Palaiologina of Gregory Palamas (with the edition of the Serbian Church Slavonic translation from codex 41 of the Monastery of the holy trinity of Pljevlja)","authors":"M. Knežević, Jelena Z. Stojanović","doi":"10.2298/zrvi1956197k","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1956197k","url":null,"abstract":"The hesychast controversy was closely entwined with the political circumstances in the Eastern Roman Empire. This especially holds true for the so-called second phase of the controversy, which took place at the times of Civil War (1341-1347). A complex conflict between Gregory Palamas and Gregory Akindynos, in which Empress Anna of Savoy was personally involved, was finally resolved by the condemnation of the latter. At one point, in order to get better acquainted with theological issues that were at stake, the Empress asked for the opinion of the main protagonists of the dispute. Gregory Palamas expressed his views in the form of a short letter, in which he seeks to defend himself from the accusation of ?ditheism? and to show that his distinction between essence and energies in God is actually in accordance with patristic tradition. This paper includes historical, theological and philological analysis of Palamas?s Letter to Anna Palaiologina, with a special reference to the until now unknown Serbian Church Slavonic transcript found in Codex 41 of the Monastery of the Holy Trinity of Pljevlja. This text, accompanied by the Greek original and its translation into Modern Serbian, is given at the end of the paper. A comparative analysis shows that there are certain differences between Serbian Church Slavonic translation and the Greek original, which are probably the consequence of the fact that Serbian medieval translator might have had a slightly different source text than the one we use today.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90865265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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