The paper deals with the figures of warrior saints in the nave of the Church of St. Panteleimon in Nerezi. Within this group of saints, in addition to the most famous, easily recognizable ones, there are also those warriors on the identity of which scholars have expressed different opinions. Based on the iconographic analysis, the depictions of the saints in question are identified in the article. The figures of some military saints in Nerezi are also analyzed in the broader context of their representation in the art of the Byzantine cultural sphere. In addition to the above, attention is paid to the specific way of grouping the Nerezi warriors, as well as to two different iconographic models of depicting its members.
{"title":"Warrior saints at Nerezi - the selection of figures and other remarks on their iconography","authors":"Miloš Živković","doi":"10.2298/zrvi2259211z","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2259211z","url":null,"abstract":"The paper deals with the figures of warrior saints in the nave of the Church of St. Panteleimon in Nerezi. Within this group of saints, in addition to the most famous, easily recognizable ones, there are also those warriors on the identity of which scholars have expressed different opinions. Based on the iconographic analysis, the depictions of the saints in question are identified in the article. The figures of some military saints in Nerezi are also analyzed in the broader context of their representation in the art of the Byzantine cultural sphere. In addition to the above, attention is paid to the specific way of grouping the Nerezi warriors, as well as to two different iconographic models of depicting its members.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"33 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79739065","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper discusses some epigraphic features of the inscription on the baptismal font of the priest John from the time of Prince Viseslav from the end of the 8th and the beginning of the 9th century and points out the similarities and parallels between it and the inscription of Bishop John of Kotor on the architrave in the Kotor Cathedral of St. Tryphon from 805. Based on them, it is assumed that the baptismal font could also be attributed to the famous ?Kotor stonecarvers? workshop from the time of Bishop John?.
{"title":"On the inscription on the baptismal font from the time of Prince Viseslav: Some epigraphic remarks","authors":"P. Komatina","doi":"10.2298/zrvi2259007k","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2259007k","url":null,"abstract":"The paper discusses some epigraphic features of the inscription on the baptismal font of the priest John from the time of Prince Viseslav from the end of the 8th and the beginning of the 9th century and points out the similarities and parallels between it and the inscription of Bishop John of Kotor on the architrave in the Kotor Cathedral of St. Tryphon from 805. Based on them, it is assumed that the baptismal font could also be attributed to the famous ?Kotor stonecarvers? workshop from the time of Bishop John?.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"100 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75689326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the Barber collection of Fine Arts (University of Birmingham) a seal issued by Konstantinos Philosophos, krites and strategos of the Islands dated to the 1070s or 1080s has been preserved. With this seal as a starting point, I examine the historical circumstances of the appointment of Konstantinos Philosophos in the Islands and particularly the devaluation of the dignities and the fusion of the civil with the military administration. Furthermore, the members of the rather obscure family of Philosophoi from the 11th to the 13th centuries are identified. Finally, the administrative area where Konstantinos Philosophos exercised his duties is located territorially in the Southern Aegean, with Kos as its capital, and its administrative structure is analyzed. This contribution closes with a short prosopography of the officials who served in the region between the late 10th and the late 13th centuries.
{"title":"An unpublished seal of Konstantinos Philosophos, his family, and the thema of the islands","authors":"Christos Malatras","doi":"10.2298/zrvi2259027m","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2259027m","url":null,"abstract":"In the Barber collection of Fine Arts (University of Birmingham) a seal issued by Konstantinos Philosophos, krites and strategos of the Islands dated to the 1070s or 1080s has been preserved. With this seal as a starting point, I examine the historical circumstances of the appointment of Konstantinos Philosophos in the Islands and particularly the devaluation of the dignities and the fusion of the civil with the military administration. Furthermore, the members of the rather obscure family of Philosophoi from the 11th to the 13th centuries are identified. Finally, the administrative area where Konstantinos Philosophos exercised his duties is located territorially in the Southern Aegean, with Kos as its capital, and its administrative structure is analyzed. This contribution closes with a short prosopography of the officials who served in the region between the late 10th and the late 13th centuries.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88935380","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The synod of Constantinople of 1351 discussed six questions and answers concerning the Palamite doctrine of energies. Nikephoros Gregoras was condemned at the gathering and subsequently defended his position in his History of the Romans, where he indicated that the Neoplatonist Plotinus held the same views on the relation between the divine and its activities. This would imply that Plotinus? ideas were also condemned at the synod of 1351. On the other side of the debate, the Neoplatonist Proclus had anticipated the same arguments as Gregory Palamas in his commentary on Plato?s Parmenides. Indeed, the Palamite debate employed argumentative strategies which had distinguished Plotinus from Proclus and therefore revealed the brilliant dynamism of Byzantine Platonism in the fourteenth century.
{"title":"Plotinus the antipalamite","authors":"F. Lauritzen","doi":"10.2298/zrvi2259133l","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2259133l","url":null,"abstract":"The synod of Constantinople of 1351 discussed six questions and answers concerning the Palamite doctrine of energies. Nikephoros Gregoras was condemned at the gathering and subsequently defended his position in his History of the Romans, where he indicated that the Neoplatonist Plotinus held the same views on the relation between the divine and its activities. This would imply that Plotinus? ideas were also condemned at the synod of 1351. On the other side of the debate, the Neoplatonist Proclus had anticipated the same arguments as Gregory Palamas in his commentary on Plato?s Parmenides. Indeed, the Palamite debate employed argumentative strategies which had distinguished Plotinus from Proclus and therefore revealed the brilliant dynamism of Byzantine Platonism in the fourteenth century.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86990911","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Francesco Filelfo (Tolentino 1398 ? Florence 1481) was one of the humanists to gain a thorough knowledge of Greek in Constantinople, where he lived in the 1420s. The young learned man was integrated into the Byzantine establishment. In particular, the heir and joint emperor John VIII Palaiologos appointed him as his personal secretary. On behalf of John, Filelfo attended the international congress in Buda in 1423; he met personally with the Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund, Despot of Serbia Stefan Lazarevic and other European leaders. He also went to Kovin on his return to Constantinople. In his Letters to Roman popes, kings and princes, the Italian humanist proposed to serve as an alter Nestor, a man who would give better advice on the war against the Turks. He is particularly interested in Serbian history. In this respect, he mentions the most important events relating to the Serbian resistance against the Ottoman Empire, such as the sacrifice of Lazar in the Battle of Kosovo polje (1389), the legendary defense of Belgrade in 1456, and the fall of the fortress of Smederevo in 1459. Filelfo?s Letters represent an extraordinary testimony on Western Balkan history.
Francesco Filelfo (Tolentino 1398 ?佛罗伦斯(1481)是14世纪20年代在君士坦丁堡(他住在那里)获得全面希腊语知识的人文主义者之一。这位年轻的学者融入了拜占庭的权势集团。特别是，继承人兼共同皇帝约翰八世任命他为私人秘书。1423年，菲勒福代表约翰参加了在布达举行的国际会议;他亲自会见了神圣罗马帝国皇帝西吉斯蒙德、塞尔维亚暴君拉扎雷维奇和其他欧洲领导人。他在返回君士坦丁堡时也去拜访了柯文。在他写给罗马教皇、国王和王子的信中，这位意大利人文主义者提议充当另一个内斯特，一个能在对抗土耳其人的战争中给出更好建议的人。他对塞尔维亚历史特别感兴趣。在这方面，他提到了与塞尔维亚抵抗奥斯曼帝国有关的最重要的事件，比如拉扎尔在科索沃波利亚战役(1389)中的牺牲，1456年贝尔格莱德的传奇防御，以及1459年斯梅代雷沃堡垒的陷落。Filelfo吗?这些信件是对西巴尔干历史的非凡见证。
{"title":"The serbs and the war against the Turks in the letters of Francesco Filelfo","authors":"S. Costanza","doi":"10.2298/zrvi2259185c","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2259185c","url":null,"abstract":"Francesco Filelfo (Tolentino 1398 ? Florence 1481) was one of the humanists to gain a thorough knowledge of Greek in Constantinople, where he lived in the 1420s. The young learned man was integrated into the Byzantine establishment. In particular, the heir and joint emperor John VIII Palaiologos appointed him as his personal secretary. On behalf of John, Filelfo attended the international congress in Buda in 1423; he met personally with the Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund, Despot of Serbia Stefan Lazarevic and other European leaders. He also went to Kovin on his return to Constantinople. In his Letters to Roman popes, kings and princes, the Italian humanist proposed to serve as an alter Nestor, a man who would give better advice on the war against the Turks. He is particularly interested in Serbian history. In this respect, he mentions the most important events relating to the Serbian resistance against the Ottoman Empire, such as the sacrifice of Lazar in the Battle of Kosovo polje (1389), the legendary defense of Belgrade in 1456, and the fall of the fortress of Smederevo in 1459. Filelfo?s Letters represent an extraordinary testimony on Western Balkan history.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"86 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81286360","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper aims to elucidate the place and role, i.e., the real power of functionaries of lower-ranking units in the Byzantine theme system. Their status in the Byzantine bureaucratic and aristocratic society was essentially determined by honorary dignities and by their place in the commanding staff, which was accompanied by precisely defined powers in the army and administration. Military powers or, more specifically, access to military resources, were one of the main factors in the process of acquiring influence. However, the real power of a functionary in society often transcended that framework. In addition to the factors listed above, it also rested on personal wealth and familial or other ties with the most influential circles in society. The real power they wielded was reflected in their participation in the most important political developments in the Empire, which will be discussed in more detail in the text.
{"title":"The role of dignitaries of lower-rank thematic units in Byzantine society","authors":"Milos Cvetkovic","doi":"10.2298/zrvi2259055c","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2259055c","url":null,"abstract":"The paper aims to elucidate the place and role, i.e., the real power of functionaries of lower-ranking units in the Byzantine theme system. Their status in the Byzantine bureaucratic and aristocratic society was essentially determined by honorary dignities and by their place in the commanding staff, which was accompanied by precisely defined powers in the army and administration. Military powers or, more specifically, access to military resources, were one of the main factors in the process of acquiring influence. However, the real power of a functionary in society often transcended that framework. In addition to the factors listed above, it also rested on personal wealth and familial or other ties with the most influential circles in society. The real power they wielded was reflected in their participation in the most important political developments in the Empire, which will be discussed in more detail in the text.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91348955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper offers an analysis of the office based on different types of sources. The first stage in the shaping of the imperial quaestorate was the creation of the function of quaestor sacri palatii and its subsequent use in the Dominate period. In the legislation issued by Emperor Justinian I, the quaestor became the quaesitor (quaesitor??) and acquired new roles. Later legislators did not distinguish between the quaestor and the quaesitor and hence describe a hybrid institution rooted in both Roman and Justinian?s laws. The legal sources, particularly the surviving documentary and sigillographic material, leave plenty of room for an analysis of the duties performed by the quaestor, most commonly referred to in post- -tenth century sources as the ?????????. In line with this explanation, after an overview of the relevant sources and the existing literature on the subject, the paper describes the first stage in the shaping of this office (I); offers a scholarly exploration of the laws promulgated by Justinian I (II); analyzes the office of the quaestor/quaesitor in the most under-researched periods in the evolution of this function, the Middle and Late Byzantine periods (III and IV); finally, the last chapter (V) brings a list of the known holders of the quaestor/quaesitor office (and dignity) starting from the 7th century, which is included as an appendix.
{"title":"Quaestor (κυαιστωρ) - quaesitor-οσ - κοιαιστωρ","authors":"Tatjana Ilić","doi":"10.2298/zrvi2259089i","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2259089i","url":null,"abstract":"The paper offers an analysis of the office based on different types of sources. The first stage in the shaping of the imperial quaestorate was the creation of the function of quaestor sacri palatii and its subsequent use in the Dominate period. In the legislation issued by Emperor Justinian I, the quaestor became the quaesitor (quaesitor??) and acquired new roles. Later legislators did not distinguish between the quaestor and the quaesitor and hence describe a hybrid institution rooted in both Roman and Justinian?s laws. The legal sources, particularly the surviving documentary and sigillographic material, leave plenty of room for an analysis of the duties performed by the quaestor, most commonly referred to in post- -tenth century sources as the ?????????. In line with this explanation, after an overview of the relevant sources and the existing literature on the subject, the paper describes the first stage in the shaping of this office (I); offers a scholarly exploration of the laws promulgated by Justinian I (II); analyzes the office of the quaestor/quaesitor in the most under-researched periods in the evolution of this function, the Middle and Late Byzantine periods (III and IV); finally, the last chapter (V) brings a list of the known holders of the quaestor/quaesitor office (and dignity) starting from the 7th century, which is included as an appendix.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88576600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Loan is delivery by one party to and receipt by another party of sum of money upon agreement, to repay it without (Roman mutuum) or with (Roman fenus). In Roman law, in the case of money, it could be required to pay interest if there had been a special stipulation to that effect. Rates of interest were limited from time of the XII Tables till Justinian?s legislation. Under the influence of the provisions of the Scriptures the canons of Christian Church councils anathematized taking of interest as an usury, and Procheiron explicitely forbids it. However, taking of interest became a need of economic life, so the Novella LXXXIII of Emperor Leo VI allowed the interest with a rate of 4%, and Basilika repeated the provisions of Justinian?s legislation. Matheas Blastares introduced in his Syntagma two chapters regarding interest, exposing ecclesiastical rules and secular laws. Serbian charters and Law Code of Stefan Dusan do not mention the contract of loan, but Saint Archangels? chrysobull forbids to the monks to let the money at interest.
{"title":"Contract of loan and protection of debtors against usury in Serbian mediaeval law (regarding the influence of Byzantine law)","authors":"Srdjan Sarkic","doi":"10.2298/zrvi2259147s","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2259147s","url":null,"abstract":"Loan is delivery by one party to and receipt by another party of sum of money upon agreement, to repay it without (Roman mutuum) or with (Roman fenus). In Roman law, in the case of money, it could be required to pay interest if there had been a special stipulation to that effect. Rates of interest were limited from time of the XII Tables till Justinian?s legislation. Under the influence of the provisions of the Scriptures the canons of Christian Church councils anathematized taking of interest as an usury, and Procheiron explicitely forbids it. However, taking of interest became a need of economic life, so the Novella LXXXIII of Emperor Leo VI allowed the interest with a rate of 4%, and Basilika repeated the provisions of Justinian?s legislation. Matheas Blastares introduced in his Syntagma two chapters regarding interest, exposing ecclesiastical rules and secular laws. Serbian charters and Law Code of Stefan Dusan do not mention the contract of loan, but Saint Archangels? chrysobull forbids to the monks to let the money at interest.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76294878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The trinitarian dogma is not mentioned in the Biblical text expressis verbis, but there are several passages which were interpreted, especially by the Church Fathers, as hints to the triune God. Most of them are to be found in the Old Testament and were illustrated in Early Christian and Byzantine art. Judging by these monuments, there is a difference between the Byzantine and the Western iconography. Whereas the artists in the West obviously had no qualms about depicting God as three persons, the Byzantines found other solutions to avoid the portrayal of God the Father, while showing that the God of the Old Testament is the Triune God of the Christians.
{"title":"The reception of the old testament passages interpreted according to the trinitarian dogma in Byzantine аrt","authors":"M. Altripp","doi":"10.2298/zrvi2259251a","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2259251a","url":null,"abstract":"The trinitarian dogma is not mentioned in the Biblical text expressis verbis, but there are several passages which were interpreted, especially by the Church Fathers, as hints to the triune God. Most of them are to be found in the Old Testament and were illustrated in Early Christian and Byzantine art. Judging by these monuments, there is a difference between the Byzantine and the Western iconography. Whereas the artists in the West obviously had no qualms about depicting God as three persons, the Byzantines found other solutions to avoid the portrayal of God the Father, while showing that the God of the Old Testament is the Triune God of the Christians.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84768696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The provision of Article 110 of Dushan?s Code, which prohibits judges from taking obrok by force, has not been examined from a comparative legal point of view, although in civilizationally close Russian law, primarily in the Sudebniks from 1497 and 1550 and the Saborno ulozhenie from 1649, there are similar anti-corruption regulations that prohibit judges from taking posul. The evolution of the concept of posul in Russian law, as well as the related tax institutions of obrok and korm, sheds a different light both on the overall development of the tax institution if obrok in Serbian law during the 13th and 14th centuries, as well as on the meaning of Article 110 of Dushan?s Code itself. While previous research on the Serbian obrok gives an extremely static view of this fiscal institution, according to which obrok from Dushan?s Code has the same meaning as obrok from the Bistrica Charter of King Stefan Vladislav, the related regulations of Russian legal sources show that the same tax expressions over time received a completely different legal meaning. This paper starts from the premise that the new meaning of the term ?obrok? from the Article 110 of Dushan?s Code is directly related to the changes in the organization of Dushan?s state, which in its legal nature is close to the Muscovite state of Emperor Ivan IV Vasilyevich.
{"title":"Obrok from article 110 of the Dushan code and posul from legal sources of Russian medieval law","authors":"Z. Čvorović","doi":"10.2298/zrvi2259157c","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2259157c","url":null,"abstract":"The provision of Article 110 of Dushan?s Code, which prohibits judges from taking obrok by force, has not been examined from a comparative legal point of view, although in civilizationally close Russian law, primarily in the Sudebniks from 1497 and 1550 and the Saborno ulozhenie from 1649, there are similar anti-corruption regulations that prohibit judges from taking posul. The evolution of the concept of posul in Russian law, as well as the related tax institutions of obrok and korm, sheds a different light both on the overall development of the tax institution if obrok in Serbian law during the 13th and 14th centuries, as well as on the meaning of Article 110 of Dushan?s Code itself. While previous research on the Serbian obrok gives an extremely static view of this fiscal institution, according to which obrok from Dushan?s Code has the same meaning as obrok from the Bistrica Charter of King Stefan Vladislav, the related regulations of Russian legal sources show that the same tax expressions over time received a completely different legal meaning. This paper starts from the premise that the new meaning of the term ?obrok? from the Article 110 of Dushan?s Code is directly related to the changes in the organization of Dushan?s state, which in its legal nature is close to the Muscovite state of Emperor Ivan IV Vasilyevich.","PeriodicalId":53859,"journal":{"name":"Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta","volume":"73 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80390237","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：