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Die Nichtgläubigen – οἱ ἄπιστοι. Über die Funktion abgrenzender Sprache bei Paulus, written by Tobias Wieczorek Nichtgläubigen——οἱἄπιστοι.在波罗的眼中,托厄斯•维斯•格扎尔克用类似英语的方法
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.30965/25890468-06702009
Gerhard Hotze
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引用次数: 0
Den Mund zum Reden in Gleichnissen öffnen 用比喻开口说话
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.30965/25890468-06702003
Alida C. Euler
The Psalms are an important source for the intertextual grid that underlies the Gospel of Matthew. Particularly, Matthew refers to them in several key passages throughout his gospel (e.g. Ps 91:11f. in Mt 4:6; Ps 110:1 in Mt 22:44; 26:64, Ps 69:22 in Mt 27:34.48; Ps 22 in Mt 27:35.39.43.46). Within the Parable Discourse (Mt 13:1–52) Matthew quotes Ps 78:2 as a ‘fulfillment quotation’ (Mt 13:35). After concluding that most likely the wording of Mt 13:35 does not contain a specification of καταβολή, Matthew’s source for this intertextual reference is determined to be ‘the’ Septuagint, which he changes in the second part of the quotation due to interpretational reasons. Within its closer context this reference to Ps 78:2 serves Matthew to differentiate between the crowds who merely hear what was hidden and the disciples who both hear and understand. For this purpose, Matthew has to refer to Ps 78:2 in an atomistic way. This proves that Matthew is in principle willing to atomisticaly use a psalm, which in turn is important for the discussion of the use of other psalms within the gospel – especially on the extensive use of Ps 22 within the Matthean crucifixion scene.
诗篇是马太福音的互文网格的重要来源。特别是,马太福音中的几个关键段落提到了它们(例如,太4:6中的诗91:11f;太22:44中的诗110:1;太27:34.48中的诗26:64,太69:22;太27:15.39.43.46中的第22)。在寓言话语中(太13:1-52),马太引用了太78:2作为“实现引文”(太13:35)。在得出Mt 13:35的措辞很可能不包含καταβτλ的规范之后ή, 马太对这种互文参考的来源被确定为“Septuagint”,由于解释的原因,他在引文的第二部分对其进行了更改。在更紧密的背景下,对诗78:2的引用有助于马太区分那些只听到隐藏的东西的人群和那些既听到又理解的门徒。为此,马太福音必须以原子论的方式参考诗78:2。这证明马太原则上愿意原子性地使用一首赞美诗,这反过来对讨论福音中其他赞美诗的使用很重要——尤其是在马太受难场景中广泛使用第22章。
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引用次数: 0
And I Acted for the Sake of My Name (Ezekiel 20): A Footnote 我为我的名行事(以西结书20章):脚注
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.30965/25890468-06702008
J. Goldingay
The translation “and I acted for the sake of my name” (not “but I acted for the sake of my name”) is appropriate for Ezek 20:14 and 22 as well as 20:9.
“我为我的名而行”(不是“我为我的名而行”)的翻译适合于以西结书20:14和22以及20:9。
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引用次数: 0
Sexualität und Geschlecht bei Paulus. Die Spannung zwischen „Inklusivität“ und „Exklusivität“ des paulinischen Ethos am Beispiel der Sexual- und Geschlechterrollenethik, written by Johanna Körner 圣保罗的性与性别来自于性和性别性别伦理的保罗律法中的“包容性”和“排他性”之间的矛盾
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.30965/25890468-06702010
H. Weidemann
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引用次数: 0
Colonia und Ekklesia Colonia和Ecklesia
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.30965/25890468-06702005
Angela Standhartinger
While few today argue that Jerusalem and Pauline Christ groups chose ekklesia to distance themselves from Jewish synagogues, scholars still debate the background and meaning of this self-designation. After a concise review of the scholarly debate the article asks what one can learn from Paul’s correspondence with the Christ group in Philippi. While Paul does not address the Philippians as an ekklesia in Phil 1:1–2, he nonetheless calls them ekklesia in Phil 4:15. Yet, the city’s ekklesia of Hellenistic times was a Latin colonia after the battle at Philippi in 42 BCE. In Paul’s time, the city was ruled by a tiny Latin-speaking elite of Italian families. It is argued that by manifold allusions to political practice and language Paul recurs to the democratic traditions of the expropriated and disfranchised Greeks that were moved to the outskirts and vincula of the area.
虽然今天很少有人认为耶路撒冷和波林基督团体选择ekklesia是为了与犹太犹太会堂保持距离,但学者们仍在争论这种自我命名的背景和意义。在简要回顾了学术辩论后,文章询问人们可以从保罗与腓立比基督团体的通信中学到什么。虽然保罗在腓立比书1:1–2中没有把腓立比人称为埃克列西亚人,但他在腓立比书4:15中仍然称他们为埃克列西亚人。然而,在公元前42年的腓力比战役之后,这座城市的希腊化时代的埃克勒西亚是一个拉丁殖民地。在保罗时代,这座城市由一小部分讲拉丁语的意大利家庭精英统治。有人认为,保罗通过对政治实践和语言的多次暗示,再现了被征用和被剥夺选举权的希腊人的民主传统,这些希腊人被迁移到了该地区的郊区和文库拉。
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引用次数: 0
Data on Jeroboam II’s Reign Supplied by the History of Solomon 耶罗波安二世在位的资料,由所罗门史提供
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.30965/25890468-06702001
N. Na’aman
The article examines the potential of episodes related in the biblical history of Solomon to serve as sources for the history of Jeroboam II, King of Israel. It first suggests that the “Acts of Solomon”, the source available to the author of Solomon’s history, was written in Judah in the late eighth century BCE, after the fall of the Northern Kingdom. It then examines five episodes that depict Solomon’s operations: (a) his district list (1 Kgs 4:7–19); (b) the list of six cities that he built (9:15b, 17b–18); (c) the sails he initiated from the Gulf of Eilat to Ophir (9:26–28; 10:11–12, 16–22); (d) his presentation as mediator in the international trade of horses and chariots (1 Kgs 10:28–29); and (e) the concept of the United Monarchy as reflection of Jeroboam II’s kingdom. The article concludes that of these episodes, only the account of Solomon’s sails to Ophir rests on the reality of Jeroboam’s time and memorialized his cooperation with the King of Tyre in the maritime sail to Ophir and the extraction of gold from this remote country.
这篇文章探讨了与所罗门的圣经历史相关的潜在事件,作为以色列国王耶罗波安二世历史的来源。它首先提出了“所罗门行传”,这是所罗门历史作者可获得的资料来源,写于公元前8世纪后期,在北国灭亡之后的犹大。然后,它检查了五个描述所罗门行动的章节:(a)他的地区列表(王上4:7-19);(b)他所建造的六座城(9:15b, 17b-18);(c)他从埃拉特湾启航到俄斐(9:26-28);10:11-12, 16 - 22);(d)他作为国际马匹和战车贸易的调解人(王上10:28-29);(e)联合君主国的概念反映了耶罗波安二世的王国。文章的结论是,在这些情节中,只有所罗门航行到俄斐的叙述是基于耶罗波安时代的现实,并纪念他与推罗王合作航行到俄斐,并从这个遥远的国家开采黄金。
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引用次数: 0
Der vollkommene Mensch. Zur Genese eines frühchristlich-gnostischen Konzepts, written by Marievonne Schöttner 完美的人麦利夫昂首以传统的基督教创立
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.30965/25890468-06702012
Ansgar Wucherpfennig
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引用次数: 0
James among the Classicists, written by Sigurvin Lárus Jónsson 《古典主义者中的詹姆斯》,Sigurvin Lárus Jónsson著
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.30965/25890468-06701010
F. Prosinger
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引用次数: 0
Die Funktion von Lk 17,1–10 im Mittelteil des Evangeliums Lk 17.1—10在福音中点的功能
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.30965/25890468-06701004
U. Busse
In Lk 17:1–10, the evangelist has combined three logia from Q and another of uncertain origin into a new literary unit. At first glance, this composition seems to have no internal connection with the preceding and following narratives. The state of affairs forces us to ask about the editorial intention. Luke takes the three pieces of tradition and forms a parenesis for his current Christian readers. The latter live in an already socially tiered community of all social classes, from poor to rich, young and old, free and slave, male and female, Jews and Non-Jews. Mindful of their own moral frailty, they are to learn to live together harmoniously and to trust in the power of their faith. Especially their leaders from the upper class are supposed to be aware of their status definition thus traced back to Jesus: to be and to remain slaves of God in all their actions. In the literary process, motifs from the entire middle section of the gospel are taken up throughout the text and applied to the new community situation. The so-called “Reisebericht” is altogether no journal, but parenesis.
在路加福音17:1-10中,福音传道者将三段来自Q的逻辑学和另一段来源不明的逻辑学结合成一个新的文学单位。乍一看,这篇文章似乎与前面和后面的叙述没有内在联系。事态的发展迫使我们不得不追问编辑的意图。路加采用了这三个传统,并为他现在的基督徒读者形成了一个插话。后者生活在一个由所有社会阶层组成的社会中,从穷人到富人,年轻人和老年人,自由人和奴隶,男性和女性,犹太人和非犹太人。考虑到自己道德上的弱点,他们要学会和谐地生活在一起,相信自己信仰的力量。尤其是来自上层阶级的领导人,他们应该意识到自己的地位定义,从而追溯到耶稣:在他们的一切行动中都是并一直是上帝的奴隶。在写作过程中,福音书整个中间部分的母题贯穿全文,并应用于新的社会形势。所谓的“Reisebericht”完全不是期刊,而是插话。
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引用次数: 0
The Damascus Document, written by Steven D. Fraade 《大马士革文件》,史蒂文·D·弗拉德著
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.30965/25890468-06701007
Uli Dahmen
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引用次数: 0
期刊
BIBLISCHE ZEITSCHRIFT
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